Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies BOOK SERIES (1) CONGRESS OF INTERNATIONAL EASTERN EUROPEAN STUDIES (CIEES) BOOK SERIES (1) Editors Prof. Dr. Yücel Öztürk Prof. Dr. Nuri Kavak Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies CONGRESS OF INTERNATIONAL EASTERN EUROPEAN STUDIES (CIEES) 2018 BOOK SERIES (1) Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Publish Date 25 December 2018 Editors Prof. Dr. Yücel Öztürk Prof. Dr. Nuri Kavak ISBN 978-605-65052-2-5 www.piees.org Copyright © 2018 Platform of International Eastern European Studies (www.piees.org). All rights reserved. Unless otherwise indicated, all materials on these pages are copyrighted by the Platform of International Eastern European Studies (www.piees.org). All rights reserved. No part of these pages, either text or image may be used for any purpose other than personal use. Therefore, reproduction, modification, storage in a retrieval system or retransmission, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or otherwise, for reasons other than personal use, is strictly prohibited without prior written permission. PREFACE The International Eastern European Studies Platform is an academic research platform established in 2017 by a group of Turkish academicians. The platform is one of the most important consequences of Turkey’s mainly history-oriented Eastern European studies and organizes academic activities such as congresses, workshops, journals, conferences, panels. PIEES organized its first congress on 21 - 23 September 2018 at Taras Sevchenko National University in Kiev. The theme of the congress was devoted to the sources and methodology of Eastern European History, and it hosted approximately 100 speakers. The present work consists of 36 papers selected from the symposium papers. PIEES is happy and proud to have been able to carry out all the works that it had planned to implement after its establishment in 2017. We are proud to present the current work, one of the most important of these works, indeed the fruit of the congress, as a contribution to the world of science. Despite all the care and efforts of our work group, we realise that there may be some deficiencies in the current work. However, these can be minimized in parallel with the increase in experience and personnel capacity. We would like to thank the Turkish Historical Society, Taras Sevchenko National University, Sakarya University and Eskişehir Osman Gazi University for their sponsorships. We are deeply thankful to all the academicians who have applied their efforts to the realization of the present congress and the publication of the congress papers. The PIEES secretariat has the most important share of this product through its voluntary and altruistic work. We are grateful to the referees, who have spent their valuable time in evaluating the papers. PIEES 's core staff is the true owner of all of our academic friends who have contributed to this work. Prof. Dr. Yücel Öztürk – Prof. Dr. Nuri Kavak 1 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Organizing Committee Prof. Dr. Azmi ÖZCAN Turkey, Sakarya University Prof. Dr. Ivan PATRYLAK Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University Of Kyiv Prof. Dr. Mehmet İNBAŞI Turkey, Kayseri Erciyes University Prof. Dr. Mustafa ÖZTÜRK Turkey, Fırat University Prof. Dr. Nuri KAVAK Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Prof. Dr. Orhan KILIÇ Turkey, Fırat University Prof. Dr. Yaroslav KALAKURA Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University Of Kyiv Prof. Dr. Yuriy KOÇUBEY Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Agatangel Crimean Institute of Oriental Studies Prof. Dr. Yücel ÖZTÜRK Turkey, Sakarya University Prof. Dr. Ferhad TURANLY Ukraine, National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hacer Topaktaş ÜSTÜNER Turkey, İstanbul University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Serkan ACAR Turkey, Ege University Assoc. Prof. Dr. V’yaçeslav STANISLAVSKIY Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Ukraine History 2 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Scientific Committee Prof. Dr. Ahmet Kartal Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Prof. Dr. Ahmet Şimşek Turkey, İstanbul University Prof. Dr. Ahtem Celilov Ukraine, Crimean Institute of Business Administration Prof. Dr. Alaattin Yalçınkaya Turkey, Karadeniz Technical University Prof. Dr. Ayşe Kayapınar Turkey, Namık Kemal University Prof. Dr. Azmi Özcan Turkey, Sakarya University Prof. Dr. Besim Özcan Turkey, Erzurum Atatürk University Prof. Dr. Borıs Çerkas Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Ukraine History Prof. Dr. Bayram Ürekli Turkey, Selçuk University Prof. Dr. Daniel Bockowski Poland, Uniwersytet W Bialymstoku Instytut Historii Prof. Dr. Dimitro Vırskiy Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Ukraine History Prof. Dr. Emine Erdoğan Özünlü Turkey, Gazi University Prof. Dr. Enis Şahin Turkey, Sakarya University Prof. Dr. Erhan Afyoncu Turkey, Milli Güvenlik University Prof. Dr. Fahameddin Başar Turkey, Fatih Sultan Mehmet Vakıf University 3 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Prof. Dr. Ferhad Turanly Ukraine, National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy Prof. Dr. Ferruh Ağca Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Prof. Dr. Feridun Emecen Turkey, 29 Mayıs University Prof. Dr. Geza David Prof. Dr. Hab.Jan Tegowski Poland, Uniwersytet W Bialymstoku Instytut Historii Prof. Dr. Hakan Kırımlı Turkey, Bilkent University Prof. Dr. Halina Parafianowicz Poland, University of Bialystok Prof. Dr. Haluk Selvi Turkey, Sakarya University Prof. Dr. Harun Güngör Turkey, Erciyes University Prof. Dr. Haşim Şahin Turkey, Sakarya University Prof. Dr. Hatice Şahin Turkey, Ege University Prof. Dr. Hülya Argunşah Turkey, Erciyes University Prof. Dr. İbrahim Tellioğlu Turkey, Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. İdris Bostan Turkey, İstanbul University Prof. Dr. İlhan Şahin Turkey, İstanbul Aydın University Prof. Dr. İlyas Kamaloğlu Turkey, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University 4 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Irina Ponomaryova Ukraine, Donetskiy National Medical University Prof. Dr. István Vásáry Hungary, Eötvös Loránd University, Turkish Studies Prof.Dr. İsmail Kerimov Ukraine, Crimean Engineering and Pedagogical University Prof. Dr. Ivan Patrylak Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University Of Kyiv Prof. Dr. Ivanics Mária Hungary, Department of Altaic Studies University of Szeged Prof. Dr. Kemal Özcan Turkey, Necmettin Erbakan University Prof. Dr. Machiel Kiel Prof. Dr. Mahir Aydın Turkey, İstanbul University Prof. Dr. Marina Poliyenko Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University Of Kyiv Prof. Dr. Medine Sivri Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Prof. Dr. Mehmet Alpargu Turkey, Sakarya University Prof. Dr. Mesut Erşan Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Prof. Dr. Mehmet İnbaşı Turkey, Erciyes University Prof. Dr. Mehmet Öz Turkey, Hacettepe University Prof. Dr. Mıron Kapral Ukraine, M.Hrushevsky Institute of Ukrainian Archeography and Source Studies, National Academy of Sciences Prof. Dr. Mualla Uydu Yücel Turkey, İstanbul University 5 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Prof. Dr. Mustafa Argunşah Turkey, Erciyes University Prof. Dr. Mustafa Eravcı Turkey, Yıldırım Beyazıd University Prof. Dr. Mustafa Öztürk Turkey, Fırat University Prof. Dr. Necmettin Aygün Turkey, Aksaray University Prof. Dr. Nevzat Özkan Turkey, Erciyes University Prof. Dr. Nuri Kavak Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Prof. Dr. Oleh Bubenok Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Agatangel Crimean Institute of Oriental Studies Prof. Dr. Olena Baçinska Ukraine, Odessa I.I. Mechnikov National University Prof. Dr. Orhan Kılıç Turkey, Fırat University Prof. Dr. Osman Karatay Turkey, Ege University Prof. Dr. Osman Köse Turkey, Police Academy Prof. Dr. Özer Ergenç Turkey, Bilkent University Prof. Dr. Pál Fodor Hungary, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Research Centre for the Humanities, Institute of History Prof. Dr. Peter Golden Prof. Dr. Rossitsa Gradeva Bulgaria, Sofia University Prof. Dr. Richard Butterwick-Pawlikowski Poland, Tadeusz Manteuffel Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw 6 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Serhii Lepyavko Ukraine, Nizhyn Mykola Gogol State University Prof. Dr. Serhii Svitlenko Ukraine, Oles Honchar Dnipro National University Prof. Dr. Şengül Hablemitoğlu Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, , European University of Lefke Prof. Dr. Ümit Ekin Turkey, Sakarya University Prof. Dr. Taras Çuhlib Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Ukraine History Prof. Dr. Tasin Gemil Romania, Cluj Babeş Bolyai University Prof. Dr. Turan Gökçe Turkey, İzmir Katip Çelebi University Prof. Dr. Vahdettin Engin Turkey, Marmara University Prof. Dr. Valentine I. Kefeli USA, Carnegie Mellon University Pittsburgh Prof. Dr. Vasil Luçık Ukraine, National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy Prof. Dr. Victor Brehunenko Ukraine, M.Hrushevsky Institute of Ukrainian Archeography and Source Studies, National Academy of Sciences Prof. Dr. Viktor Kıryukov Ukraine, Luganskiy Taras Shevchenko National University Of Kyiv Prof. Dr. Vitaliy Şerbak Ukraine, Borys Grinchenko Kyiv University Prof. Dr. Volodymyr Komar Ukraine, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University Prof. Dr. Volodymyr Milchev Ukraine, Zaporizhzya National University Prof. Dr. Yaroslav Harasım Ukraine, Ivan Franko National University of Lviv 7 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Prof. Dr. Yaroslav Kalakura Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University Of Kyiv Prof. Dr. Yuriy Koçubey Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Agatangel Crimean Institute of Oriental Studies Prof. Dr. Yusuf Oğuzoğlu Turkey, Düzce University Prof. Dr. Yücel Öztürk Turkey, Sakarya University Prof. Dr. Zeki Çevik Turkey, Balıkesir University Prof. Dr. Zinaida Svyaschenko Ukraine, Uman State Pedagogical University, Paul Tychiny Prof. Dr. Zübeyde Güneş Yağcı Turkey, Balıkesir University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Adem Koç Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Aleksander Vasilyev Russia, Devlet Sosyal Bilimler University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ali Ertuğrul Turkey, Düzce University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Alper Başer Turkey, Afyon Kocatepe University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Eldar Seydametov Ukraine, Crimean Engineering and Pedagogical University Assoc. Prof. Dr.Ferah Seferova Ukraine, Crimean Engineering and Pedagogical University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Galina Miskiniené Lithuania, Vilnius University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Giray Saynur Derman Turkey, Sakarya University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hacer Topaktaş Üstüner Turkey, İstanbul University 8 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hasan Demiroğlu Turkey, Trakya University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ilnur Mirgaliev Republic of Tatarstan, Center for the Study of the Golden Horde and the Tatar Khanates to them. M. A. Usmanov Institute of History S. Mardzhani of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan Assoc. Prof. Dr. Krzysztof Boroda Poland, Institute of History Department of Medieval History and Auxilliary Sciences Assoc. Prof. Dr. Kutluk Kağan Sümer Turkey, İstanbul University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Kürşat Öncül Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Leniyara Celilova Ukraine, Crimean Engineering and Pedagogical University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Liubovi Cimpoes Turkey, Hitit University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Marek Ferenc Poland, Jagiellonian University Assoc. Prof. Dr. M. Bilal Çelik Turkey, Sakarya University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Sarı Turkey, Sakarya University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nataliya Zub Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Agatangel Crimean Institute of Oriental Studies Assoc. Prof. Dr.Oksana Vasılyuk Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Agatangel Crimean Institute of Oriental Studies Assoc. Prof. Dr. Oleh Kupçık Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University Of Kyiv Assoc. Prof. Dr. Olha Mavrina Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Agatangel Crimean Institute of Oriental Studies 9 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Assoc. Prof. Dr. Refat Abduzhemilev Ukraine, ‘State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Education of the Republic of Crimea’ Crimean Engineering and Pedagogical University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Reshide Göztaş Assoc. Prof. Dr. Serkan Acar Turkey, Ege University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Serkan Yazıcı Turkey, Sakarya University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Svitlana Kayuk Ukraine, Dınipro Oles Gonçar Ulusal University Assoc. Prof. Dr. Uğur Demir Turkey, Marmara University Assoc. Prof. Dr. V’yaçeslav Stanislavskıy Ukraine, ‘National Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Ukraine History Assoc. Prof. Dr. Yuriy Averyanov Russia, Russian State University for The Humanities Assoc. Prof. Dr. Yuriy Kaganov Ukraine, Zaporizhzya National University Asst. Prof. Dr. Ali Ahmetbeyoğlu Turkey, İstanbul University Asst. Prof. Dr. Aziz Tekdemir Turkey, Trakya University Asst. Prof. Dr. Bülent Yıldırım Turkey, Trakya University Asst. Prof. Dr. Cengiz Fedekar Turkey, Trakya University Asst. Prof. Dr. Cezmi Karasu Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Asst. Prof. Dr. Dobrovits Mihály Aladár Turkey, Şeyh Edebali University Asst. Prof. Dr. Emine Atmaca Turkey, Akdeniz University 10 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Asst. Prof. Dr. Erşahin Ayhün Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi University Asst. Prof. Dr. Halim Demiryürek Turkey, Bilecik Şeyh Edebali University Asst. Prof. Dr. Michael Polczynski Georgetown University Asst. Prof. Dr. Mikolaj Getka-Kenig Poland, Jagiellonian University Asst. Prof. Dr. Milena Petkova-Encheva Bulgaria, Sofia University Asst. Prof. Dr. Muhammet Şen Turkey, Celal Bayar University Asst. Prof. Dr. Murat Öztürk Turkey, İnönü University Asst. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Işık Turkey, Mustafa Kemal University Asst. Prof. Dr. Muzaffer Ürekli Turkey, Beykent University Asst. Prof. Dr. Nariman Abdulvaapov Ukraine, Crimean Engineering and Pedagogical University Asst. Prof. Dr. Natalia Królikowska Poland, Warsaw University, Institute of History Asst. Prof. Dr. Piotr Nykiel Poland, Jagiellonian University Asst. Prof. Dr. Reşide Göztaş Turkey, Akdeniz University Asst. Prof. Dr. Sait Ocaklı Turkey, Üsküdar University Asst. Prof. Dr. Tahir Kerimov Ukraine, Crimean Engineering and Pedagogical University Asst. Prof. Dr. Yavuz Söylemez Turkey, Kırklareli University 11 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Dr.Emel Kılıç Turkey, Public Authority for Manuscripts in Turkey Dr.Krzysztof Boroda Poland, Institute of History Department of Medieval History and Auxiliary Sciences Dr. Larysa Pritsak Corresponding Member of UVAN, New York – Kyiv Dr. Mariusz Kaczka Italy, European University Institute Florance Dr. Michal Wasiucionek Romania, New Europe College Dr. Olga Radova Dr. Wioletta Pawlikowska-Butterwick Poland, Tadeusz Manteuffel Institute of History of the PolishAcademy of Sciences in Warsaw Dr. Wojciech Sleszynski Poland, Uniwersttet W Bialymstoku TA Alper Sökmen Turkey, Eskişehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi TA Nicole Kançal-Ferrari Turkey, Şehir University Ahmet Türk Turkey, Bilkent University Alicja Borys Poland, Master of History of Arts, Wroclaw University Diana Lavrinovic Lithuania, Vilnius Dmitry V. Vasil’ev Russia, Astrakhan State University Giorgijus Lavrinovicius Kemal Gurulkan State Archives of the Prime Ministry of the Republic of Turkey Maria Czeppe Poland, Polish Academy of Sciences in Krakow 12 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Marian Karagyozov Bulgaria, Bulgarian Academy of sciences Paulina Dominik Germany, Berlin Freie University Secretariat Erim Vatansever Eskişehir Osmangazi University Mehmet Kerim Sakarya University Sema Aktaş Sarı Sakarya University 13 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 14 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE CONTENTS Eastern Europe in the Description of the Famous Ottoman Geographer Katib Çelebi Ahmet ÜSTÜNER .................................................................................................... 21 Role of Hajduks and Cossacks in 16th and 17th Century Hungarian and Ukrainian Society Beata VARGA ......................................................................................................... 35 The Concept of ‘Cold War’ Behçet Kemal YEŞİLBURSA ...................................................................................... 49 The Other Face of the Medallion: Pursuit of Truth from the Samples of Two Archives about Ottoman-Dubrovnik Relations Cihan YEMİŞÇİ ...................................................................................................... 77 The Reflection of Historical Reality in “Przedwiośnie” (Pre-Spring) of Żeromski Emrah GAZNEVİ ..................................................................................................... 93 Evliya Celebi’s Travel Book As A Source Book Of The History Of Eastern Europe Ayşe Gül HÜSEYNİKLİOĞLU ................................................................................. 105 Some Points on Scientific Work, Methodology, Practice and Experiences Entela MUÇO ....................................................................................................... 127 Reflection of the History of the Crimean Ulus in the Crimean-Tatar and Turkish written sources and Historiography Ferhad TURANLY ................................................................................................. 137 How a Polish Diplomat Describes the Ottoman Balkans in 1780’s? Example of Kajetan Chrzanowski Hacer TOPAKTAŞ ÜSTÜNER ................................................................................. 149 Some Discussions About The Existence Of The Eastern European Turks İbrahim TELLİOĞLU ............................................................................................. 163 The Price Of The Dream: Losses Of The Ukrainian Population And The Liberation Movement During 1939–1950 Ivan PATRYLIAK .................................................................................................. 171 Ukrainian-Turkic Frontier Under the Conditions State Borders Formation: New vs Old Models of Everyday Life of the Population (18 – Beginning of the 19 cc.) Svitlana KAIUK ..................................................................................................... 193 15 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The Istanbul Memories of a Future Ecclesiastic– Jan Gnatowski’s ‘Letters from Constantinople’ (1883) Maciej MIELNIK ................................................................................................... 207 Pechenegs In The Historiography Of The Russian Empire Mualla UYDU YÜCEL ........................................................................................... 217 Eastern European Turk Studies And Archaeological Resources Iskites And Kurgan Culture Muhammet Beşir AŞAN .......................................................................................... 235 Geopolitics Of Eastern Europe Mustafa ÖZTÜRK .................................................................................................. 251 An Evaluation Of The Administrative Division Of Eastern Europe In The Ottoman Period On Archive Resources Orhan KILIÇ ........................................................................................................ 261 Some Aspects of the Etymology, Ontology and Genesis of the Methodologies of Historical Cognition Olga BORYSOVA .................................................................................................. 285 Documents of Hetmans as the Source for the Research of the Ethnoconfessional Relations in Ukraine during the second half of the XVII century Vasyl OSTAPENKO .............................................................................................. 296 Vushtrri Town At The Time Of Fatih Sultan Mehmed Rahman ŞAHİN .................................................................................................... 303 Sejm Constitutions as Sources for the History of Ruthenian cities of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth Tetiana HOSHKO ................................................................................................. 327 The Importance of Kadi Records in Depicting Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in Ottoman Empire: Seventeenth Century Istanbul Jewish Community Sample Vesile TANINMIŞ .................................................................................................. 343 Features Of The In Fluence Of Dualistik Religious Representations On The Trends Of SocioCultural Life And The Formation Of a Sacred Type Of State Authority On The Territory Of Eastern Europe Viacheslav MORDVINTSEV, Alisa LUKASHENKO ................................................... 353 16 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Reflection the stage formulation of the Turk ethnos “burjān” in the information of the erudites of Arabian Khalifat of the ІХth – Хth centuries Viktor KRJUKOV ................................................................................................. 369 Cultural Axes And Socio-Political Borders Of Eastern Europe Yücel ÖZTÜRK ..................................................................................................... 381 The Sharia Court Records (Seriye Sicils) Between The Basic Resources Of Eastern European Works Nuri KAVAK ......................................................................................................... 397 How South Eastern Europe Map is Changing by Russian Propaganda and Deedsof European War Correspondents During the 1877-78 Turkish-Russian War? Aytaç YÜRÜKÇÜ .................................................................................................. 413 The Concept Of “Commercial Law” In The Golden Horde State According To Archical Resources Emel KILIÇ .......................................................................................................... 443 The Genesis of the Phenomenon of the Ukrainian Cossacks Larysa PRITSAK ................................................................................................... 477 The Reflection Of The Underground And Political Organization On The Polish Identity in XIXth Century Mehmet Enver ERBİL ............................................................................................. 503 The notions of “state-building” and “state-creation” in historical and law studies, devoted to the Ukrainian revolution (1917-1921): comparative aspect Kapeliushnyi Valeriy PETROVYCH, Chubata Marina VALERIIVNA ............. 529 Views On Scythian Historical Sources Murat ÖZTÜRK .................................................................................................... 539 Sino-European Relations During The Yuan Dynasty Nebil KARADUMAN ....................................................................................................................... 551 The Post-Soviet Methodology Of The Ukrainian Historiography: A Transition From The Formative To The Civilisational Conception Of The Historical Process Yaroslav KALAKURA ..................................................................................................................... 573 Use of Environmental History Approach in Crimean Khanate Studies:The Results of Climate Change in Crimea in the Little Ice Age: Famine, Migration and Slavery Sema AKTAŞ SARI................................................................................................. 587 17 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The Cuvash People In The Light Of Archeological Discoveries Gülnara ERGAN .................................................................................................... 613 Relations between Ukraine and Quadrupole Alliance on the Course of First Peace Agreement of World War I Ender KORKMAZ ............................................................................................................................ 639 18 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 19 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 20 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Eastern Europe in the Description of the Famous Ottoman Geographer Katib Çelebi Ahmet ÜSTÜNER* Introduction Geographical studies in the Ottoman Empire were mostly carried out through works that were written under the influence of Turkish – Islamic geographical tradition until mid-17th century.1 From the middle of the 17th century these studies provided an environment for a different approach with the help of the European influence. As a result of the translational studies led by Katib Çelebi at his period, the translations of the prominent works written in Europe began to be adopted as a new style both in geography and in cartography. 2 Similarly, the Ottoman world of science became more familiar with European geography through the translated works of European origin and gave it a larger place in their following works. In this context, this report focuses on the discourses concerning Eastern Europe within Katib Çelebi’s works, who was a prominent name in Ottoman geography the pioneer of the changes in the Ottoman geographical approaches. Katib Çelebi and His Works (1609-1657) One of the leading intellectuals of the 17th century, during which period many important changes and developments took place, Katib Çelebi stands out as a scientist who gave a significant place to the information and drawings concerning Eastern Europe in his writings. Originally called Hacı Halife Mustafa bin Abdullah, he lived in Istanbul between the years 1609-1657 and wrote numerous works in various fields such as history, politics, geography, mathematics, astronomy, biography and bibliography. He is a scientist who succeeded in acquiring a worldwide reputation with his studies and whose works were published in different languages even during his lifetime. He started working as a scribe in the imperial council (Divan-ı Hümayun) during his early years and carried out this service for the rest of his life * Asst. Prof., Istanbul University, Research Institute of Turkology. Istanbul ahmetustuner@istanbul.edu.tr For details on the Ottoman geography studies see: Mahmut Ak, "Coğrafya (Osmanlılar Dönemi)", DİA, vol. VIII, İstanbul 1993, pp. 62-66; Mahmut Ak, "Osmanlı Coğrafya Çalışmaları", Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi, vol. II, nr. 4, 2004, pp.163-211. Fr. Taeschner, "Osmanlılarda Coğrafya", (trans. Hamid Sadi), Türkiyat Mecmuası, vol. II, 1928, pp. 147-156. 2 Ahmet Üstüner-H. Ahmet Arslantürk, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr Fî Zulmet-i Atlas Minor, Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, Ankara 2017; Ahmet Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr (Metin-Değerlendirme), İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Türkiyat Araştırmaları Yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi, İstanbul 2017. (hereafter Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’nnûr) 1 21 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies with intervals in between. Beginning from his childhood years he received lessons in Quran, Arabic, mathematics and astronomy from the prominent names of his period. He participated in expeditions with the Ottoman army3 at certain periods in his life and even during these expeditions he made the best of his spare time by collecting resources for his works or by writing them down. During the times when he did not participate in the expeditions, he conducted his scientific studies and occasionally tutored in the time left to him by his duty as an army scribe in Divan-ı Hümayun in Istanbul. He died suddenly of heart attack in 1657.4 The works of Katib Çelebi produced with the help of a vast knowledge and a broad perspective which went beyond his times have attracted the attention of the researchers both with their style of writing and their content through the years. It is known that he wrote 25 distinct works in his short life of 48 years. Considering the data from the resources, the possibility that he might have other works that have not been discovered by researchers is quite strong.5 One of his works, Keşfü’z-zünun, led the way for the fields of bibliography and biography and Takvimü’t-tevarih drew attention as a chronological calendar. Similarly, he produced numerous works like Fezleke which contained historical information and Cihannüma which had many editions and incorporated the geographical knowledge of both the Eastern and the Western scientific world with its translations into various languages. Again, his works like Levami’u’n-nur,6 İrşadü’l-hıyara, Tarih-i Frengi Tercümesi, Tarih-i Konstantınıyye and Kayasıra, which are qualified as translation/copyright works according to his own comments and assessments, are thought to have served as a bridge between the two worlds in the introduction of the developments in Europe to Ottoman-Islamic world. 3 The expeditions he participated in are shortly as follows: 1623/24 Tercan in order to quell the uprising of Abaza Mehmed Pasha, Baghdad expedition in 1626 against the Safavids, 1627-28 Erzurum siege against Abaza Pasha, 1630 Hüsrev Pasha’s expeditions to Baghdad and Hamadan, Iran expedition led by Veziriazam Tabanıyassı Mehmed Pasha and lastly, Revan expedition led by Murad IV in 1635. For detailed information see: Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, pp.18-24. 4 For detailed information on his life see: Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, pp.18-24; Gottfried Hagen, Bir Osmanlı Coğrafyacısı İşbaşında Katib Çelebi'nin Cihannümâ'sı ve Düşünce Dünyası, trasn. Hilal Görgün, Küre Yayınları, İstanbul 2015. pp. 23-93. (hereafter Hagen, Osmanlı Coğrfayacısı) 5 For detailed information about his works see; Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, pp.28-40; also Zeynep Aycibin, Katib Çelebi Fezleke: Tahlil-Metin, I-III, Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi. Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Doktora Tezi, İstanbul 2007, pp. 18-105, (hereafter, Aycibin, Fezleke) 6 For author's handwriting copy see: Katib Çelebi, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr Fî Zulmet-i Atlas Minor, Nuruosmaniye Kütüphanesi, Nr. 2998. 22 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE How Does Katib Çelebi Describe Eastern Europe It is possible to encounter a vast knowledge about Eastern Europe in many works of Katib Çelebi. It may be best to assess these accounts from two different aspects because as he himself points out his translation works that begins with Levami’u’n-nur marks a milestone in his gaining a wider reputation in Europe. The way he talks about Eastern Europe in the works prior to his translational works such as 1th Telif Cihannüma and Türkçe Fezleke are mostly based on the Ottoman Empire’s struggle for dominion over this geography. The accounting is shorter and consists mainly of mere historical information. Accordingly, regions that are mentioned in Fezleke such as Yanık, Crimea, Belgrade, Caffa, Azov, Khotyn, Kamyanets Podilskyi, Ochakiv are discussed around the historical events that take place during the Hijri years 1000-1065 (1591, 1592-1654, 1655) under sub-headings “Zikr-i Ahvâl-i Fetih Giray”, Âmeden-i Kâsıd-ı Leh be-Âsitane” and “Tecdîd-i Sulh”7 and the like. Likewise, information concerning OttomanPoland relations and Ukrainian Kazakhs and Hetmans are also topics of discussion in his work.8 Similarly, in his work on the field of navigation, Tuhfetü’l-Kibâr, he discusses Eastern Europe in terms of historical events under the sub-headings such as “Sefer-i Kefe ve Azak”9, İbtidâ-i Zuhûr-ı Kazak der-Karadeniz”,10 “Sefer-i Muhafaza-i Köpri-i Tuna.”11 On the other hand, it is hard to find organized information about Eastern European geography in his translational work Tarih-i Frengi Tercümesi12 and in his works that are based heavily on translated data like İrşâdü’l Hıyârâ. The information included in the aforementioned texts is also in the form of referring to certain regions by virtue of accounting the historical events. It is possible to find unincorporated information about almost all of Eastern Europe in Tarih-i Frengi Tercümesi. It can be seen that within this text, the relaying of the events revolving around people like the Hungarian king Sigismund (r. 1387-1437) or the Poland king Wladyslaw III (r. 1434-1444) and occurrences taking place in relation to the actions of the Ottomans and Timur’s are accompanied by small-scale historical information.13 In other words, it is possible to come across sporadic information and concerning Eastern European geography, 7 Aycibin, Fezleke, p. 539 and p. 321. For example, see: Aycibin, Fezleke, "Tecdîd-i Sulh be-Leh" p. 817 and "Zikr-i İstîlâ-i Tatar ber-Bilâd-ı Leh" p. 1093. 9 Katib Çelebi, Tuhfetü'l-Kibâr fi-Esfâril Bihâr, (prep. İdris Bostan), Ankara 2008, p. 70, (hereafter, Bostan, Tuhfetü’l-Kibâr) 10 Bostan, Tuhfetü'l-Kibâr, p. 120. 11 Bostan, Tuhfetü'l-Kibâr, p. 121. 12 The book is the translation of Johann Carion’s shortly known “Chronicles”. For details see: Katib Çelebi, Târîhi Frengi Tercümesi, (prep. İbrahim Solak), Konya 2010, (hereafter, Solak, Târîh-i Frengi) 13 For instance, see: Solak, Tarih-i Frengi, pp. 151-153. 8 23 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies history and culture, sometimes in passages and sometimes in footnotes. it is seen that in his work İrşâdü’l Hıyârâ, he gives partially geographical and generally historical information about Moldavia-Wallachia and Transylvania.14 The map of Europe (Katib Çelebi, Levâmi’u’n-nûr fi Zulmet-i Atlas Minor, p.17b) Among Katib Çelebi’s works, the ones that stand out in the fields of geography and historical geography are 1th and 2nd Telif Cihannümâ and Levâmi’u’n-nûr fi Zulmet-i Atlas Minor (Lights Glittering in the Darkness of Atlas Minor)15 In the aforementioned texts contain extensive information about the topics such as Eastern European geography, history and culture. In his book 2nd Telif Cihannüma, he refers to places from Eastern Europe during his discussion of European continent such as Poland, Bosnia, Azov, Russia, Hungary, Transylvania, Crimea, Moscow etc. and the names of the Eastern European countries and cities are likewise listed in the index prepared for the arrangement of the book. However, there are For instance, Abdullah Fatih Gemi, Kâtip Çelebi’nin İrşâdü'l Hayârâ ile Ali Ufki Bey’in Turcarum Liturgia Eserlerinin Tahlili ve Metni, Gazi Üniversitesi Sos. Bil. Ens. Tarih. Anabilim Dalı, Yeniçağ Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Ankara 2013, p. 118-119, 128-130. 15 For detailed information on the Cihannümâs and Levâmi‘u’n-nûr see: Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr; Hagen, Osmanlı Coğrafyacısı; Orhan Şaik Gökyay, "Cihannüma", DİA, vol. VII, pp. 541-542. 14 24 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE no distinct headings in the book due to its being incomplete.16 Existing information consists of statements composed of one or two sentences scattered through the text. The Map of Belgrade (Katib Çelebi, 1th Telif Cihannüma, p.94b) It is seen that in I. Telif Cihannüma, which he begins to write before his translation works, Katib Çelebi discusses Eastern Europe geography in the light of the information collected See: Katib Çelebi, Cihannümâ (II. Telif müellif nüshası), Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi, Revan Köşkü Nr. 1624, 32a, 17a-19a. 16 25 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies mostly from Ottoman-Islamic world of science under distinct headings, albeit not extensively. The narration mostly revolves around the regions like Rumelian geography, Transylvania, Belgrade and Budin which were under the Ottoman rule at the time.17 In addition, it is also possible to come across information about Eastern Europe under incomplete headings such as “Memâlik-i Mesko (Moscow country)”18 and “Memâlik-i Kazak (Cossak country).”19 In this respect, it is necessary to note that 1th Telif Cihanümma contains a sketch of a map that demonstrates Belgrade and its surrounding area.20 The Map of Wallachia, Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania (Katib Çelebi, Levâmi’u’n-nûr, p.361a) Among Katib Çelebi’s works, Levâmi’u’n-nûr is the one that contains organized and regionally classified geographical information. As is known, this work is an interpretive translation of the work titled Atlas Minor by the famous Flemish geographer and cartographer Katib Çelebi, Cihannümâ (I. Telif müellif müsveddesi) Viyana Milli Kütüphanesi, Mixt. 389, 258b and 99a105a. (Sonra, Cihannümâ II). 18 Cihannümâ II, 256b. 19 Cihannümâ II, 257b. 20 Cihannümâ II, 94b. 17 26 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Gerardus Mercator.21 All of European geography is described in detail in this work and extensive knowledge is given in particular about the parts of Eastern Europe and the Balkans which correspond to Russia22, Romania and Moldovia23, Ukraine, Crimea, Kherson24, Poland25, Serbia and Bulgaria26, Greece27, Makedonia28, Mora29 today. Similarly, information about Eastern European history and geography can be gleaned from trivia scattered among the sentences in the book, in addition to geographical denotations such as geography of the Ottoman Empire30, Tartaria31 etc. Numerous kinds of information about the aforementioned regions appear in the book from history to geography, literature, art, mythology, culture, religion and daily life. In the parts that fall under distinct headings, the subject is introduced with an etymological assessment of the country’s name as in the cases of Moscow and Russia. It is explained that the city takes its name from a river called “Mosko”. Afterwards, the borders are mentioned and smaller administrative units under the country’s rule are addressed. After listing the cities, lakes, rivers, mountains, fortresses a collection of information about the fauna and the flora of the region is presented. Also, in most cases, extensive information about the belief systems and the church regulations draws one’s attention. 32 For some information about Atlas Minor and Mercator see: Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, pp. 6-18,41-79. “Der-Resm-i Rusiya yâhûd Meskoviya”, Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, pp. 406, 409. 23 “Der-Beyân-ı Kıransilivaniya yâhûd Siyedenburcen”, “Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p.417. 24 “Der-Resm-i Taverika Kersonezuz”, Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 422. 25 “Der-Beyân-ı Poloniya Saltanatı”, Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 813. 26 “Valakiya ve Serviya ve Bulgariya ve Romaniya”, Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 918. 27 “Der-Beyân-ı Gırasiya ya‘nî Yunan”, Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 923. 28 “Der-Beyân-ı Makadoniya”, Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 927. 29 “Der-Resm-i Moreya”, Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 933. 30 “Der-Beyân-ı Tursikum İmperiyum ya‘nî Türk Saltanatı”, Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 972. 31 “Der-Beyân-ı Tursikum İmperiyum ya‘nî Türk Saltanatı”, Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 972. 32 Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 406. 21 22 27 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The map of Poland and Silesia (Katib Çelebi, Levâmi’u’n-nûr, p.304b) Again, it can be seen that a detailed account regarding the administrative structure of Poland is offered: The civil condition of Poland consists of two ranks. In the former rank are the ecclesiastical class including archbishops of Gnesne and Leopoli and also e bishops of Cracovia and Ploczko and Chelma and Vladislavie and Pomesanie and Varmie and Culma and Sanbiensis and Posnanie and Premislie, and Cavenez and Vilne and Mednicque and Luceoriea and the bishops of Rigae, Derptae and Absel and Revaliae in the province of Livonia. In the second rank are the rulers of the commoners; namely, the castellan of the Cracovinae and these palatines. The palatine of Cracovinae and Posnania and Sandomiria and Kalischi and Sıradiae and Lancise and Brezeste and Inawladislaviae and Russia and Podolia and Lublin and Belze and Plocense and Mozovia and Rava and also Vinae in Lithuania…33 Poloniya'nun ahvâli temeddüni iki mertebe ile kâyimdür. Evvelki mertebede ehl-i eklizya ya‘nî Gnesne (Gınesna) ve Leopoli (Leyopoli)'nün arkiya piskoposları ve dahi Cracovia (Kırakoviya) ve Ploczko (Piloksko) ve Chelma (Halma) ve Vladislavie (Uladislaviya) ve Pomesanie (Pomeraniya) ve Varmie (Varmiya) ve Culma (Kulma) ve Sanbiensis (Sanbiyum) ve Posnanie (Posnaniya) ve Premislie, (Piremisliya) ve Cavenez (Kavenez) ve Vilne (Vilna) ve Mednicque (Mednik) ve Luceorie (Luseoriya) episkoposları ve Livonia (Livoniya) vilâyetinde Rigae (Riga) ve Derptae (Derpta) ve Absel (Apsel) ve Revaliae (Redaviya)'nun episkoposları. İkinci mertebede avâm beğleri olur. Yâ‘ni Cracoviae (Kırakoviya)'nun kastellanusı ve bu palatinuslar. Palatini, Cracoviae (Kırakoviya Palatiyusı) ve Posnania (Posnaniya) ve Sandomiria (Sandomiriya) ve Kalischi (Kaliskı) ve Sıradiae (Sıradiya) ve Lancise (Lansiza) ve Brezeste (Birazest) ve Inawladislaviae (İynouvvaladislaviya) ve Russia (Russiya) ve Podolia (Podoliya) ve Lublin (Lublin) ve Belze (Belz) ve Plocense (Pılokens) ve Mozovia (Mozaviya) ve Rava (Rava) ve dahi Lithuania (Litvaniya)'da Vilnae (Vilna)... Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 815. 33 28 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The map of Tartaria (Katib Çelebi, Levâmi’u’n-nûr, p. 397a) Also, historical information, albeit questionable in validity, is given from time to time in disorganized pieces as in the case of the chapter called Kırım ve Kerson Bölgesi (Crimea and the Region of Kherson): In 1375 (hijri) Sultan Mehemmed began to pester the lands in the south and forced these lands to pay tribute to him. The capitol of this country is called Caffa and (they) one by one migrated to and settled into the vast desert between Tartar Boysthenem and Tanais which is called Crimea and four hundred years ago they made the town of Crimea their capitol and began to be known as Crimean Tartars. Afterwards they dug an isthmus at the gates of the Taurice Island and they built a city near the ditch called Praecopenses with the same name by calling it Praecopenses Tartari and made it their capitol. While their ruler made a pact with the Turks and eliminated their brethren with whom they were warring with the aid of the Turks and sieged Caffa, their political advisors, having been corrupted by Turkish bribery, injured him along with his twelve little sons and taught him a lesson in the consequences of getting involved with the Turks. Indeed, after this massacre the Tatar, who were free until then, became slaves to the Ottoman and resigned to forever being a beglerbeg without a ruler of their own like a Turkish province.34 Bin üç yüz yetmiş beş târîhinde Sultân Mehemmed cenûbîsine musallat olup kendüye harâc-güzâr eyledi. Bunun baş şehri Caffa (Kafa)'dur bunun taraf-ı şimâlîsinde Crimaei (Kırımî) dimekle ma‘rûf olan Tartar Boysthenem 34 29 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies There are incomplete maps and sketches of the regions that are mentioned in the book. These drawings are based on the maps from Mercator’s Atlas Minor which preserve their authenticity with Katib Çelebi’s additions and omissions. Accordingly, these are the map and sketches that demonstrate Eastern Europe in the book:35 1- Europe, 17b 2- Russia, 97a (draft) 3- Moscow, 100a (draft) 4- Transylvania, 105a (draft) 5- Crimea and Kherson, 108a (draft) 6- Polonia and Silesia, 304b 7- Wallachia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, 361a 8- The Ottoman Empire, sc. Turkish Reign, 387a 9- Tartaria, 397a Conclusion To sum up, we can say that Katib Çelebi describes the regions that encompass the Eastern Europe in terms of their historical, cultural and geographical characteristic. While in his previous works the Europe remains mostly unknown to him, after his translation he gains a considerable amount of knowledge about the Europe and reflects this in his works. In his works prior to his translations he focuses solely on a historical accounting of this geography because of the developing relations between the Eastern Europe and the Ottoman Empire whereas on his later translation works he widens his area of information. He puts forth works that assess Eastern Europe at large in terms of its history, geography, political and daily life, religious and academic system etc. He discusses a city from its etymological background to its historical development, to its current condition, to its land forms etc. in detail by mapping in most places. Similarly, the maps that are conveyed from Mercator displays the Eastern Europe in an original (Tatar Boristenas) ve Tanais (Tenayis) arasında olan vâsi‘ sahrâda nevbetle konup göçüp otladurlar ve sâkin olur dört yüz yıl bundan mukaddem Kırım Kasabası'nı taht-gâh idinmekle Kırım Tatarı dimekle ma‘rûf oldılar. Ba‘dehû bunlar Tauricae (Taderika) cezîresinün kapusında bir dil kazup Praecopenses (Perekop) dimekle ma‘rûf olan handak yanında ol ismle bir şehr binâ idüp taht- gâh idinmekle Praecopenses Tartari (Perekop Tatarı) dimekle ma‘rûf oldı. bunlarun pâdişâhı Türkler ile ahd ü ittifâk idüp kendi ile muhârebe iden kardaşların Türk mu‘âveneti ile ortadan kaldırup Caffa (Kefe)'yi muhâsara iderken kendi vüzerâsı Türk rüşveti ile ıdlâl olınup on iki küçük oğlı ile yaraladılar ve onunla Türk muhabbetün vebâline delâlet ider bir eyü mesel kodı. Zîrâ bu katl olundukdan sonra ol zemâna dek gâlib ü hür olan Tatar Osmânîler'ün esîri oldılar ve bâkí Türk vilâyeti gibi pâdişahı olmayup ancak bir beğlerbeği olmağı kabûl itdiler… Üstüner, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr, p. 423. 35 For the original maps see: Gerardus Mercator-Jodocus Hondius, Atlas Minor Gerardi Mercatoris à I. Hondio Plurimis æneis Tabulis Auctus Et Illustratus, Arnheim 1621, pp. 7, 135, 139, 147, 151, 471, 551, 607, 627. 30 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE way with Katib Çelebi’s additional drawings and this way it led the way for the works that introduce these regions to the Ottoman world. It seems that the 17th century Ottoman cartography comes a long way with the help of this kind of works. In this respect, the works of Katib Çelebi carries a particular significance with respect to their function in introducing these regions to the Ottoman Empire. BIBLIOGRAPHY AK, Mahmut, "Coğrafya (Osmanlılar Dönemi)", DİA, vol. VIII, İstanbul 1993, pp. 6266. AK, Mahmut, "Osmanlı Coğrafya Çalışmaları", Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi, vol. II, nr. 4, 2004, pp.163-211. AYCİBİN, Zeynep, Katib Çelebi Fezleke: Tahlil-Metin, I-III, Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi. Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Doktora Tezi, İstanbul 2007. GEMİ, Abdullah Fatih, Kâtip Çelebi’nin İrşâdü'l Hayârâ ile Ali Ufki Bey’in Turcarum Liturgia Eserlerinin Tahlili ve Metni, Gazi Üniversitesi Sos. Bil. Ens. Tarih. Anabilim Dalı, Yeniçağ Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Ankara 2013. GÖKYAY, Orhan Şaik, "Cihannüma", DİA, vol. VII, pp. 541-542. HAGEN, Gottfried, Bir Osmanlı Coğrafyacısı İşbaşında Katib Çelebi'nin Cihannümâ'sı ve Düşünce Dünyası, trans. Hilal Görgün, İstanbul 2015. KATİB ÇELEBİ, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr Fî Zulmet-i Atlas Minor, Nuruosmaniye Kütüphanesi Nr. 2998. KATİB ÇELEBİ, Tuhfetü'l-Kibâr fi-Esfâril Bihâr, (prep. İdris Bostan), Ankara 2008. KATİB ÇELEBİ, Târîh-i Frengi Tercümesi, (prep. İbrahim Solak), Konya 2010. KATİB ÇELEBİ, Cihannümâ (II. Telif müellif nüshası), Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi Revan Köşkü, Nr. 1624. KATİB ÇELEBİ, Cihannümâ (I. Telif müellif müsveddesi) Viyana Milli Kütüphanesi, Mixt. 389. MERCATOR, Gerardus - HONDIUS, Jodocus, Atlas Minor Gerardi Mercatoris à I. Hondio Plurimis æneis Tabulis Auctus Et Illustratus, Arnheim 1621. TAESCHNER, Franz, "Osmanlılarda Coğrafya", (trans. Hamid Sadi), Türkiyat Mecmuası, II (1928), pp. 147-156. ÜSTÜNER, Ahmet - ARSLANTÜRK, H. Ahmet, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr Fî Zulmet-i Atlas Minor, TÜBA, 2017. 31 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies ÜSTÜNER, Ahmet, Levâmi‘u’n-nûr (Metin-Değerlendirme), İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Türkiyat Araştırmaları Yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi, İstanbul 32 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 33 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 34 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Role of Hajduks and Cossacks in 16th and 17th Century Hungarian and Ukrainian Society Beata VARGA* Hungarian historians1 repeatedly voiced special concern for the fact that, similarly to the Hajduks, bonnet-laird communities fulfilling military service were formed in the PolishLithuanian state, too, known as the Cossacks, who took up arms against either internal feudal oppression or external enemies, primarily the Turks.2 The Cossacks of Ukraine, as a new social and political factor, had evolved in the second half of the 15th century,3 which period coincides with the emergence of the Hungarian Hajduks.4 Social identification of Cossacks can be considered as a heterogeneous composition, as in addition to runaway villeins5 settled at the southern border of the Polish-Lithuanian state, the so-called “no-man’s-land”, impoverished city-dwellers and outcast gentry were present in their ranks, who recognised the king of Poland as their only lord. Hungarian historiography has still not reached a unanimous consent regarding * Associate Professor- Department of Modern and Mediterranean Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Szeged Perjés Géza, „A hajdúkutatás jelentősége” „A hajdúk a magyar történelemben, Debrecen, Hajdú-Bihar Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei 10. 1966, p. 38; Nagy László, A hajdúvitézek, Budapest, Kossuth Kiadó, Budapest, 1986, p. 22, 42; Nagy, László, Magyar hadsereg és hadművészet a harmincéves háborúban, Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó, 1972, p. 193.; Nyakas, Miklós, A bihari kishajdú városok története, Debrecen, A Hajdú-Bihar Megyei Önkormányzat Hajúd-Bihar Megyei Múzeumok Igazgatósága Kiadványa, 2005, p. 42; Rácz, István, A hajdúk a XVII. században, Debrecen, KLTE, 1969, p. 10.; Dankó, Imre, „A hajdúság eredete” „A hajdúk a magyar történelemben” Debrecen, Hajdú-Bihar Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei 10. Debrecen, 1969, p. 16-21; Varga Beata., „Istorichni paraleli gajdukiv Uhorshini ta kozakiv Ukraini za period XVI-XVII stolitt’” „Chetvertyj Mizhnarodnij Kongres Ukrainistiv” Odesa, Istorija O.-K-L. I. 1999, p. 174-180; Varga Beáta, „A magyarországi hajdúság és az ukrajnai kozákság történeti párhuzamai” „Acta Historica CXX. Szeged, 2005, p. 31-47; Gebei Sándor,” Hajdú kiváltságolás-kozák kiváltságolás” „Frigy és békesség legyen…” – A bécsi és a zsitvatoroki béke” Ed.: Papp Klára –. Jeney-Tóth Annamária, Debrecen, Debreceni Egyetem Történeti Intézet – Hajdú-Bihar-Megyei Önkormányzat, 2006. p. 153-180. 2 Rácz, A hajdúk a XVII. században, p. 196. 3 Letopis’ Grigorija Grabjanki, Kiev, Univ. Tip., 1854. p. 20.; Letopis’ Samovidca po novootkrytym spiskam, Kiev, Tip. K. N. Milevskogo, 1878. p. 33; N. I. Kostomarov, Istoricheskaja monografija Bogdana Hmel’nickogo, Sankt-Petersburg, Tip. M. M. Stasjulevicha, 1884. I. p. 303.; P. A. Kulish, Otpadenie Marorossii ot Pol’si. Moscow, Univ. tip., 1888. I. p. 183.; K. Osipov, Bogdan Hmel’nickij, Moscow, Molodaja gvardija, 1948, p. 19; V. A. Golobuckij, Zaporozhskoe kozachestvo. Kiev, Gospolizdat, 1957. p. 251; V. O. Scherbak,, Ukrains’ke kozactvo: formuvannja social’nogo stanu – Druha polovina XVII st., Kiev, КМ Academia, 2000. p. 36.; N. Jakovenko,.,Naris ístorii Ukraiini, Kiev, Kritika, 2009. p. 178-179; Orest Subtelny, Ukraine – A History, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2000. p. 108-109; Paul Robert Magocsi, A History of Ukraine – The Land and Its Peoples, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2010. p. 191; 4 It unequivocally turns out from previous sources that Hajduks in large numbers had already been members of György Dózsa’s army in 1514. 5 Free lifestyle of the Cossacks became "popular" with the villeins only when, after the 3rd Lithuanian Charter of 1558, the thus far alternating dependence of peasants was converted to a soil-bound status. 1 35 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies the exact proportion of various social strata constituting the ranks of Hajduks.6 However, comparing the origins of Hajduks and Cossacks doing military service, it can be stated that they can by no means be considered as a homogeneous formation in society, yet from the beginning they came into being as a differentiated social category. Moreover, although they had been able to gain members from diverse social classes, the majority of them were still villeins. Initially, Hajduks did not form a separate social category as a detached body. It was only at the end of the 15th century that they began to take shape,7 and after 1526 they were obviously considered as not only raiding troops, but armed groups who, yet disorganised at the time, principally fought to protect their home country, 8 and, from 1552 onwards they already established an independent military group which aimed to conduct systematic struggle against the Turks to replace occasional raids.9 In the meantime, Polish monarchs, similarly to Hungarian authorities, attempted to hold the restless Cossacks off by issuing a series of threatening decrees, 10 yet with little success, since they mostly did not possess the necessary power to have the decrees enforced. The denomination of Cossack at the time was used for groups difficult to control and living on the southern border of the Polish-Lithuanian state. Non-privileged Cossacks resettled to the waterfalls of the Dnieper (“za porogi”)11, which area, due to its excellent geographical features, with its thick forests, swamps and islands, offered sound protection as a natural boundary against intrusions by Turks or Tartars. Also, their “combat state”, the Zaporozhian Sich was “established” here in the 1540s. Also, these people had built up a social and political organisation of military nature in the Zaporozhian Sich independent from the Polish-Lithuanian administration, and eventually effectively integrated into the protection of the southern borders. It was only after the second half of the 1590s that the Hajduks developed to become a genuine military factor, which was due to the fact that the Fifteen Years’ War resulted in an increase in their numbers and importance. Following this, Stephen Bocskai compressed part of the Hajduks into such organised troops that were acknowledged countrywide as independent Nagy, A hajdúvitézek, p. 19; Rácz, A hajdúk a XVII. században., p. 23-24. Dudás Gyula, A szabad hajdúk története a XVI. és XVII. században, Szeged, Engel Adolf, 1887. p. 7. 8 Császár Edit, A hajdúság kialakulása és fejlődése, Debrecen, Studium, 1935. p. 25. 9 AcsádyIgnácz, Magyarország Budavár visszafoglalása korában, Budapest, Méhner V., 1886. p. 106. 10 Arhiv Jugo-Zapadnoj Rossii, izdavaemoj vremennoj komissiej dlja razbora drevnih aktov – Akty o kozakah /1500-1648/, Kiev, Univ. tip., 1863. p. 4, 12, 28, 33, 44. 84., 130., 190, 200., 253, 11 Guillaume Le Vasseur, A Description of Ukraine (1660), Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1993. p. 7071; V. V. Antonovich, Pro kozacki chasy na Ukraini, Kiev, Dnipro, 1991. p. 51-52; A. O. Gurbik, „Viniknennja Zaporozhskoi Sichi (hronologichnij ta teritorialnij aspekti problemi)” „Ukrains’kij Istorichnij Zhurnal” No. 6. 1999. 6. p. 5-7; Gebei Sándor, „Bethlen Gábor viszonya a Rzeczpospolitához”. „Bethlen Gábor képmása,” Ed: Papp Klára, Debrecen, 2013. p. 94. 6 7 36 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE and privileged corps,12 since the 1608 assembly of Bratislava ratified Bocskai’s decrees 13 by enacting the points of the Treaty of Vienna. Half of the estimated 30,000 Hajduks living in Trans-Тisza and the Partium were relocated, thus eventually Hajduk soldiers became integrated into the anti-Ottoman defense line. Nevertheless, while the privileges of the seven Hajduk cities in Szabolcs14 county were solidified by 163215 for good, the “Little Hajdu cities”16 of Bihar country came under county authority and tax obligations were imposed on them from 1634 onwards. The Polish influence on pre-1648 Ukrainian nobility had born its stamp on it, as by the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries only few Ukrainian noblemen remained who had been unaffected by the Polonisation process. This caused Ukrainians to “lose” the majority of their political and social elite, therefore Cossacks took over to “lead” and represent the interests of the Ukrainian society. In 1572, Sigismund II Augustus of the Polish-Lithuanian state succeeeded in passing the introduction of Cossacks as an institution registered in the Sejm17. As the King of Poland, between 1576 and 1586 Stephen Báthory experimented with several methods to regulate unregistered “free” Cossacks, using intimidation18 and executions to restrain Cossacks. Also, he hired some of them for serving the state. Although 300 “free” Cossacks had already sworn to be loyal to the last Jagiellonian monarch previously, in fact it was Stephen Báthory who, in accordance with his statute of September 1578 titled “Agreement with Sich Cossacks”19 created the institute of registered Cossacks. This act of Báthory’s Erdélyi Országgyűlési Emlékek (EOE) Monumenta Hungariae Historica- Magyar Történelmi Emlékek VI. (1608-1614) Ed.: Szilágyi Sándor Buda-Pest, 1880, p. 317. ; Nyakas Miklós, „A második hajdúfelkelés (16071608)” „Báthory Gábor és kora”, Ed:Papp Klára-Jeney-Tóth Annamária-Ulrich Attila, Debrecen, Debreceni Egyetem Történelmi Intézet, 2009. p. 333; Nyakas Miklós, Nagy András Hajdúgenerális, Biharnagybajom,, Hajdú-Bihar megyei Önkormányzat, 2012. p. 11; 13 Szendrey István, Hajdúszabadságlevelek , Debrecen, Alföldi Nyomda, 1971. p. 15. 14 Nánás, Böszörmény, Szoboszló, Vámospércs, Polgár, Hadház, Dorog 15 Erdélyi Országgyűlési Emlékek (EOE) Monumenta Hungariae Historica- Magyar Történelmi Emlékek VIII. (1621-1629 Ed.: Szilágyi Sándor, Buda-Pest, 1882. p. 317. 16 Nyakas Miklós, „Bocskai szabadságharcának kezdetei és a bihari várak,” „Magyarország védelme- Európa védelme” Studia Agriensa 24. Eger, 2006. p. 247-248. 17 Paul Robert Magocsi, .A History of Ukraine – The Land and Its Peoples, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2010. p. 196; Jakovenko,.,Naris ístorii Ukraiini. p. 263; I. M. Kamanin, K voprosu o kozachestve do Bogdana Hmel’nickogo, Kiev, Tip. G. T. Korchak-Novickogo, 1894. p. 81; Acty otnosjashiesja k istorii Jugo-Zapadnoj Rossii /1599-1637/. Т. 2. Sankt-Petersburg: Tip. V. V. Pratc., 1865. p. 176; M. S. Grusevskyj, Istorija ukrainskogo kazachestva do soedinanija s Moskovskim gosudarstvom. I–III. Kiev, Tipografija 1. Kievskoj Arteli Pech. Dela Trehsvjatitelskaja 5. 1913. Т. I. p. 185. 18 Báthory István erdélyi fejedelem és lengyel király levelezése, II. 1576-1586 Ed.:Veress Endre, Kolozsvár, Gróf Teleki Pál Tudományos Intézet, 1944. p. 69. ; Acta historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia ab anno 1507 usque ad annum 1795 - Sprawy wojenne króla Stefana Batorego, Zebral i wydal X. Ignacy Polkowski T. 11. Krakow, 1887. p. 32. 19 Acta historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia ab anno 1507 usque ad annum 1795 - Sprawy wojenne króla Stefana Batorego. Zebral i wydal X. Ignacy Polkowski T. 11. Zebral i wydal Polkowski I., Krakow, 1887. p. 337. 12 37 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies basically meant providing to initially 500, then in 1583 to 600 state-registered Cossacks20 tax exemption, exemption from church and landlord taxes. In addition, they gained independence from the scope of authority of local Polish authorities, that is they acquired the right to act as a local government.21 However, formally the Polish-Lithuanian government acknowledged privileges of only registered Cossacks in state service,22 and officially Sich Cossacks were regarded to be outlaws. Still, despite this, the Zaporozhian Sich actually functioned as a “state within the state” in the framework of the Rzeczpospolita. The central power reluctantly tolerated its existence due to its determining role in defending the borders, however, no official recognition came along. Eventually, registered Cossacks fulfilled the hopes placed in them by the Polish monarch, moreover, they actively participated in the Livonian war against Russia, along Stephen Báthory.23 The concept of registered Cossacks as such practically legalized the opportunity to escape from the dependence on landlords, and endowed registered Cossacks significant privileges24, nevertheless, in fact they were merely treated as supporting troops in the military system of the Polish-Lithuanian state.25 It was this being pushed to the background in the first place that resulted that they had began to serve outlandish monarchs as mercenaries.26 Therefore, the major problem posed to the Polish administration in handling the Cossack-issue was that it had been unable to hire for state service all Cossacks desiring to get registered, for this endeavour had been hindered by either the lack of financial resources or the hostile attitude of Polish nobility towards Cossacks. The Polish Szlachta had a good reason to hamper the growth of registered Cossacks. On the one hand, they were afraid to lose their labour supply if too many of the villeins attempted to make it to the ranks of the privileged registered Cossacks, and, on the other hand, they recognised that a ready and sizeable army built on Cossacks in the hands of the "elected" Polish monarchs may very well be dangerous to their own privileges, too. By all accounts, Stephen Báthory played a decisive role in the history of relations between Hajduks and Cossacks, as he, the ruler of Transylvania 27, and then king of 20 Sbornik letopisej, otnosjashiesja k istorii Juzhnoj i Zapadnoj Rossii, Red.:Antonovich, D. Kiev, Tip. G. T. Korchak-Novickogo, 1888. p. 92-93. 21 V. O. Scherbak, Zaprovadzhennja kozac’kih reestriv. In: Istorichni studii. Kiev, Nacional’nij Universitet, Kiev, „Kievo-Mogiljans’ka akademija, 2010. p. 9. 22 Zherela do istorii Ukraini-Rusi – Materialy do istorii ukrains’koi kozacchini, L’viv, Vidano pid redakcieu Mihajla Grusevkogo, 1908. Т. 8. p. 57-64. 23 Szabó Béla, Báthory István erdélyi fejedelem és lengyel király katonai és katonapolitikai jelentősége, Doktori (PhD) értekezés Budapest, 2009. p. 73-74; Jerzy Besala, Stefan Batory, Warszawa, PIW, 1992. p. 102-103. 24 Jakovenko,.,Naris ístorii Ukraiini, p. 263 25 Magocsi, A History of the Ukraine. The Land and Its People, p. 196. 26 The Fifteen Years’ War was the first occasion when the Habsburgs employed the Cossacks as mercenaries, moreover, later several times they were hired for military services, eg. during the Thirty Years’ War. 27 Nagy, László-Nyakas Miklós, Hajdútisztesség tüköre, Hajdúböszörmény, Hajdúsági múzeum, 2001, p. 18. 38 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Poland,28 was the first to realise the real combat value of Ukrainian Cossacks. As monarch of the Rzeczpospolita, from 1576 onwards Báthory had both Hajduks29 and Cossacks 30 figthing in his army, which was a rare occasion since normally in most of the armed conflicts these two groups fought each other as enemies. A significant change in the position of Cossacks took place as a result of the Kurukovo Agreement of 1625,31 signed between the Polish government and the state Cossacks. As its consequence, Cossacks emerged as an organised military formation, and thus registered Cossacks became a public institute that provided them with a livelihood including a combination of legally obtained takings and military pay. The officially registered six regiments of Cossacks were allowed to apply privileges separately supported to them by the monarchs of Poland. At the same time, the Agreement of Kurukovo plunged the Rzeczpospolita into an inevitable social disaster, for the gradual expansion of registered Cossacks did not even alleviate, but instead further increased social tensions.32 By the 1630s, the registered Cossacks had become a regular army with an everincreasing involvement in politics, all this in spite of the fact that apart from the “noble uprising”, only supporting troops were trained within the military of the Polish state. This marginalization also explains that more and more of them began to sympathyze with the revolts of free Cossacks, which ultimately meant that part of the registered Cossacks’ joining the 1637 Cossack uprising in fact served as a pretext for the Szejm, controlled by Polish nobility, to issue a decree of 1638 named “Ordination of the Zaporozhian Cossack Army”33. According to this, Cossacks as a whole had lost all their previously obtained rights and privileges, and henceforward became equal with villeins. Even though the number of registered ones still remained to be 6.000, they were not allowed to have their own, elected leaders, but instead they were put under the direct authority of a supervisor (commissar) of Polish origin, appointed by the monarch. Under the Ordination, from then on Cossacks differed from villeins in that they A. V. Storozhenko, Stefan Batori i dneprovskie kozaki, Kiev, Tipografija G. L. Fronkevicha, 1904. p. 72; Szabó, Báthory István erdélyi fejedelem és lengyel király katonai és katonapolitikai tevékenység, p. 73. 29 Szádeczky-Kardoss Lajos, „Báthory István lengyel király magyar katonái az 1580-iki muszka háborúban” „Hadtörténelmi Közlemények „ XXXII. évf. I-II. 1931, p. 2; Ssabó Béla, „Báthory István erdélyi fejedelem és lengyel király magyar katonái” „Örökös háború két világ határán: Katonák, fegyverek és hadviselés a törökök elleni küzdelemben” Ed.: Szabó Sarolta, Nyírbátor, Báthori István Múzeum, 2011, p. 93-108. 30 Szili Sandor, „Vengerskie vojny na sluzhbe moskovskomu gosudartsvu v konce XVI i XVII vek” „Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudartvennogo Universiteta” 2003. 8. p. 77-81. 31 Arhiv Jugo-Zapadnoj Rossii, izdavaemoj vremennoj komissiej dlja razbora drevnih aktov – Akty o kozakah /1500-1648/, Kiev, Univ. tip., 1863. p. 284-292. 32 Gebei, Hajdú kiváltságolás-kozák kiváltságolás, p. 158. 33 Vossoedinenie Ukrainy s Rossiej. Dokumenty i materialy v treh tomah. I-III. Moscow, ANSSSR, 1954. T. I. p. 255-256. 28 39 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies owed not agricultural, but military service to the Polish-Lithuanian state. Thus, owing to the reforms of 1638, registered Cossacks lost their personal alliance character based on extensive self-government, and transformed into state-controlled and organised complex military unit furnished with an insitutionalised leadership. Up until the middle of the 17th century, Cossacks could not be regarded as a sovereign social class, but only an “intermediate” category, as the population of Ukraine was characterized by a relatively amorph social system at the time. The population of Ukraine is called a “society set for self-defense”34 in the literature of history, moreover, Cossacks are evaluated as a phenomenon connected and conditioned to, and intertwined with the economical and social development of the Ukrainian border area. The “great revolution”35 of 1648-1654, led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky brought significant changes and transformation in the composition of social stratification in Ukraine. The crucial change was apparent in the act of the Cossack elite (starshina) seizing governance, and in the Hetmanate36 society within the Russian bond a relatively free opportunity of moving up in society emerged. As a consequence, villeins were allowed to become common Cossacks by undertaking military service, while the latter could rise to cement themselves in “Cossack aristocracy”. Following the outbreak of the Khmelnytsky movement, the Polish and pro-Polish Ukrainian szlachta fled the so-called “Cossack Ukraine”37 leaving their lands behind. Then, in the age of Hetmanate (1654-1764), after the union with Russia the Cossack elite and common Cossacks started to become distinct from each other. While the starshina assumed control of Ukraine, accumulating offices and lands, at the same time common Cossacks became gradually impoverished and tried to avoid the more and more costly military conscription. Due to the Khmelnytsky movement, the Hetmanate presented the image of a “simplified society” as two of its major elements were provided by Cossacks and “non-Cossacks”, between whom no sharp borderline existed. Since the previous meaning of nobility disappeared, they did not possess economical and political privileges over other social strata. During the time of the Bogdan Khmelnytsky movement, the existence of nobility as a Carsten Kumke, Führer und Geführte bei den Zaporoger Kosaken. Struktur und Geschichte kosakischer Verbände im polnisch-litauischen Grenzland (1550–1648). Berlin, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, (Forschungen zur osteuropäischen Geschichte; Band 49) 1993. p. 61-63. 35 Contemporary Ukrainian historiography applies the terms “national-independence war, and revolution” for the denomination of the 1648-1657 movement in Ukraine. – V. S. Smolij – V. A. Stepankov, Ukrains’ka derzhavna ideja XVII-XVIII. stolitt’: problemy formuvannja, evoljucii, realizacii. Kiev, Alternativy, 1997. p. 81. 36 The Hetmanate consisting of Ukrainian territories joining Russia voluntarily in 1654 gained full autonomy, and Cossack privileges were reconfirmed. 37 The chief achievement of the movement was the 1649 Treaty of Zboriv, which stated that the Polish government declared “Cossack-Ukraine” containing the voivodes of Kiev, Bratslav and Chernihiv to be an autonomy. A Tsichirin-based Hetmanate administrative organisation vested with self-government was built up as a result, headed by Bohdan Khmelnytsky. – Vossoedinenie, T. II. p. 299-306. 34 40 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE distinct economical and political controlling class was definitely questioned, and thus stratification of orders gradually vanished within the networks of society. Also, the Polish type of Ukrainian szlachta assimilated into the ranks of Cossacks, therefore nobility as a privileged group of society basically disappeared from Ukraine. However, in the second half of the 17th century, the so-called “social regression” could be observed in Ukraine, for the Cossack elite firmly voiced its demands to officially adjust to a noble way of life. This endeavour again appreciated the noble title within Ukrainian society. However, we must note here that for the majority of the Cossack starshina the political structure of the Polish “noble republic” was considered to be an ideal type of state until the 1780s, and penetrating the ranks of the privileged shlachta seemed definitely more appealing than obtaining a Russian noble title. In the official position of the Tsarist Government, no formal nobility existed in the territory of the Hetmanate,38 so high-ranking Cossack officials, more or less emerging from the ranks of common Cossacks progressively obtained noble rights, as they owned lands, were exempt from payment of taxes and all other payment obligations to the state. By the end of the 17th century, members of the Cossack starshina turned into genuine landlords, yet they could not call themselves either shlachta or dvorjan.39 By the 1720s and 1730s the Cossack elite became entirely detached, and presented the image of a privileged social class even based on the lands they owned and the relations they had with their villeins. Still, the Tsarist government recognised Cossack as nobles only if they 1) were awarded nobility from the Tsar 2) performed services in either the permanent Tsarist army 3) or performed a state service in offices that go with an inheritable noble title. Ukrainian “aristocracy”, however, considered itself to be a genuine and legal nobility (=shlachta) despite the fact that most of them did not possess any documents certifying nobility whatsoever. All they could claim was the very fact that as members of the government apparatus in the Hetmanate they gained a privileged position and in practice owned noble privileges. From 1762 onwards, the fate of the Ukranian elite was in the hands of Catherine II, who from the very beginning found it difficult to tolerate the privileged status of the Zaporozhian Army and the Ukrainian elite within the empire. In 1764, the Empress terminated the Hetmanate 38 Sbornik Imperatorskogo Russkogo istoricheskogo Obshestva, Sankt-Petersburg: IRIO, 1871. p. 340-356. A. I. Putro, Levoberezhnaja Ukraina v sostave Rossijskogo gosudarstva vo vtoroj polovine XVIII veka. Kiev, Golovnoe izdatel’stvo izdatel’skogo ob’edinenija „Vysha skola.”, 1988. p. 465. 39 41 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies and introduced by regulation the Russian administration in Eastern Ukraine.40 The rapid and successful integration of Ukrainian territories primarily depended on the cooperation of the Cossack starshina, so on account of Catherine II’s Charter of Nobility in 1785,41 the Ukrainian elite was conferred on nobility and self-governance. However, a difficulty arose as privileges still applied to members of the stashina who were able to prove their right to the noble title by presenting authentic and valid deed of gift from the Tsar or the King of Poland.42 For this reason, the Ukrainian elite excluded from privileges launched an ideological struggle for the full recognition of Ukrainian ranks. Their topmost success turned out to be the Tsar’s decree in 1835, in which the Tsar’s government automatically recognised all military and civil Ukrainian ranks, and regarded them as hereditary ones within the Russian Empire. Summary After comparing the position of Ukrainian Cossacks and Hungarian Hajduks in society, it can be stated that they constituted an “intermediate” category between nobility and villeins, and they became a mass phenomenon in society only at the end of the 16th century. Initially, denominations of Hajduks and Cossacks were both applied to not an exact ethnic minority, but for the designation of a specific profession and lifestyle, moreover, considering their position, they established themselves as formations differentiated and heterogeneous at the same time. During the period spanning the end of the 15th century and the 1570s, Cossacks, similarly to Hajduks, began to take shape as a new social phenomenon, yet legally they still did not exist. On the analogy of contemporary Hajduks’ social status, being a Cossack had not yet been accompanied by any advantages whatsoever, be it either rights or privileges, instead, it was considered as a special occupation, not a distinct social category. Registered Cossacks and royal Hajduks as such were legally recognised, thus they gained a distinguished position in contemporary society despite the fact that hard as they tried, the title of nobility was yet unavailable to them. Finally, Cossacks managed to reach higher levels of organisation and self-determination within the Russian coexistence after 1654, which they succeeded in preserving for a longer period with the ongoing Turkish threat. 40 According to the 1667 Truce of Andrusovo, Russia and the Rzeczpospolita divided Ukrainian territories by the Dnieper River. As a result, Poland regained Western Ukraine, thus from then only the region of Eastern Ukraine belonged to the Hetmanate. - Acty, otnosjashiesja k istorii Jugo-Zapadnoj Rossii /1665-1668/ T. 6. SanktPetersburg:Tip. V. V. Pratc., 1869, p. 173-176. 41 Sbornik Imperatorskogo Russkogo istoricheskogo Obshestva, p. 238-266. 42 Based on a survey from 1795, 12.597 people were considered to be “undoubtedly noble” on the territory of the Hetmanate, while almost as many persons were occupied with lawsuits aimed at the recognition of their noble title. – D. Miller, D., „Ocherki iz istoriji i juridicheskogo byta staroj Malorossii – Prevrashcenie kozackoj strashiny v dvorjanstvo” „Kievskaja Starina” LVI. 1-2- II. 1897. p. 1-2. 42 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Occurences analogous with the privilegedness of Hajduks could be observed in the history of Cossacks living under Polish authority, too, yet on account of the 16th and 17th century internal and foreign policies of the Rzeczpospolita these led to outcomes of different quality. Solution to the Hajduk question causing social tension was more or less successfully achieved, however, disorder in the situation of Ukraine’s Cossacks resulted in intensified social conflicts. The greatest failure of the Polish-Lithuanian administration’s Cossack-policy was expressed in the exclusion of Cossacks from the “noble nation”43. Back in the Polish-Lithuanian period, Cossacks found themselves in between nobility and villeins at the social ladder. Owing military service to the state, they were free as individuals, but they were not allowed to hold villeins, thus their appreciation in society was practically dependent on the contemporary political situation. From 1648, nonetheless, Cossacks started to possess a decisive influence in the control of Ukraine, and therefore replaced their “intermediate” social category by elevating to occupy a separate social strata. While Hajduks were effectively integrated into the anti-Ottoman defense system in the 16th and 17th centuries, non-registered Cossacks “voluntarily” undertook to protect the Southern borders, at the same time, for both cases we can declare that the societies of these regions had become basically militarised.44 BIBLIOGRAPHY ACTA historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia ab anno 1507 usque ad annum 1795 Sprawy wojenne króla Stefana Batorego, Zebral i wydal X. Ignacy Polkowski, T. 11, Krakow, 1887. ACTY, otnosjashiesja k istorii Jugo-Zapadnoj Rossii /1599-1637/. Т. 2. 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Báthory István erdélyi fejedelem és lengyel király levelezése, II. 1576-1586 Ed.:Veress Endre,Kolozsvár, Gróf Teleki Pál Tudományos Intézet, 1944. BESALA, Jerzy, Stefan Batory, Warszawa, PIW, 1992. CZIGÁNY, István, „Hajdútelepítések és a militarizált társadalom megerősödése a Tiszántúlon a 17. század első felében” „Studia Caroliensa” 2006, p. 105-124. CSÁSZÁR, Edit, A hajdúság kialakulása és fejlődése, Debrecen, Studium, 1935. DANKÓ, Imre, „A hajdúság eredete” „A hajdúk a magyar történelemben” Debrecen, Hajdú-Bihar Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei, 10. 1969. p. 3-12. DUDÁS, Gyula, A szabad hajdúk története a XVI. és XVII. században, Szeged, Engel Adolf, 1887. Erdélyi Országgyűlési Emlékek.(EOE) - Monumenta Hungariae Historica- Magyar Történelmi Emlékek VI. (1608-1614) Ed.: Szilágyi Sándor Buda-Pest, 1880. Erdélyi Országgyűlési Emlékek.(EOE) - Monumenta Hungariae Historica- Magyar Történelmi Emlékek VIII. Ed.: Szilágyi Sándor, Buda-Pest 1882. GEBEI, Sándor,” Hajdú kiváltságolás-kozák kiváltságolás” „Frigy és békesség legyen…” – A bécsi és a zsitvatoroki béke” Ed.: PAPP Klára –. JENEY-TÓTH Annamária, Debrecen, Debreceni Egyetem Történeti Intézet – Hajdú-Bihar –Megyei Önkormányzat, 2006. p. 153-180. GEBEI, Sándor, „Bethlen Gábor viszonya a Rzeczpospolitához” „Bethlen Gábor képmása” Ed.: PAPP Klára, Debrecen, Speculum Historiae Debreceniense, 2013. p. 93-116. GOLOBUCKIJj, V. A., Zaporozhskoe kozachestvo. Kiev, Gospolizdat, 1957. GRUSEVSKYJ, M. S., Istorija ukrainskogo kazachestva do soedinanija s Moskovskim gosudarstvom. I–III. Kiev, Tipografija 1. Kievskoj Arteli Pech. Dela Trehsvjatitelskaja 5. , 1913. GURBIK, A. O., „Viniknennja Zaporozhskoi Sichi (hronologichnij ta teritorialnij aspekti problemi)” „Ukrains’kij Istorichnij Zhurnal” No. 6. 1999. p. 3-17. KOPYS, Tadeus, „A hajdú- és a kozák kérdés a 16–17. századi lengyel nemesi köztársaságban és Magyarországon” Báthory Gábor és kora, Ed: PAPP Klára, JENEY-TÓTH Annamária-ULRICH Attila, Debrecen, Debreceni Egyetem Történelmi Intézet, Erdélytörténeti Alapítvány, 2009. p. 375-383. JAKOVENKO, N.,Naris ístorii Ukraiini. Kiev, Kritika, 2009. 44 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE KAMANIN, I. M., K voprosu o kozachestve do Bogdana Hmel’nickogo, Kiev, Tip. G. T. Korchak-Novickogo, 1894. KOSTOMAROV, N. I., Istoricheskaja monografija Bogdana Hmel’nickogo, SanktPetersburg, Tip. M. M. Stasjulevicha, 1884. KULISH, P. A., Otpadenie Marorossii ot Pol’si. Moscow, Univ. tip., 1888. KUMKE, Carsten, Führer und Geführte bei den Zaporoger Kosaken Wiesbaden. Struktur und Geschichte kosakischer Verbände im polnisch-litauischen Grenzland (1550–1648). Harrassowitz, Berlin; Wiesbaden „Forschungen zur osteuropäischen Geschichte” Band 49) 1993. LETOPIS’ Grigorija Grabjanki, Kiev, Univ. Tip., 1854. LETOPIS’ Samovidca po novootkrytym spiskam, Kiev, Tip. K. N. Milevskogo, 1878. LE VASSEUR, Guillaume, A Description of Ukraine (1660), Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1993. MAGOCSI Paul Robert, A History of Ukraine – The Land and Its Peoples, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2010. MILLER, D., „Ocherki iz istoriji i juridicheskogo byta staroj Malorossii – Prevrashcenie kozackoj strashiny v dvorjanstvo” „Kievskaja Starina” LVI. 1-2- II. 1897. p. 1-47. NAGY, László, Magyar hadsereg és hadművészet a harmincéves háborúban, Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó, 1972. NAGY, László, A hajdúvitézek, Budapest, Kossuth Kiadó, 1986. NAGY, László-NYAKAS, Miklós, Hajdútisztesség tüköre, Hajdúsági Múzeum, Hajdúböszörmény, 2001. NYAKAS, Miklós, A bihari kishajdú városok története, Debrecen, A Hajdú-Bihar Megyei Önkormányzat Hajúd-Bihar Megyei Múzeumok Igazgatósága Kiadványa, 2005. NYAKAS, Miklós, „Bocskai szabadságharcának kezdetei és a bihari várak” „Magyarország védelme- Európa védelme” Studia Agriensa 24. Eger, 2006. p. 247-264. NYAKAS, Miklós, „A második hajdúfelkelés (1607-1608)” „Báthory Gábor és kora, , Ed: PAPP Klára, JENEY-TÓTH Annamária-ULRICH Attila, Debrecen, Debreceni Egyetem Történelmi Intézet, Erdély-történeti Alapítvány, 2009. p. 327-336. NYAKAS, Miklós, Nagy András Hajdúgenerális, Biharnagybajom, Hajdú-Bihar megyei Önkormányzat, 2012. OSIPOV, K, Bogdan Hmel’nickij, Moscow, Molodaja gvardija, 1948. PERJÉS, Géza, „A hajdúkutatás jelentősége” „A hajdúk a magyar történelemben” Debrecen, Hajdú-Bihar Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei 10. 1966, p. 38-46. 45 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies PUTRO, A, I., Levoberezhnaja Ukraina v sostave Rossijskogo gosudarstva vo vtoroj polovine XVIII veka. Kiev, Golovnoe izdatel’stvo izdatel’skogo ob’edinenija „Vysha skola.”, 1988. RÁCZ, István, A hajdúk a XVII. században, Debrecen, Kossuth Lajos Tudományegyetem, 1969. SBORNIK Imperatorskogo Russkogo istoricheskogo Obshestva, Sankt-Petersburg, IRIO, 1871. SBORNIK letopisej, otnosjashiesja k istorii Juzhnoj i Zapadnoj Rossii, Red.:Antonovich, D. Kiev, Tip. G. T. Korchak-Novickogo, 1888. SCHERBAK, V. O., Ukrains’ke kozactvo: formuvannja social’nogo stanu – Druha polovina XVII st., Kiev, КМ Academia, 2000. SCHERBAK, V. O. Zaprovadzhennja kozac’kih reestriv. In: Istorichni studii. Kiev, Nacional’nij Universitet, Kiev, „Kievo-Mogiljans’ka akademija, 2010. p. 6-11. SMOLIJ, V. S. – STEPANKOV, V. A. Ukrains’ka derzhavna ideja XVII-XVIII. stolitt’: problemy formuvannja, evoljucii, realizacii. Kiev, Alternativy, 1997. STOROZHENKO, A. V., Stefan Batori i dneprovskie kozaki, Kiev, Tipografija G. L. Fronkevicha, 1904. SUBTELNY, Orest, Ukraine – A History, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2000. SZABÓ, Béla, Báthory István erdélyi fejedelem és lengyel király katonai és katonapolitikai tevékenysége, PhD-értekezés, Budapest, 2009. SZABÓ, Béla, „Báthory István erdélyi fejedelem és lengyel király magyar katonái „Örökös háború két világ határán: Katonák, fegyverek és hadviselés a törökök elleni küzdelemben” Ed.: SZABÓ Sarolta, , Nyírbátor, Báthori István Múzeum, 2011. p. 93-108. SZÁDECZKY- KARDOSS, „Lajos, Báthory István lengyel király magyar katonái az 1580-iki muszka háborúban” „Hadtörténelmi Közlemények” XXXII. évf. I-II. 1931. p. 1-30. SZENDREY, István, Hajdúszabadságlevelek , Debrecen, Alföldi Nyomda, 1971. SZILI, Sandor, „Vengerskie vojny na sluzhbe moskovskomu gosudartsvu v konce XVI i XVII vek” „Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudartvennogo Universiteta” 2003. 8. p. 77-81. VARGA, Beata., „Istorichni paraleli gajdukiv Uhorshini ta kozakiv Ukraini za period XVI-XVII stolitt’” „Chetvertyj Mizhnarodnij Kongres Ukrainistiv” Odesa, Istorija O.-K-L. I. 1999, p. 174-180. VARGA, Beáta, „A magyarországi hajdúság és az ukrajnai kozákság történeti párhuzamai” „Acta Historica” CXX. Szeged, 2005, p. 31-47. 46 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE VOSSOEDINENIE Ukrainy s Rossiej. Dokumenty i materialy v treh tomah. I-III. Moscow, ANSSSR, 1954. ZHERELA do istorii Ukraini-Rusi – Materialy do istorii ukrains’koi kozacchini, L’viv, Vidano pid redakcieu Mihajla Grusevkogo, 1908. 47 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 48 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Concept of ‘Cold War’ Behçet Kemal YEŞİLBURSA* 1. The Origins of the Cold War 1.1. The Background When the socialist Soviet state emerged from the October Revolution of 1919 in Russia, it regarded the outside world with both hope and fear: Hope that the revolution would spread, but fear that their stronger capitalist neighbours would overpower it.1 The United States, decided not to recognise the new Soviet state. Instead, with the aim of understanding the Soviet way of thinking, it established a Division of Russian Affairs in the State Department. However, over the next decade, it became clear that the Soviet Union had become an enduring power. With the Great Depression of the 1920s undermining confidence in the self-regulating ability of the market economy, the industrial advances of the Soviet Union, and the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931, the diplomatic attitude of the United States began to change. Believing that the Soviet Union might help to restrain Japanese imperialism the United States formally recognised the Soviet Union in 1933, and the latter promised not to interfere in domestic American politics.2 However, the good relations between the two countries did not last for long, with a series of domestic events in the Soviet state causing lasting damage. It was the murder of Sergei Kirov, who was viewed as the only acceptable alternative to Stalin, in December 1934, which was the last straw. The Americans were deeply shocked by the murder, and by the execution of several Soviet officials they had worked with. They found the changing political atmosphere in Moscow worrying, and they thought that the Soviets were trying to paint a picture in which it was the Americans who were evil and dangerous. They also believed that the advancement of Bolshevism in Europe had to be stopped, hence the Americans began to lean towards a rapprochement between France and Germany as a means to achieve this. 3 Unlike British and French diplomats, American diplomates were not surprised at the Soviet-German Non- *Prof. Dr., Bursa Uludag University, Turkey. E-mail: bkyesilbursa@uludag.edu.tr 1 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, Longman, London, 1991, p. 2-3. 2 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 2-3. David Horowitz (ed.), Containment and Revolution, Beacon Press, Boston, 1967, p. 26-75. 3 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 3. David Horowitz (ed.), Containment and Revolution, p. 2675. 49 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Aggression Pact of 23 August 1939. The subsequent events only strengthened the conviction that the Soviet state was expansionist and aggressive.4 Britain’s relations with the Soviet Union prior to 1941 went through several phases. While the Anglo-Soviet treaty of 1921 controlled commercial relations, diplomatic relations remained cold and formal. The 1921 trade treaty was cancelled in 1927, and Britain severed diplomatic relations. Stalin viewed this as a declaration of war against the Soviet Union by the British Conservative government. Moreover, the Labour Party’s attitude toward the Soviets had been hardened by abuse from the Communist Party in Moscow. While Conservative politicians, such as Winston Churchill, never had any doubt about the ultimate goals of the Soviet Union, Churchill was a realist and regarded Germany as a much more imminent threat to European security.5 Indeed, the German invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941 was a major turningpoint in European and world history. This was a war in which the victor would become the dominant European power, and compete with the United States for supremacy in world affairs. One point of view was that it might be best for Britain and the United States not to interfere, but to allow both dictatorships to destroy one another. However, Churchill made clear which stance he adopted when he announced that “We shall give whatever help we can to Russia and the Russian people” in a radio broadcast at 9 o’clock on the evening of the invasion.6 Similarly, Roosevelt sent his associate Harry Hopkins to see Stalin in July 1941 to discuss American aid for the Soviets in their war against Germany. Thus, it was clear that both powers viewed Germany as the greater of the two evils, and had decided to tip the scales in favour of the Soviets. The outcomes of this decision would be enormous: with the Third Reich removed, a power vacuum would form in eastern and south-eastern Europe, and who was to fill this gap would be of great consequence. However, the British and Americans, who were focussed on winning the war, gave little thought to this problem in 1941.7 Roosevelt was aware that the Soviet Union was a dictatorship and that the differences between Soviet and American culture, ideology and economic systems were huge. However, he saw the importance of a rapprochement with the Soviets, and realised there were a number of factors that could pull the Soviets towards the United States. For one, the United States was 4 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 5. David Horowitz (ed.), Containment and Revolution, p. 2675. 5 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 6. 6 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 6-7. John Lewis Gaddis, Soğuk Savaş, Çev. Dilek Cenkçiler, YKM Yayınları, İstanbul, 2008, p. 15-49. 7 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 7. John Lewis Gaddis, Soğuk Savaş, p. 15-49. 50 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE economically much stronger than the Soviet Union, and Roosevelt saw that this would make peacetime collaboration more desirable to the Soviets, who would be seeking industrial imports. Moreover, there was the Manhattan Project, the construction of the atomic bomb, which would provide the Americans with another advantage. Should the United States and the Soviet Union not form friendly relations, the only alternative would be a division of the world into blocs, which would in turn increase possession of weapons, with the inevitable result of war. This was naturally out of the question. The meeting of the Big Three in Tehran in November 1943 staged informal discussions about the post-war world at the highest level of government, and seemed to foresee the success of Roosevelt’s plan. Stalin’s request for the Soviet western frontier of 1941 was granted. Thus, the Baltic States, eastern Poland, Bessarabia, and Bukovina, which had never been part of Imperial Russia, were placed in the Soviet Union. The Polish frontier was moved further west, and it was agreed not to allow the formation of any confederation of central European or Balkan states whose motives may pose a threat to Soviet security interests. Roosevelt and his advisers were very optimistic. Stalin’s behaviour had shown that he was reasonable and had foresight. There was no apparent reason to doubt the negotiation of a long-term agreement with the Soviet Union. As for the east and south-east Europeans, the general opinion was that they would eventually “learn to live with the Soviet Union”.8 Stalin and his advisers relied on three sources when analysing global events and predicting the kind of the post-war world they hoped to see. First was Imperial Russia’s historical experience. Imperial Russia had never become a global power, remaining only a regional power. It had also been weak when contrasted with Imperial Germany, Great Britain or the United States. The Russians on several occasions had been forced to use their mental rather than physical strength in order to survive in the hard world prior to the First World War. Second was Soviet Russia’s bitter experience of world politics. Military, political and economic intervention by foreign powers between 1918 to 1920 left deep scars on the Soviet state. Consequently, the Soviets never forgot this intervention. They felt that the capitalist powers were lying in wait to intervene once more to crush the Soviet state, who they perceived as an enemy. Third was ideology: Marxism-Leninism emphasised the inevitability of conflict between the socialist and capitalist worlds, and stated that socialism would prevail. Thus capitalism was regarded as “a transient phenomenon”.9 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 7-8. John Lewis Gaddis, Soğuk Savaş, p. 15-49. Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 15-16. Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, Longman, London, 1991, p. 3-70. 8 9 51 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Hence, the Soviet Union first aimed to restore the frontiers of Imperial Russia, and then to expand into eastern and south-eastern Europe, given the inter-war developments in the region. The aim of the peace treaties made at the end of the First World War were to establish a barrier to stop the advance of Bolshevism.10 However, when he failed to come to an agreement with Germany over “spheres of influence” in Europe, Stalin turned to Britain as a potential partner. The British did not reject outright Stalin’s idea of spheres of influence in Europe. Indeed, Churchill was prepared to include territorial concessions in the Anglo-Soviet Treaty of May 1942. For example, when he went to Moscow in October 1944, Churchill proposed spheres of influence in south-eastern Europe, claiming that any such agreement would only be temporary, and would be dissolved on the end of hostilities.11 Although no firm agreement was reached, this was an indication that Britain and the Soviet Union had in principle agreed on spheres of influence. However, it was President Roosevelt’s view that prevailed: Specifically, there should be no binding frontier agreements made whatsoever until hostilities had ended.12 There were two major events that marked a turning-point for Britain. The first was the German invasion of the Soviet Union. The second was the landing of American troops in North Africa in November 1942. From this point on, the United States would have superiority regarding military operations in Europe. The implication of this was that any agreement regarding spheres of influence between Stalin and Churchill would have to be countersigned by the United States. Britain at that time was inferior to the Soviet Union in Europe, but the Soviet Union was clearly weaker than the United States. Therefore, Stalin gave priority to gaining hegemony over eastern and south-eastern Europe, because he regarded this as essential to Soviet security needs. American penetration of the area was not to be allowed, even if this entailed damaging relations with the United States.13 Thus, when hostilities came to an end in May 1945 the Soviets had neutralised most of the anti-Soviet forces in their sphere of influence, namely eastern and south-eastern Europe. While Soviet policy in this region was offensive, it was defensive in the rest of Europe, in other 10 However, the Soviet Union had already taken the first step in this direction by the secret protocol to the SovietGerman Non-Aggression Pact of August 1939 which had established mutual spheres of influence. As a result, Finland, the Baltic States, eastern Poland and Bessarabia came within the Soviet orbit. By late August 1940 Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, eastern Poland, Bessarabia and northern Bukovina had been incorporated in the Soviet Union through military occupation and “arranged” plebiscites. See Martin McCauley (ed.), Communist Power in Europe 1944-1949, Macmillan, London, 1979. 11 Churchill even thought of launching a second front in the Balkans instead of in France or Belgium since it held out better hopes of military success. See Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 22. 12 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 20-23. 13 Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, p. 3-70. 52 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE words, the American sphere of influence. There the Soviets aimed to construct barriers against the advance of American capitalism, and to do so the communists united to revive the tactics of the popular front of the 1930s. Specifically, participation was encouraged in all organisations which stressed national development and gaining as much influence as possible over political developments. Although an anti-Americanism stance was to be adopted, this would not extend to include preparation for or attempts to seize power.14 Unlike the United States, although the Soviets were aware of their security interests and of what they hoped to prevent, they had not prepared a master plan for their future. Instead, their policies were flexible and would largely depend on the actions and reactions of their Western Allies. In spite of this, the Americans interpreted Soviet behaviour in eastern and south-eastern Europe as evidence of a coherent overall strategy. What they did not perceive was that outside this area, the Soviets sphere of influence, there was room for a considerable amount of movement and the possibility of compromise agreements.15 Germany was a serious problem for the Soviet Union that required a set of completely different tactics than those for other parts of Europe. The Soviet Union had to strike a balance between cooperation with the Western Powers to prevent German militarism and giving American capital a free arena. 1.2. Conflicts during the War During and after the war, there were many reasons for the United States and the Soviet Union to be willing to cooperate. It would only be possible to defeat Germany if they stood together, the Soviets would need American capital and products, which would help to reduce the problem of over-production that the United States would face once the war was over. Moreover, neither the Americans nor the Soviets wanted to become involved in any future war. Hence, the Americans, particularly Roosevelt, understood the Soviet offensive stance against anti-Soviet regimes in eastern and south-eastern Europe. Yet in spite of all these reasons for a rapprochement, the result of four years of war was greater mutual recrimination than ever. This section will deal with the reasons for this situation.16 Stalin, in one of his first messages to Churchill on 18 July 1941, asked the British to launch a second front in France and another in the Arctic. The first request troubled relations Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 23-28. Robert J. MacMahon, Soğuk Savaş, Çev. Sinem Gül, Dost Kitapevi, Ankara, 2013, p. 9-52. 15 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 32. Robert J. MacMahon, Soğuk Savaş, p. 9-52. 16 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 33. Robert J. MacMahon, Soğuk Savaş, p. 9-52. 14 53 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies between the Allies. Britain and the United States concurred that such a front would be advantageous for a number of reasons: it would take some of the load off the Red Army, it would reduce Stalin’s possible temptations to negotiate a unilateral peace with Germany, and it would lessen Stalin’s suspiciousness by showing that the Western powers did not want to leave the fighting to the Soviets. The delay in launching the second front increased Soviet suspicions about Anglo-American motives: After D-Day, 6 June 1944, while there were only 90 German divisions in France and Italy to oppose the Anglo-American forces, there were 250 on the eastern front.17 The future of Germany constituted the most important source of conflict between the Americans and the Soviets. Although both powers had a mutual interest in solving the issue of Germany, the United States, like the Soviets, had no clear idea of what was to happen to Germany after the war. Another important source of conflict between the two states was the post-war future of eastern and south-eastern Europe. The United States did not wish to become involved in the area.18 1.3. 1945: The Turning-point With its reason for existence no longer valid, the Alliance between the United States, Britain and the Soviet Union started to collapse with the end of the war, despite the talks of cooperation at Yalta. Before the year was over, Churchill had delivered his “iron curtain speech”, in which he claimed that a barrier had descended from Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic. Molotov had also expressed his anger at the Americans and British, whom he referred to as “insatiable imperialists and war-hungry groups of adventurers”. The disillusionment among the three powers was clear. 19 This section aims to investigate how this could have happened so soon after victory in Europe and Japan. Even before the end of the war a major dispute had developed between the Soviet Union and the United States, an indication of how little mutual trust there was between the two powers. Specifically, Soviet activities in eastern and south-eastern Europe caused first suspicions and then offence in the British and Americans. The region had not been recognised as a Soviet sphere of influence, however the Soviets were acting entirely on their own to make it so. Anticommunists were under threat, many were purged. This caused a change in the Americans’ 17 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 33-40. Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, p. 370. 18 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 33-40. Robert J. MacMahon, Soğuk Savaş, p. 9-52. 19 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 41-51. Colin Bown and Peter J. Mooney, Cold War to Détente, 1945-85, Heinemann Educational, Oxford, 1981, p. 9-33. 54 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE opinion of the Soviets. However, this did not necessarily entail that policy towards Moscow would also be drastically altered. Truman and James F. Byrnes, the Secretary of State, wanted to maintain control in Europe and, if possible, push the Soviets back. Nevertheless, they still hoped they could come to a satisfactory mutual agreement with the Soviets. Otherwise, the only alternative would be war. While the American public wanted to take on an international role, it was not willing to make the necessary sacrifices. Churchill, on the other hand, was continually looking for ways to contain Soviet expansion. His call for the Anglo-American forces to get to Berlin before the Soviets and go as far east and south as possible was viewed as politically motivated, and was rejected by General Eisenhower, the Allied Commander-inChief in Europe, who claimed that it was not militarily sound. President Roosevelt concurred.20 Despite a number of compromises, the Potsdam Conference ended well. All contentious issues were purposely left unsolved, because it was agreed that they would be dealt with during the proposed regular meetings of the council of foreign ministers. This council met in London between 11 September and 2 October 1945, when Molotov proposed peace treaties with Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, which served to confirm the status quo. Byrnes tried to apply the Polish solution, namely widening the democratic base of the government, but Molotov stood his ground, resulting in stalemate. Wanting to arrive at some form of agreement, Byrnes considered giving the Soviets their sphere of influence. In effect, his Moscow policy had been turned upside down. After this point, he decided to take a firm hand when dealing with the Soviets, although he still hoped there would be an American-Soviet agreement. Up until his resignation as Secretary of State in April 1946, Byrnes carried out the new American policy towards the Soviet Union. Any concessions made would be by the Soviet side only. In the end, the change of mind about the Soviet Union had resulted in a change of policy. In other words, Roosevelt’s plan was abandoned and replaced by the policy of containment.21 To sum up, the fundamental reasons behind the Cold War that arose as a result of the events of 1945 were as follows: 1. It was American, rather than Soviet, policy that changed. The fact that the United States tried to resolve the conflicts which arose in its own interests caused the Soviet Union to concentrate on establishing its sphere of influence in eastern and south-eastern Europe. In spite of this, the Soviets tried to reach agreement with the United States until autumn 1947.22 20 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 41-51. Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, p. 370. 21 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 41-51. Colin Bown and Peter J. Mooney, Cold War to Détente, p.9-33. 22 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 49-51. 55 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 2. American policy changed because of Soviet actions in eastern and south-eastern Europe. The Americans had underestimated the security needs of the Soviets, and as a result only succeeded in strengthening its desire to spread Bolshevism the region. American public opinion had also misjudged the Soviet Union. However, it should not be forgotten that reason the United States had gone to war in Europe was to protect small countries against the Nazis. It could not reasonable dismiss some countries solely on the grounds that the Soviet Union wanted to form close relations with them. The Soviets, on the other hand, feared the advancement of capitalism which would most likely bring American imperialism with it.23 3. It was inevitable that the incompatibility of American and Soviet views would come to light sooner or later. However, it was not necessary that this should result in the world dividing into blocs, with each side feeling threatened by the other. The economic expansion of the United States was to be expected, but the export of American capital and goods would be accompanied by American imperialism was not necessarily so. When American troops had withdrawn from western and southern Europe, given that the United States did not fear that the area would come under communist control, there would be no reason for them to dominate the region. The outlook for a socialist Europe that was more social democratic than communist was actually good in 1945 and 1946.24 4. Given that the United States’ political and economic system was much stronger than that of the Soviet Union, it was natural that Washington had greater opportunities to shape the world following the war. It would have been quite feasible for the United States to recognise the Soviet sphere of influence in eastern and south-eastern Europe, to involve the Soviets in joint control of atomic weapons, and contribute to the reconstruction of the Soviet economy, thereby redressing the imbalance. However, policy makers in Washington misinterpreted Soviet security interests in the region as proof of Bolshevik expansionism, and therefore refused to co-operate. In turn, the Soviets saw American policy as aggressive capitalist expansionism, which lead them to harden their own attitude. This escalated and by the end of 1945, the formation of blocs became more and more pronounced.25 5. It was not easy for a consensus on a consistent policy to be reached in Washington because of the many differing opinions which were being voiced. The Americans were not clear about what their priorities should be at that time, a weakness that took its toll most when dealing 23 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 49-51. Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 49-51. Colin Bown and Peter J. Mooney, Cold War to Détente, p.9-33. 25 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 49-51. 24 56 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE with the future of Germany. Given this confusion, the Soviet government had difficulties judging whether American proposals were sincere or just made to test their reactions. For example, the crucial test the Americans always applied was their willingness to allow the Soviets serious compensations from Germany and their other previous enemies. Moreover, Molotov’s personality, specifically his threatening stutter and delaying tactics angered many and served to deepen the mistrust between the two powers.26 1.4. Decisions which led to Division When the change in American policy towards the end of 1945 occurred, very few of the most urgent post-war problems had been resolved. For one, the future of Germany had not yet been discussed, neither had the peace treaties with the once enemy states been negotiated. Moreover, the European economy was in a critical state, with hunger, disease, millions of displaced persons and refugees, and there were the huge problems of switching from a wartime to a peacetime economy. All these issues led to decreasing production and unemployment, and increasing debt burdens. Furthermore, the war had transformed the old political pattern: The United States was now the leading world power; Britain became the weaker partner because of its economy; the Soviet Union had expanded into eastern and south-eastern Europe. Together with the vacuum in power that had appeared in western and southern Europe, these problems provided the basis for the deepening of the conflict between the United States and the Soviets.27 The doctrine of containment played a decisive role in the United States’ approach to the developing East-West conflict. Its most avid supporter was the diplomat George F. Kennan, who was convinced that meaningful or long-term co-operation with the Soviet Union was not possible. Before the meeting at Yalta, he had expressed his support of the division of the world into spheres of influence and also a propaganda war against the Soviet Union. His famous “Long Telegram” of 22 February 1946 was one of the most important documents of the postwar era.28 He believed that the Soviets’ suspiciousness and aggressiveness were based on “basic inner Russian necessities” rather than “objective analysis of the situation beyond Russian’s borders”. He underlined that the main cause of the Kremlin’s “neurotic view of world affairs” was Russia’s sense of insecurity, which had become instinctive. This had led the Soviet Union Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, “p. 49-51. Colin Bown and Peter J. Mooney, Cold War to Détente, p.9-33. 27 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 52-54. Colin Bown and Peter J. Mooney, Cold War to Détente, p.9-33. 28 George F. Kennan, Memoirs, 1950-63, Atlantic Little, Brown, Boston, 1972, p. 549-51. George F. Kennan (The Mr X), “The Sources of Soviet Conduct”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 25, No. 4, (July 1947), p. 580. 26 57 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies to adopt an offensive stance “in patient but deadly struggle for total destruction of rival power, never in compacts or compromises with it”. They would do all they could to strengthen the socialist bloc and weaken the stronger, capitalist Western powers, overthrowing any government, from Turkey to Britain, which held out against Soviet pressure. It was thus obligatory for the Western nations to form a more cohesive bloc, under the leadership of the United States.29 In his analysis of Soviet foreign policy formation, Kennan emphatically underlined the role of ideology. He also overestimated the Soviets’ ability to dominate and manipulate the communist parties in other countries, as well as influencing those that did not have a Red Army presence. This overriding emphasis on ideology resulted in him portraying Soviet intentions as inflexible and single-minded, which was not in fact the case. Kennan did not also distinguish between eastern and south-eastern Europe, on the one hand, and the rest of Europe on the other. Again, in 1946, Kennan used the term “containment”, but he failed to clarify that it implied the division of Germany and of Europe into respective spheres of influence. Thus, Kennan’s “Long Telegram” dealt a fatal blow to the hopes and aspirations of Yalta. Kennan was made influential, even famous, overnight. He was recalled from the US embassy in Moscow in April 1946 to support his view personally both in the administration and throughout the country.30 Kennan’s “Long Telegram” was the impetus behind the Truman administration adopting a firmer policy towards the Soviet Union. It was generally held that the existence of the Soviet Union constituted a threat to the United States. It was therefore an obligation for America to use military strength and make the containment of the Soviet threat its first and foremost aim throughout the world. The countries outside the Soviet sphere of influence were to be given economic and political support in their struggle against Soviet advancement. Economic aid, trade agreements and technical assistance were seen as a much more effective way to demonstrate the durability of capitalism, although offering military aid was not ruled out completely. Anyone who suggested that the Soviet leaders were flexible and that it might be possible to reach an agreement with them were not given any heed. The most notable of these was Henry Wallace, Secretary of Commerce, who, in a speech on 12 September 1946, suggested the recognition of the Soviet sphere of influence in eastern and south-eastern Europe. 29 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 52-54. Colin Bown and Peter J. Mooney, Cold War to Détente, p.9-33. 30 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 52-54. Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, p. 370. 58 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE He added the warning that the “tougher we get, the tougher the Russians will get”. 31 However, the United States administration no longer tolerated anyone who had doubts about the new course in foreign policy. As a result, President Truman called for Wallace’s to resign.32 Byrnes executed American foreign policy in 1946 as had been stated in the Long Telegram. He put a great deal of effort into retracting some of the concessions that had already been made and ensuring that the Soviet Union did not expand its influence. The new policy was first tested in Iran. British and Soviet troops had occupied Iran in 1941 to prevent a possible pact between that country and Hitler, and they were due to leave at the agreed deadline of 2 March 1946. The Soviets sought to strengthen their position in northern Iran by raising the hopes of non-Iranians there. The United States wanted both British and Soviet troops out of the country, both to break the former’s oil monopoly and to prevent the latter from advancing towards the Persian Gulf. Provoked by the British, the Iranian government appealed to the Security Council of the UN at the end of January 1946, fearing that the Soviet Union would not adhere to the withdrawal schedule. As it turned out, not only did the Soviet troops stay in Iran beyond 2 March 1946, some even moved into the central regions of the country. Threatened with another appeal to the Security Council, the Soviet Union stated on 25 March that it would withdraw from Iran within five or six weeks, thus backing down in the face of Anglo-American aggression. On 27 March 1946, Byrnes described Soviet policy in Iran as imperialist, and thus the policy of containment had proved to be a success. The chances of its success in other countries was reasonable.33 At the meeting of the council of foreign ministers which began in Paris in April 1946 Byrnes put the new approach into operation. Almost all Soviet proposals were rejected. The first round of discussions ended on 15 May without any agreement being made. Some progress was recorded during the second round of negotiations which lasted from 15 June to 12 July. However, the Soviets did not accept Byrne’s “open door” policy, namely free access for American capital and goods to eastern and south-eastern Europe.34 While Byrnes was attending these meetings, another crisis in US-Soviet relations had developed in a different area. On 7 August 1946 the Soviet Union gave a note to Turkey demanding it to retract the Montreux Convention of 1936 which had assigned it significant 31 Walter LaFeber (ed.), The Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947: A Historical Problem with Interpretation and Documents, John Wiley, New York, 1971, p. 145-6. 32 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 54-59. 33 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 54-59. Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, p. 370. 34 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 54-59. 59 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies control over the passage of warships through the Straits of the littoral states of the Black Sea. The reason for this was that the Soviets wished to have more control over this issue, and to erect joint Soviet-Turkish fortifications. Earlier, in October 1944, Churchill had agreed that this request would be reasonable, and stated that the Potsdam Agreement had included a clause confirming the right of the Soviet Union to seek a revision of the Convention. However, the time the formal Soviet demand for such a revision came was precisely when the US administration was determined not to concede to the Soviet Union. Dean Acheson, Under Secretary of State, told President Truman that joint fortifications on the Straits would lead to Soviet control over Turkey, which would in turn extend to Greece and the entire Near and Middle East, thus putting the Soviet Union in a “much stronger position to obtain its objectives in India and China”. The Americans believed that they could only hold the Soviets back by announcing they were “prepared, if necessary, to meet aggression with force of arms”. As a result, a sharp note protesting the demand was sent to Moscow, and the Turkish government was encouraged to stand its ground. Furthermore, American warships were dispatched to the eastern Mediterranean. Byrnes made another move towards containment by making a fundamental change in American attitudes towards international loans and credits. Their new aim was to stabilise the economies of the countries outside the Soviet sphere of influence so that they would be less open to communist influence.35 1.5. Policy on atomic weapons, Germany, Eastern and south-eastern Europe There were two main problems which concerned the security of the United States and those countries outside the Soviet sphere of influence: atomic weapons and Germany. Any decision the Americans took was shaped by and added to the division of Germany, Europe and the world into two camps. Regarding atomic weapons, they decided to make security their priority. The Truman administration devised a policy which tested Soviet willingness to cooperate on atomic weapons, aiming at the internationalisation of such weapons. However, until the establishment of a complete control system, the United States continued producing the capital for the bombs without actually making any. The Soviets were given a choice: trust the Americans and stop developing their own atomic weapons; or start an expensive and dangerous 35 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 54-59. Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, p. 370. 60 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE atomic arms race. However, the Soviets had already decided to begin building their own atomic bomb in August 1945. The age of atomic weapons had begun.36 Regarding Germany, in 1946 the United States began to read Soviet policy as an attempt to control whole of the country. Faced with this possibility or the division of Germany into two, it chose the latter. This left only two possibilities for American policy towards Germany: either to leave it as a whole that was highly open to Soviet influence; or to cut the regions of the west off from the east and integrate them in Western Europe. This was in fact a misinterpretation of Soviet policy towards Germany. Although the Soviet Union had set up central German agencies in their own zone before the signing of the Potsdam Agreement, they did not have a well-defined policy towards the country. While they wanted their zone to embrace socialism eventually, they left it with nearly nothing. Reparations caused significant tension, and the Soviets and the East German politicians often conflicted.37 Concerning eastern and south-eastern Europe, just as the United States were aiming to strengthen its position in all countries outside the Soviet sphere of influence, so the Soviet Union was aiming to secure its power within it. Hope that the United States would intervene on the side of the anti-communist forces shaped many of the policies of the countries of eastern and south-eastern Europe. Some democratic politicians were overly optimistic about this matter, which led to the communists becoming even more aggressive.38 1.6. The Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan The first year of containment did not yield miraculous results for the United States. The European economy was so weak that there was no guarantee that the communism could be stopped. The American credits given in 1946 had not turned the economic situation around, and Congress was not willing to donate new, large loans. Neither had the American public fully embraced the belief that the Soviets were not reconcilable, and it was not enthusiastic about the doctrine of containment. However, 1947 saw a major change in opinion with the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan.39 36 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 60-64. Colin Bown and Peter J. Mooney, Cold War to Détente, p.9-33. 37 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 60-64. Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, p. 370. 38 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 60-64. 39 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 65-69. Walter LaFeber (ed.), The Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947: A Historical Problem with Interpretation and Documents, John Wiley, New York, 1971, p. 154-6. Department of State Bulletin, XVI, 15 June 1947, p. 1160. David Horowitz (ed.), Containment and Revolution, p. 26-75. 61 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Convincing the American public that it was necessary to provide loans to threatened friendly governments was not easy. During debates regarding the British loan in early 1946, State Department officials realised that arguments based on “open door” or “one world” policy were not effective. It was Dean Acheson, Under Secretary of State, who brought about a change in both Congress and public opinion when he made the connection between the loan and the struggle against communist influence in Britain. The crucial turning point occurred on 21 February 1947 when the British stated that would no longer be able to supply military and economic aid to Greece and Turkey as from 31 March of that year, due to Britain’s economic difficulties. Although Britain and the United States had been sharing the cost so far, it was clear that the United States government would have to take on the full burden. In fact, the situation in Greece and Turkey at that time was not particular critical. The civil war had been continuing in Greece for four years, but a communist victory was not imminent. In Turkey the government was stubborn in its refusals to concede to the Soviets on the issue of the Straits. In spite of this, Dean Acheson told Truman on 27 February 1947 that a “highly possible Soviet breakthrough (in the Middle East) might open up three continents to Soviet penetration”. Truman took up this claim in his address to both houses of Congress on 12 March 1947. He added: “I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.” He subsequently asked for 300 million dollars for Greece and 100 million dollars for Turkey. In 1949, the Greek civil war came to a bloody end with a communist defeat, and Turkey remained on the Western side. The overt anti-communist tone of the Truman Doctrine resonated with Congress, and it transformed the doctrine of containment into a “national crusade”.40 George Marshall, Secretary of State, launched his plan in a speech at Harvard University on 5 June 1947. He declared “our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation and chaos”. American assistance was not to alleviate, but to cure these problems. Marshall made it clear a week later that his proposals were to cover all countries “west of Asia”, expressly including the Soviet Union. The goal of the Marshall Plan was twofold: politically, it aimed to contain communism; and economically, to bring prosperity to Europe and thereby create export markets for the US economy. He invited the countries of eastern and south-eastern Europe to participate in the hope that it may break their bonds with the Soviet Union. In this way, all Europe would become economically interdependent, the market economy would be strengthened, and the Soviet-style planned economy would become 40 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 65-69. Also see Bruce R. Kuniholm, The Origins of the Cold War in the Near East, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1980. 62 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE less viable. Socialists and many others in Europe hoped that the Marshall Plan would allow the countries of that continent to grow together and prosper, and therefore grow away from dependence on both the Soviet Union and the United States. The way would be paved for a third movement that lay between the communism of the Soviet Union and the capitalism of the United States.41 The Soviets were in a dilemma over the Marshall Plan. On the one hand, they wanted to prevent American political and economic dominance in Europe; but on the other, they and their east and south-east European neighbours were in real need of American capital and goods. The initial Soviet response to the Plan was negative. On 16 June 1947, the Soviet daily newspaper, Pravda, described it as an extension of the Truman Doctrine involving interference in the internal affairs of other states. On 4 July 1947 the representatives of twenty-two European governments were invited to meet in Paris on 12 July to discuss participation. Not wanting to come under American influence by accepting Marshall Aid, Moscow applied pressure to these states not to attend for the same reason. The Soviets’ mistrust of American motives, and their deep-rooted lack of faith in their own ability to contain American influence in their sphere of influence ultimately resulted in division in Europe. During the summer of 1947, the Soviet government remained undecided about how to respond to the Marshall Plan. By midSeptember, however, it seemed they had come to a decision. They invited the leaders of the communist parties of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, France and Italy to a conference in Poland on 22 September 1947, where a decision was taken to establish the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform). The opinion was that the Marshall Plan was the latest manifestation of the desire of American capitalism to expand, its aim being the “enslavement of Europe”. It was paramount for the “anti-imperialist and democratic camp”, led by the Soviet Union, to resist with all their might such an outcome. Therefore, after the conference, the communist parties abandoned their policy of stabilisation for one of unrest, resentment at low living standards and revolutionary ardour. One of their aims was to make the acceptance of the Marshall Plan impossible.42 By the beginning of 1948, the Cold War was no longer a mere expression of international politics. Rather, it had become a reality in internal politics. The communists returned to their ghettos and western and southern Europe shifted towards the right. The Soviet sphere of influence, eastern and south-eastern Europe, however, shifted towards the left. The Soviets’ goal was the establishment of people’s democracies and the introduction of planned economies 41 42 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 65-69. Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 70-78. 63 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies along their line of thinking. The task of the Cominform was to produce propaganda only. It set out to glorify the achievements of the Soviet Union, to stress the decisive role played by the Red Army in the liberation of the area, and the evilness of the outside world. The ultimate outcome of the Marshall Plan was thus the division of Europe and the inevitability of blocs being formed. On 24 June 1948 the Soviets blockaded West Berlin, separating it from the outside world. The goal of this blockade was to force the West to abandon its plan for a separate West German state. This proved to be ineffective diplomacy on the part of the Soviets: instead of putting a stop to integration plans, it speeded up the formation of a West German state. In May 1949 the Soviets called off their blockade.43 The Berlin blockade increased the feeling of military insecurity in the parts of Europe aligned with the West, and this gave rise to pressure for a common military force to defend the region. As a result, the North Atlantic Treaty, signed in Washington on 4 April 1949, was drawn up and eventually led to the establishment of a common defence force, known as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). In response, the Soviet Union established the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) in 1949; and the Warsaw Pact, the Soviet Union’s answer to NATO, in 1955. When the (west) European Economic Community in was established in 1958, the division of Europe was complete.44 2. Explanations for the Cold War There are three major explanations for the Cold War: (1) the orthodox or traditional; (2) the revisionist; (3) the post-revisionist.45 This section will deal with each one in turn. 2.1. The Orthodox or Traditional View The orthodox, or traditional, interpretation had been zealously expressed by George F. Kennan in his Long Telegram of 22 February 1946, and in his anonymous (Mr X) article ‘The Sources of Soviet Conduct’ in the July 1947 issue of Foreign Affairs. By the end of 1948 the large majority of American and western European politicians had adopted his interpretation. It was articulated in a number of academic works46, according to which, the sources of the Cold War were as follows: Marxism-Leninism ideology with its doctrine of class struggle leading 43 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 70-78. Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 70-78. 45 Ayşegül Sever, Soğuk Savaş Kuşatmasında Türkiye, Batı, Orta Doğu, 1945-1958, Boyut Kitapları, İstanbul, 1997, p. 12-14. 46 Among which the books of William H. McNeill was particularly influential. William H. McNeill, America, Britain and Russia: Their Co-operation and Conflict 1941-1946, (Oxford: 1953). 44 64 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE to worldwide revolution; the fledgling Soviet regime’s struggle for survival between 1918 and 1920; the Soviet leadership’s need increase its domestic control by mobilising the population against a perceived external threat.47 According to Orthodox historians, the policies of the Soviet Union regarding the capitalist states were essentially hostile, eased by co-operation only when seen necessary. It was the default belief that the Soviet were continually looking for ways to undermine the authority of non-communist powers in order to spread communist ideology. During the Second World War Stalin had hoped that the capitalist states would destroy each other, allowing the Soviet Union to intervene at the most advantageous point. Although Germany’s attack forced the Soviet Union into a tactical alliance with the West, Stalin still strove to expand Soviet influence by using native communist groups as well as the Red Army. Unsatisfied with only eastern and south-eastern Europe in its sphere of influence, the Soviet Union tried to bring all of Germany under Soviet control, in addition to western and southern Europe, and Asia, by provoking strikes and unrest in these regions.48 The Orthodox view held that President Roosevelt and his Secretary of State Cordell Hull, and afterwards President Truman and his Secretary of State, James F. Byrnes, had misinterpreted the potentially expansionist nature of Soviet foreign policy. They had hoped for the integration of the Soviet Union in a liberal democratic world order. Moreover, because these leaders had no clear vision of the shape of the post-war world, they were prepared to make political concessions in return for short-term military gains-despite British warnings. For example, in order to secure Stalin’s cooperation they had approved a strategy which led to the Red Army advancing straight into central Europe. Furthermore, they had allowed the Soviet Union to play a major role in Germany’s future, and did not exploit the potential resistance to the sovietisation of eastern and south-eastern Europe. Specifically, in May 1945 they recognised the Polish Provisional Government after a number of Poles from London had been included; at Potsdam they accepted the Polish border being moved westwards; and they permitted the economic exploitation of the Soviet region of Germany. Moreover, at the Moscow meeting of the council of foreign ministers in December 1945, they recognised Bulgaria and Romania as Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 8. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., “Origins of the Cold War”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 46, (October), 1967, p. 251-253. 48 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 9. David Horowitz (ed.), Containment and Revolution, p. 13-25. 47 65 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies communist states, and accepted the peace treaties that were to influence events in those regions.49 Although they were becoming increasingly frustrated with Soviet obstinacy, the Truman administration did not give up their attempts to co-operate with the Soviet Union at the United Nations. The Baruch Plan, in June 1946, proposed joint US-USSR control over the building of atomic weapons. A month later, Washington was also ready to sign an agreement with the Soviets which, had it been signed, would have led to foreign troops withdrawing from Germany on the condition that both America and the Soviet Union would have the right to intervene should German policies appear to be a threat to their security. In June 1947, the United States even invited the Soviet Union and the countries in eastern and south-eastern European to participate in the Marshall Plan.50 When the Soviets refused all these offers to co-operate, it became clear that the division of Europe into blocs was unavoidable. The Americans shifted their priority to the containment of communist expansionism. In order to stabilise the economies of the non-communist European states, in 1947 Washington decided to begin a huge aid and investment programme. This programme would include the three Western occupation zones in Germany, and thus the division of Germany had to be accepted, albeit regretfully. In reaction to this, the Soviet Union expedited the sovietisation of its zone of occupation in Germany and in eastern and southeastern Europe, and seized power in a coup in Czechoslovakia in February 1948. The Soviets tried to disrupt western and southern Europe via a communist-led wave of strikes as from November 1947, and to force the Western Powers out of Berlin by blockading all the road, rail and water routes to the city. The Soviet offer in March 1952 to discuss the formation of a united, demilitarised, neutral and democratic Germany was another move to the same end. European states west of the iron curtain felt threatened by Soviet political and military power and therefore asked for American protection. The outcome was the formation of the Organisation of European Economic Co-operation in 1948, the establishment of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in 1949, and the re-arming of West Germany and its integration into NATO as a result of communist aggression in Korea between 1950 and 1953. As a result, Soviet expansion in Europe was stopped. However, Moscow’s desire to expand had not been eliminated.51 49 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 9-10. David Horowitz (ed.), Containment and Revolution, p. 13-25. 50 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 10. 51 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 10-11. David Horowitz (ed.), Containment and Revolution, p. 13-25. 66 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 2.2. The Revisionist View The revisionist school of thought rejected the traditional analysis on the basis that it was Western oriented; specifically, that it was a self-interested capitalist fabrication based on a serious misinterpretation of Soviet domestic reality and foreign goals. The early revisionists included some of the critics of Truman’s foreign policy, for example the former vicepresidential candidate Henry A. Wallace, in addition to European opponents of western integration in the ‘neutral’ movement between the USA and the USSR of the late 1940s. The works of the historian William A. Williams had a crucial influence. Notable works also included those of his former students, especially those by Gabriel Kolko, in addition to Gar Alperowitz, Barton J. Bernstein, Lloyd C. Gardner and Thomas G. Paterson.52 This interpretation held that the Soviet Union could not be held responsible for the Cold War, because it had only narrowly escaped defeat during the Second World War, and by 1945 it was facing economic collapse because of its enormous human and material losses. Under Stalin, the Soviet Union had focussed mainly on rebuilding its economy rather than international revolutionary goals. Because of security needs, it sought to make ties with neighbouring governments that were not anti-Soviet, and to prevent future military threats from Germany. This did not necessarily entail the sovietisation of eastern and south-eastern Europe. Furthermore, it was faced with an extremely wealthy United States that enjoyed sole-ownership of atomic weapons.53 According to the revisionists, the reasons for the confrontation lay in the American economic and political system. The liberal capitalist American economy was in continual need of increasing trade and investment opportunities to reduce the effects of its internal weaknesses. In turn, this implied American political expansionism. Given that the United States was the leading global economic power, the policy of equal opportunity would unavoidably lead to increasing American domination, economically as well as politically. The aim was global Pax Americana, with American power guaranteeing international peace.54 The revisionist view is that when the United States decided to become involved in the war against Japan and Germany, it was motivated by the desire to maintain and expand its share in the world economy. The argument was put forward that the same policy was applied against Britain. Throughout the entire war, the aim of taking over the sterling area and imperial 52 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 10-11. Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 11. William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, Delta Books, New York, 1962, p. 206-9, 227, 266-7, 278-9. 54 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 12. 53 67 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies preference was of the utmost importance to US diplomacy. The long, drawn-out negotiations on the Lend-Lease agreement, on the founding of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (which was concluded at Bretton Woods in 1944), and the loan given to Britain by the United States in November 1945 resulted in Britain being forced to open up its traditional markets to American competition. The United States immediately replaced the British in Latin America and increased competition against British oil interests in the Middle East. Regarding American-Soviet relations, the struggle with the Soviet Union over the future of eastern and south-eastern Europe gained greater significance in and after 1945. This area had traditionally been of little importance to the USA. However, the “open door” policy being applied in this region ensured the practicability of liberal capitalism and American influence.55 This viewpoint purported that the Soviet Union could not tolerate such a threat to its security interests in its sphere of influence, especially when United States trade and investment more often that not came together with militant anti-communism. In response to America, the Soviet Union allowed revolutionary movements some leeway, and concluded bilateral treaties in order to protect eastern and south-eastern Europe against American penetration. The Truman administration countered by increasing the pressure to compel the “open door” policy on the region. Specifically, it deliberately ignored the Soviet request in January 1945 for a large loan; abruptly put an end to Lend-Lease deliveries, which had been the principle means of securing American military aid to European nations since March 1941; at Potsdam, refused to agree to the level of German remuneration necessary to guarantee the speedy recovery of the Soviet economy; and, in May 1946, it terminated all reparation deliveries from the US zone. Washington also tried to use the atomic weapons card to coerce the Soviet Union in becoming more agreeable. It postponed the Potsdam conference until the building of the atomic bomb had been completed, and used the Baruch Plan to try to guarantee an American atomic monopoly for decades to come and thereby to gain control over the Soviet economy. The aim of the Marshall Plan was to embed an informal American empire in all regions of Europe, thus to extending American political influence over the Soviet Union itself.56 When the Soviet Union stood its ground, the United States conceded the Soviet sphere of influence. As from early 1946, the Americans consciously carried out a policy leading to the division of Germany and of Europe. In order to crush American isolationism and European capitalist and socialist opposition, the United States fabricated a myth about global Soviet 55 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 12. Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 13. David Horowitz (ed.), Containment and Revolution, p. 13-25. 56 68 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE expansionism. The Truman Doctrine in 1947 was the political counterpart of the Marshall Plan; the establishment of NATO was decided during the Berlin blockade; and during the Korean war, the gathering of political forces in the USA and allied countries shifted to the right. Thus, as a result of American pressure and the Western decision to form blocs, the Soviet Union sought greater political allegiance in eastern and south-eastern Europe. In turn came the emergence of people’s democracies, often by force. In this way, the gulf between east and west widened further. However, the Soviet Union was always hopeful that a rapprochement with the West might be realised.57 2.3. The Post-revisionist View The post-revisionist interpretation avoided the black-and-white approaches of the orthodox and revisionist views. Rather than claiming that fault lay with only one side, it held that the situation was too complex for any generalisation when assigning blame. The weaknesses of the previous two analyses are clear: the orthodox interpretation paid insufficient attention to the Soviets’ legitimate security needs; the revisionist standpoint overlooked the Soviet behaviour that led to shifts in American policy. Moreover, neither analysis had had access to Soviet sources. Neither was clear on whether to see the Cold War as an unavoidable consequence of the collision of two opposing socio-political systems; or whether everything could have been avoided had each side interpreted each other’s intentions correctly. For example, the mishandling of the information available to the American government on Japan’s intentions before Pearl Harbour did not say much for American intelligence; neither were the Soviets more competent. Given this, it would not be reasonable to expect two states that had so little experience of dealing with each other prior to 1941 to be able to understand one another correctly in such a short time. Dissatisfaction with the earlier analyses coupled with wider access to official documents led to a large body of post-revisionist studies that aimed to interpret the events from a critical and objective standpoint.58 3. Conclusion To conclude, it can be said that there are a number of viewpoints on the nature of the Cold War. According to those directly involved, it can be said to have begun in 1947 and ended shortly after the Cuban Missile crisis of 1962. Alternatively, if it is to be understood as the overt 57 Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 13. Martin McCauley, The Origins of the Cold War, p. 14. Joseph R. Starobin, “Origins of the Cold War”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 47, (July), 1969, p. 287-8. 58 69 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies or covert antagonism which existed between the Soviet Union and the United States, between socialism and capitalism, between a collectivist, planned society and the pluralistic values of a market economy, then the Cold War began in October 1917 and would continue until either the Soviet Union became capitalist or the United States socialist. On the other hand, if the Cold War is viewed as the period during which the overt antagonism between Moscow and Washington dominated world affairs, then it began in 1943 and ended sometime in the 1960s or even as late as the end of the Vietnam war in 1975. Throughout the entire period of SovietAmerican conflict, a parallel process was under way in the formation of blocs. The division of Germany and the splitting of Europe, and the world, into two camps, was completed by 1955. From this point on, the two major political sides competed for sphere of influence in a “scramble” reminiscent of the scramble for colonies by the European powers in the nineteenth century. However, this time it embraced the whole world, with no room for neutrals. The current analysis has concentrated on the years 1941-8, with some reference to the pre-1941 era. Soviet-American relations have been emphasised, because they dominated the world scene from 1943 onwards. Previous to this date, Britain had had an important role. However, its economic weakness following the war meant that it had to depend on the United States more and more. This was met with a certain amount of resentment in London. The Conservative MP Robert Boothby, for example, compared the terms the Labour government had been forced to accept in return for the 3750 million-dollar American loan to those accepted at Munich. He commented that the government was selling the “British Empire for a packet of cigarettes”.59 In fact, however, the British government had little choice. Without American aid, the British economy would have collapsed. The defeat of Germany and Japan left a vacuum in central Europe and the Far East and entailed a new international order had to be brought about. The two countries which had contributed most to the defeat of the Axis powers, the Soviet Union and the United States, were presented with a once in a lifetime chance to reshape the political structuring of the globe. Never before had such an opportunity come about, and never before had two powers so dominated the world. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, on the other hand, thought it was pointless for the United States and Britain to fight the Soviets. It was true that they had been forced into what he called a “shotgun marriage” during the war, but he hoped their relationship would turn into a “real and lasting partnership”. He said that Europeans would just have to tolerate Russian domination 59 Parliamentary Debates (Hansard), Fifth Series, Volume: 417, House of Commons, 12 December 1945, cols. 459, 461, 463-9. 70 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE with the view that in ten or twenty years they would be able to live well together. Thus, he did not see the Soviet Union as a threat to American security, nor did he believe it was even practising an antagonistic foreign policy towards American interests. The world was large enough for both of them to coexist. He aimed to reach an agreement with Stalin personally, even if some parts of it would be against the interests of the British. At Yalta in particular, he made it clear to Stalin that he was suspicious about Churchill, whom he suspected was planning to keep the British Empire intact after the war. Roosevelt viewed Stalin as an anti-colonial ally and therefore tried to win his co-operation in planning the new, post-war world. His main assumption was that it would be the United Nations who was responsible for peace-keeping, and he thought its essential that the Soviet have an active role in this organisation. However, Stalin had two criteria when dealing with the American: first, recognition of a Soviet sphere of influence in eastern and south-eastern Europe, and if possible in the neighbours of the Soviet Union in the Middle East and Asia; second, American acceptance of the Soviet demand for reparations from ex-enemy countries, in addition to American help in reconstructing the Soviet economy. In other words, Stalin’s two main concerns were security and money. He did not want to fall for America’s sweet-sounding promises, and instead approached Washington’s apparent goodwill with measured caution. He had a number of options available: isolation; a policy of aggression against Britain and the United States; encouragement of foreign communist parties to seize power, or at least to undermine the market economies; or co-operation, which would mean agreeing to maintain the status quo in western and southern Europe. Eventually, Stalin chose co-operation, but he did so extremely warily, taking Washington’s deeds rather than words when gauging their intentions. The year 1945 was a turning point. Roosevelt’s death came at a critical moment in American-Soviet relations. The unwillingness of Britain and the United States to concede the Soviets a sphere of influence in eastern and south-eastern Europe, which Stalin thought had already been accepted in principle by his wartime allies, led the Soviets first to stabilise and then consolidate their position in that region. However, everything they did to this end provided strong evidence for those in London and Washington who were having second becoming doubtful about Soviet power and had little faith in Roosevelt’s grand design. For example, the British Prime Minister, Clement Attlee, was already pessimistic about the future of East-West relations in 1945. Moreover, the foreign minister, Ernest Bevin’s suspicion of communists was well known. The British government had strong ties with eastern and south-eastern Europe. Speaking in the House of Commons on 20 August 1945 about the problems of Romania, 71 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Hungary, Bulgaria and Austria, Bevin stated that it was important to “prevent the substitution of one form of totalitarianism for another”. Harry Truman, who succeeded Roosevelt in 1945, wanted to co-operate with the Soviets, but only on the condition that the United States should be recognised as the stronger partner. His diplomacy regarding atomic weapons was not successful and instead succeeded in provoking the Soviets to expediate their own atomic programme. The Soviet Union detonated its first atomic device in 1949. The Soviets’ lack of knowledge of the makings of American policy coupled with their inexperience in international diplomacy served to increase their misconceptions. Washington never tried to see the problems from Moscow’s point of view. It had poor sources of intelligence in the Soviet Union, and it only had a very vague notion of policy discussions in the Kremlin. Moscow, on the other hand, had an abundance of intelligence about American and British official thinking. In fact, it is not clear why Stalin did not exploit the opportunities he had given the flow of intelligence from London and Washington and elsewhere, together with the genuine American desire in 1945 for co-operation based on mutual advantage. It could have been the Soviet awareness of their own economic weakness and the strength of the United States which led Stalin to adopt a safety-first policy. Should the “open world” economy be realised, American influence could easily replace that of the Soviets in the latter’s sphere of influence. However, the increasingly bitter debates on the problem of Germany (including reparations) only strengthened the hand of those Americans who were committed to the “Riga axioms” 60. As a result, American policy became a self-fulfilling prophesy. The Americans argued that the Soviets did not want an agreement because they were set on expansion. Giving them eastern and south-eastern Europe would only encourage them to start asking for the countries to the west. Containment was the logical response to this. It was announced in February 1946, but only openly became official policy a year later, with the formulation of the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan. These were necessary for the construction of the Cold War. Western fear of the Soviet Union played an important part in the origins of the Cold War. They saw the Soviet Union for what it was: economically and militarily weak. The source of official misconceptions about the Soviet Union’s real strength was lack of knowledge about the Soviet Union. The Soviet obsession with secrecy did not help. In 1945, agreement could have 60 This is the name given to the views and policies of the US diplomatic experts based in the Latvian capital, Riga, who worked for the Division of Russian Affairs (DRA) during the 1920s to discover Soviet foreign policy objectives. Latvia provided a haven for Russian exiles opposed to the Soviet government. Their views greatly influenced those who worked in the DRA. 72 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE been reached, but in 1946 it became much more difficult. One of the American proposals for post-war Germany was to de-industrialise the country, reducing German industry to a level which would make it impossible for the country ever again to become a threat to its neighbours. This option was attractive if large reparations to the Soviet Union were seen as desirable, but no agreement on it could be reached at Potsdam. London and Washington wanted to revive the German economy as soon as possible, since the former was unable and the latter unwilling to sustain it for much longer. Inevitably this raised concern in Moscow. It was actually in everyone’s interests to reach an agreement on Germany for accord on other parts of the world to follow. Nevertheless, the importance of Germany was so important to both sides that no one was willing to leave a vacuum. Each side feared that Germany would pass into the camp of its adversary. The Soviet believed that the market economy would pull Germany into the American influence, while the Americans were concerned about the likelihood of a German state being communist. France played a negative role throughout. It wanted Germany dismembered and divided, and it needed reparations. Eventually the only solution to the seemingly impossible European problem was to divide the continent into blocs and revitalise the western economies as the most certain way of resisting communism. The Cold War was not inevitable, but it became a reality because of the innate needs of the Soviet Union and the United States. The Soviet Union placed priority on security before any other considerations, and this was not entirely appreciated in the United States. America genuinely wanted Soviet co-operation after the war, but on its own terms. Although mutual interests were strong enough for a possible relationship to develop, it is tempting to conclude that Stalin had the power in 1945 to make the decisive move and introduced a new era in SovietAmerican relations. The Soviet Union lost out as a result of Stalin’s failure to seize the opportunity that was offered. The result was an enormous and continually increasing Soviet defence burden; the formation and maintenance of Soviet-backed regimes in eastern and southeastern Europe which alienated the populations there; the division of the world into armed camps; and international hostility. 4. Bibliography 4.1. Books & Articles BOWN, Colin and MOONEY, Peter J., Cold War to Détente, 1945-85, Heinemann Educational, Oxford, 1985. CALVOCORESSI, Peter, World Politics since 1945, Longman, London, 1991. 73 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies DAVIS, Lynn Etheridge, The Cold War Begins: Soviet-American Conflict over Eastern Europe, Princeton, 1974. Department of State Bulletin, XVI, 15 June 1947. GADDIS, John Lewis, Soğuk Savaş, Çev. Dilek Cenkçiler, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, İstanbul, 2008. HOROWITZ, David (ed.), Containment and Revolution, Beacon Press, Boston, 1967. KUNIHOLM, Bruce R., The Origins of the Cold War in the Near East, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1980. MCCAULEY, Martin, The Origins of the Cold War, Longman, London, 1991. MCMAHON, Robert J., Soğuk Savaş, Çev. Sinem Gül, Dost Kitabevi, Ankara, 2013. MCNEILL, William H., America, Britain and Russia: Their Co-operation and Conflict 1941-1946, Oxford, 1953. Parliamentary Debates (Hansard), Fifth Series, Volume: 417, House of Commons, 12 December 1945. SEVER, Ayşegül, Soğuk Savaş Kuşatmasında Türkiye, Batı ve Ortadoğu, 1945-1958, Boyut Kitapları, İstanbul, 1997. 4.2. Books and articles for the tradional view on the origins of the cold war ACHESON, Dean, Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department, Norton, New York, 1969. BOHLEN, Charles, Witness to History 1929-1969, Wedenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1973. KENNAN, George F. (The Mr X), “The Sources of Soviet Conduct”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 25, No. 4, (July 1947). KENNAN, George F., Memoirs, 1950-63, Atlantic Little, Brown, Boston, 1972. MURPHY, Robert, Diplomat among Warriors, Collins, London, 1964. SCHLESINGER, Arthur M. Jr., “Origins of the Cold War”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 46, (October), 1967. SPANIER, J. W., American Foreign Policy since the Second World War, Holt Rhinehart and Wilson, New York, 1980. 4.3. Books and articles for the revisionist view on the origins of the cold war FLEMING, D. F., The Cold War and its Origins, 1917-1960, 2 vols, Doubleday, New York, 1961. 74 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE FREELAND, Richard M. D., The Truman Doctrine and the Origins of McCarthyism, New York University Press, New York, 1985. KOLKO, Joyce and Gabriel, The Limits of Power: The World and the United States Foreign Policy, 1945-1954, Harper, New York, 1972. LAFEBER, Walter, America, Russia and the Cold War, John Wiley, New York, 1976. LAFEBER, Walter (ed.), The Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947: A Historical Problem with Interpretation and Documents, John Wiley, New York, 1971. WILLIAMS, William Appleman, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, Delta Books, New York, 1962. 4.4. Books and articles for the post-revisionist view on the origins of the cold war ANDERSON, Terry H., The United States, Great Britain and the Cold War, 1944-47, University of Missouri Press, Colombia, 1981. BULLOCK, Allan, Ernest Bevin-Foreign Secretary, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1985. EDMONDS, Robin, Setting the Mould: The United States and Britain (1945-50), Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1986. GADDIS, John Lewis, “The Emerging Post-Revisionist Synthesis on the Origins of the Cold War”, Diplomatic History, Vol. 7, 1983. GADDIS, John Lewis, The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941-47, 2nd edn. Columbia, New York, 1976. HATHAWAY, Robert M., Ambiguous Partnership: Britain and America, 1944-1947, University of Colombia Press, New York, 1981. STAROBIN, Joseph R., “Origins of the Cold War”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 47, (July), 1969, p. 287-8. YERGIN, Daniel, Shattered Peace: The Origins of the Cold War and the National Security State, Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1977. 75 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 76 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Other Face of the Medallion: Pursuit of Truth from the Samples of Two Archives about OttomanDubrovnik Relations Cihan YEMİŞÇİ “The frog at the bottom of the well thinks the sky is only as big as the top of the well” Chinese Idiom Research about the history discipline requires, using documents, source critic and investigating events from different perspectives as much as possible.1 These requirements are among the basic principles of the discipline of history. When one uses the documents based on primary and secondary sources, it’s seen that general conjuncture of the place, information of the dominant power which has written that document, about the relation with center and provinces, and the mind and the official political opinion might influence the document intentionally or unintentionally in a subjective manner. At this point when a research subject is taken, only using different texts which was written and seen by different hands and eyes, allows to compare different approaches and to make a well grounded criticism. Like in the many other fields of history, this also applies for Ottoman history research. This is especially valid for the subjects which deal with the foreign affairs or the events where more than one party is involved. The increase of the studies which deal with the various aspects of the history of international relations of the Ottoman Empire, and scholars who used archives of several countries, is remarkable.2 Both awareness of historians whose vision on this subject is  Lecturer Dr., Bilecik Sheikh Edebali University, History Department; cihan.yemisci@bilecik.edu.tr. A. Zeki Velidî Togan, Tarihte Usûl, Enderun Kitabevi, Istanbul 1985 (Fourth edition), p. 95-106; Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Tarih Araştırmalarında Usûl, Kubbealtı Neşriyat, Istanbul 1997 (Fifth edition), p. 32-35, 95-96; Tuncer Baykara, Tarih Araştırma ve Yazma Metodu, Izmir 1996 (Second edition), p. 94-98. 2 For some studies which were studied from the British archives see, Ahmet Büyükaksoy, İngiltere’nin İstanbul Elçisi Thomas Roe’nun Diplomatik Yazışmaları (1621-1628) (Unpublished Master Thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, Istanbul 2012; same author, James Porter'ın İstanbul Büyükelçiliği (1747-1762) (Unpublished PhD Thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, Istanbul 2016 and Fatih 1 77 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies improved, the developments of communication technologies, and both the institutional funds in our county helped this progression. When the materials which are taken from the Italian, British and Spanish archives are melted in the same pot with data that is taken from the Ottoman archives, puzzle parts of the grand picture which was created by the historical events, fit in healthier manner. Thereby penetrating the versatile nature of the history is become easier and this has allowed historians to study and deal with the events and subjects from different perspectives. This study aims to show the necessity of using the sources of different countries, in the history discipline and draw attention to comparison method of the methodology by using two historical events about the Ottoman-Dubrovnik relations and examining characteristic samples about these two events. Problems between Dubrovnik Merchants, and Buda Governor Murtaza Pasha and Vatz Minister Mustafa, and Their Reflections to Archives. Republic of Dubrovnik was under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire with a special status and thereby she was a city state which was under the control of the Porte. Even tough affairs about the republic had a specific place in the countless affairs of the vast empire, a special register series were composed during the relations between Dubrovnik and Ottoman Empire, which is longer than 400 years. Up until the 1604 imperial decrees, patents and capitulations which deal with the political, military, legal, economic and social subjects between the two states, had been recorded to imperial council registers [Mühimme Defterleri]. After that point registers about aforementioned affairs had been started to record in registers of foreign states [Düvel-i Ecnebiye Defterleri].3 At the first look these registers seem to contain rich and plenty materials enough to deal with the relations between two countries. On the other hand if these documents are used without using the Dubrovnik documents which are the other side of the medallion, and a study is to be composed without them, this study will be either wrong or at the very least it will be inadequate for the subject or for producing information. Gürcan, John Murray'ın Istanbul Büyükelçiliği (1765-1775) (Unpublished PhD Thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, Istanbul 2014; Mikail Acıpınar’s work which is complied from Florence and Ottoman archives, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Floransa, Akdeniz’de Diplomasi, Ticaret ve Korsanlık (1453-1599), TTK, Ankara 2016; Emrah Safa Gürkan’s Sultanın Casusları, 16. Yüzyılda İstihbarat, Sabotaj ve Rüşvet Ağları, Kronik Yayıncılık, Istanbul 2017, which was complied from Simancas (Spain), Vienna (Austria) Florence, Genoa, Venice (Italy), Dubrovnik (Ragusa) and Turkish archives; same author, Sultanın Korsanları, Osmanlı Akdenizi’nde Gazâ, Yağma ve Esaret, 1500-1700, Kronik Yayıncılık, Istanbul 2018; and Cihan Yemişçi’s XVII. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Dubrovnik Siyasi İlişkileri (Unpublished PhD Thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, Istanbul 2017, which was compied from Dubrovnik and Ottoman archives. 3 Yemişçi, XVII. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Dubrovnik Siyasi İlişkileri, p. 1-3. 78 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE First sample about the aforementioned claim is the long dispute between Dubrovnik merchants and Governor of Buda Murteza Pasha and Minister Pasha who was a subordinate of the former. This dispute will be dealt by comparing the data which is taken from the both archives and by using them as a supplementary factor. After this it will be stressed that how the data which are taken from the Dubrovnik archive and cannot be found in Ottoman archival records, can affect the modus operandi of the subject. During Long Wars of 1592-1606 with Austria, akinjis were ambushed and they suffered heavy casualties which were enough to obliterate them. Following this, Province of Buda which was neighbor to Austrian zone of influence, was organized a border province in order to undertake the role of this military class. Also a guardian [muhafız] pashalik was created as an administration unit. As a border province, governor of Buda was also undertaken the office of guardian pashalik and thereby he became superior than most of administrators of other provinces. In a sense he became a superior officer. From 1623, governor of Buda, who had been chosen among the viziers, had been able to made some regulations and exercises about collecting taxes. He would lead the soldiers in border skirmishes, he could able to made international correspondences and negotiations, and when necessary he might be an arbitrator in a dispute with neighbor states.4 The village of Vatz,5 which was bound to Buda, contained one of the most important piers of the Danube, and the customs point and the river trade was overseen there. In 17th century, customs of Vatz was turned into a tax farm and given as a tax farm, which was spread to whole empire.6 In 1625, a person called Mustafa who was the minister of Buda Governor Murtaza Pasha in Vatz, also the tax farmer of that customs. A dispute which was occurred when the tax collectors of Mustafa halted a Dubrovnik trade caravan, turned into great series of problems which were lasted for years and occupied both sides.7 At the same time a series of imperial and grand vizier decrees which give an idea about the contemporary situation of the relation between center and provinces, had been started.8 İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi, IV, TTK, Ankara 1995 (Seventh edition ), p. 286. M. Cavid Baysun, “Budin”, İA, II, MEB, Eskişehir 2001, p. 757-758; Geza David, “Budin”, TDVİA, VI, İstanbul 1992, p. 347. 6 Vatz was one of the seven villages that belonged to Buda. See Mustafa Işık, XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Hakimiyetinde Budin (Unpublished phd thesis), Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Sakarya 2013, p 184. 7 Işık, XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Hakimiyetinde Budin, p. 295-310. 8 For detailed information see, Vesna Miović, Dubrovačka Republika u Spisima Osmanskih Sultana, Državnog Arhiva u Dubrovnika, Dubrovnik 2005, p. 24; same author Dubrovačka Diplomacija u Istanbulu, Hrvatska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti (HAZU), Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti u Dubrovniku, Zagreb-Dubrovnik 2003, p. 86; Yemişçi, XVII. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Dubrovnik Siyasi İlişkileri, p. 116-117. 4 5 79 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Dispute started when the tax collectors, by the order of their superiors, halted Dubrovnik merchants who were exporting cattle hides and red oak, and demanded to pay customs taxes from them. Merchants, who claimed that they were exempted from paying taxes, resisted this practice. After a while, Minister of Vatz Mustafa appealed to diwan of Buda and obtained a decree in favor of his claim.9 Thereupon Dubrovnik ambassadors appealed to the imperial council and obtained an imperial decree which exempted them from paying customs duties and other tekâlif-i örfiyye taxes. This imperial decree was sent to Murtaza Pasha of Buda where the Vatz customs were bounded, and governors of Rumelia, Bosnia and Temeşvar, judges of these provinces, sanjakbey of Herzegovina, and the judges of Foça, Yenipazar and Herzegovina.10 According to imperial decree, as a privilege which was stipulated in capitulations, custom duties of Dubrovnik people, was turned into a tax farm, and a tax farmer who was appointed by Dubrovnik would pay the price of the tax farm once every three years. In return Dubrovnik merchants would not be directly imposed taxes and every order and practice which would contradict this imperial decree was forbidden.11 However, the goverment of Buda, issued a command which contradicts with the imperial decree and supported the first decree. In this command it’s repeated that in many jurisdictions including Foça, tax farms of cattle skins was belonged to Mustafa, the minister of Vatz, and any declaration which claims the tax exemption of Dubrovnik merchants would be dismissed.12 Thereupon an ambassadorial committee came to Istanbul and informed the imperial council about these news. This committee reminded the customs duty exemption of Dubrovnik merchants which was stipulated in capitulations, and an imperial decree was sent to governor of Bosnia and sanjakbey of Hercegovina and their respective judges, and the judges of Foça and Yenipazar.13 However demands about custom duties did not end, and in 1627, 3000 pieces skin which was belonged to Dubrovnik merchants was confiscated in Yenipazar, and they were sent to Belgrade.14 Thereupon a dispute occurred between Mustafa the minister of Vatz and the 9 DDA (Dubrovnik State Archives), DA (Diplomata et Acta), AT (Acta Turcarum), 7/2.1 (herafter DA, 7/2.1), sv. 16, br. 779 (15 Şa‘ban 1034 / 29 May 1625), Buda. 10 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 16, br. 780 (14 Zi’l-ka‘de 1034 / 18 Ağustos 1625), Istanbul. 11 For the capitulations of Dubrovnik which was renewed when Murad IV, ascended to throne, See Presidential Ottoman Archives (hereafter COA.), MAD.d.06004, p. 93-94 (Evâsıt-ı Safer 1033 / 4-13 December 1623). 12 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 16, br. 786 (6 Cemâziye’l-âhir 1035 / 5 March 1626), Buda. 13 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 16, br. 788 (1 Safer 1036 / 22 October 1626) and br. 789 (11 Safer 1036 / 1 November 1626), Istanbul. 14 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 815 (Evâhir-i Zi’l-ka‘de 1038 / 12-21 July 1629) and 817 (Evâsıt-ı Zi’l-hicce 1038 / 1-10 August 1629), Istanbul. 80 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Dubrovnik merchants in the diwan of Buda. The diwan of Buda, decided in favor of Mustafa who claimed his tax farm rights against the Dubrovnik merchants, who defended their customs duty exemptions by submitting the articles of capitulations and the imperial decrees which was sent from the capita. Even though Dubrovnik merchants appealed this decision and threatened that they would go to the imperial council, diwan of Buda did not changed its decision and confirmed it.15 Dubrovnik merchants immediately counterattacked and next month they obtained another imperial decree which was similar to previous decrees, from the imperial council.16 Also a diwan çavuş was sent from capital to Buda, in order to examine the case. While the case was ongoing in Buda, Murtaza Pasha sent an order to Bekir Pasha of Bosnia. In this order Murtaza Pasha, advised Bekir Pasha to confiscate all imperial decrees of Dubrovnik merchants and put them into a sealed bag.17 Three months later another imperial decree was sent from Istanbul and this made the case unsolvable. Thıs document was including passages in favor of governor of Buda and minister of Vatz. In this imperial decree, it was stated that Dubrovnik merchants were bound to pay customs and other duties and that any claim against this decree would be dismissed.18 Because of this imperial decree, which was issued by the influence of Murtaza Pasha at the capital, this case entered into a vicious circle. In 1629, Murad IV involved to matter. Even the sultan's handwritten command19 which cancelled imperial decree in favor of Murtaza Pasha and Mustafa, ordered restitution or compensation of merchant’s skins, stated that privileges of Dubrovnik merchants were still in force and strictly ordered that no more contradictive decree would be issued, did not help to solve the case. With the every command which was issued in Istanbul and Buda in nearly every year, this case turned into a competition, between the capital and the province.20 This case which was expanded between the years of 1625 and 1640, prolonged with opposing commands. It can be understood that this matter was remained unsolved. 15 This act was informed as command, to Mehmed Bey of Hercegovina, and the other judges in Yeni Pazar, Yeni Varosh and Hersek. See DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 801, (17 Zi’l-hicce 1037 / 18 August 1628), Buda. 16 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 803 and 804 (19 Muharrem 1038 / 18 September 1628) and register copy COA., ADVN.DVE.d.14/2, p. 47 (document no: 31). 17 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 805, (6 Safer 1038 / 5 October 1628), Buda. 18 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 810, (4 Rebi‘ü’l-âhir 1038 / 1 December 1628), Istanbul. 19 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 813 (27 Zi’l-k‘ade 1038 / 18 July 1629). For the different copies of this imperial decree which was sent to different governors, see . sv. 17, br. 814, (27 Zi’l-ka‘de 1038 / 18 July 1629), br. 815 (Evâhir-i Zi’l-ka‘de 1038 / 12-21 July 1629), br. 816-817 (Evâsıt-ı Zi’l-hicce 1038 / 1-10 August 1629) and register record COA., ADVN.DVE.d.14/2, p. 52 (document no: 41 and 42); DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 818-819, (27 Zi’l-hicce 1038 / 17 August 1629); br. 821 and register record: COA., ADVN.DVE.d.14/2, p. 54/1 (document no: 44) (Evâhir-i Safer 1039 / 9-18 October 1629). 20 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 823 and register regord: COA., ADVN.DVE.d.14/2, p. 55 (document no: 47) (Evâhir-i Safer 1039 / 9-18 October 1629). Also see DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 825 (Evâil-i Rebi‘ü’l-âhir 1039 / 18-27 November 1629). 81 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The period, in which this matter was happened, was a time when the Murad IV newly started gain power after a troubled time, in which the central authority was shaken after the confusions in capital that caused by the regicide of Osman II. On the other this matter which was happened in time when the effects of the power vacuum of the last years, also contains an exemplary case about the resistance and disobedience of the province to the central authority. Although this situation can be understood from the imperial decrees, which are recorded in registers of foreign states [Düvel-i Ecnebiye Defterleri] developments at the background and governor of Buda’s disobedience to the capital’s order can only be seen in the Dubrovnik archives. For instance, remarks “of disregarding capital’s orders and only regarding Buda’s commands” and disobeying central authority, can only be seen in the records that are held in Dubrovnik archives.21 This case should be taken as a characteristic example of necessity of looking the other side of the medallion. It should be stressed that Ottoman documents which contain information about this case, are dated from h. 1038 / m. 1628. This time was the three years after the date of appearance of this case in Dubrovnik archives. Therefore, up until to that that developments about this case can only be traced from the Dubrovnik archives. The Ottoman archives are silent during the developments in interlude, and they are only useful after 1628 for this case. During this interlude, both the imperial decrees that were sent from Istanbul and the commands that were sent from Buda and the developments that had occurred afterwards, can only be traced from Dubrovnik archives. The hints about this case in the Ottoman archival documents, refers to the developments that had occurred this three years. Even though it is surprising not to see the imperial commands which were sent from the Ottoman capital in this three years period, in Ottoman archives, disappearance of the commands that were issued in Buda, is very normal. It is possible to fill the gaps by using Dubrovnik archives. Because copies of the documents that related with Dubrovnik diplomats, republic and citizens were recorded in Dubrovnik archives. On the other hand when the data, that is taken from the both archives, it is seen that they are completing each other. When the statements about the two parties are pooled together, this case can be dealt by using the documents in Istanbul and Dubrovnik- even only by using the DA, 7/2.1, sv. 17, br. 805 (6 Safer 1038 / 5 October 1628). Buda. For the continuation of Murtaza Pasha’s commands against the sultan’s handwritten order see sv. 17, br. 834 (25 Ramazan 1039 / 8 Mayıs 1630) and sv. 18, br. 853 (21 Rebi‘ü’l-evvel 1043 / 25 September 1633), Buda. 21 82 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ones that were written in Ottoman Turkish-healthier. Thereby it is possible to trace a case which involves more than one party, and construct a multi sided text.22 Spying Accusations that were alleged to the Ragusans A second example is about the case is the spying accusation of Ottoman provincial administrators to the Ragusans, attitude of Ottoman central authority and its reflection to the Dubrovnik archives in the background. There are some records in some imperial decrees that can be found in the Ottoman archives, which dated in early 17th century, about Balkan administrators and officials interceptions to the Ragusans and their accusation of for them as being spies. Scope of these interceptions was extended, from messengers, who were frequently on the road between Dubrovnik and Istanbul, to the ambassadors of republic.23 Roads of those two official classes were blocked, their letters were confiscated and their goods were landed down and searched. There are some imperial decrees, which were sent from the Ottoman capital, which frequently demand the protection and free traffic of Ragusans. This official statement was based on the centuries old dependence of Dubrovnik, to the Ottoman Empire and its annual tribute along with its several services to the empire. Also, according to these documents state officials and administrators should help Ragusans, who were under the protection (emân) of sultan, in order to complete their journey and supply their necessities.24 Furthermore it is also stated that aforementioned Dubrovnik diplomat and officials were not spies, on the contrary, they were the official state officers who were tasked with official correspondences and negotiations of the republic. For the first exemplary case, if a historical text would be constructed by using the formulaic expressions in the imperial decrees, one might conclude that ‘administrators and 22 This affair is not the direct subject of this study. Therefore only the part, which is necessary to illuminate our subject is taken. On the other hand when we look at the Dubrovnik records that, relation between Murtaza Pasha and Mustafa the Minister of Vatz and their connection of interest, minister Mustafa’s great power economical and financial in provinces and adjacent just like moneychangers, his influence over the local administrators and even the governor of Bosnia was omitted. This matter requires a separate study subject and a paper about this matter has been prepared by us. 23 DA, 7/2.1, sv. 14, br. 672 (Evâil-i Cemâziye’l-evvel 1027 / 26 April – 5 May 1618); COA., ADVN.DVE.d.13/1, p. 171/2 (document no: 778) (Receb 1027 / 24 June – 22 July 1618), p. 172/1 (document no: 781) (Evâsıt-ı Ramazan 1027 / 31 August – 9 September 1618); COA., MAD.d.06004, p. 43/2 (Evâsıt-ı Zi’l-hicce 1032 / 6-15 October 1623); COA., ADVN.DVE.d.14/2, p. 123/2 (document no: 209) (Evâil-i Cemâziye’l-âhir 1050 / 18-27 September 1640). 24 For example, see COA., ADVN.DVE.d.14/2, p. 46/1 (document no: 28) (Evâhir-i Safer 1038 / 19-28 October 1628). 83 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies officers at Balkans, were not obeying the capital’s orders, and in their defiance, they were creating problems for Ragusans’.25 On the other hand when one looks behind the curtain, it is seen that the affairs are very different in the Dubrovnik archives. It is known that there were many spies of nearly every state, who were gathering news and strategic information, in Dubrovnik which became a center of intelligence. Furthermore it is also known that the Republic of Dubrovnik was not only gathering intelligence for the Ottoman Empire, but it was a double agent for European states.26 However it is absolutely necessary to look at the Dubrovnik archives, in order to understand the events and affairs that made Balkan administrators and officers to become vigilant to the Ragusans. For example by looking the Dubrovnik archives it can be seen that there were western spies, who were appointed in the ambassadorial committee with or without the consent of prince of Dubrovnik or the senate. Most of the time even the ambassador was unaware of them.27 These western spies who infiltrated the Dubrovnik embassy, went to some towns and villages in Balkans where they encountered, and they questioned residents if they were satisfied with the imperial government, or they even questioned that if residents would support a crusade, in case of war.28 This data is among the ones that can be obtained from Dubrovnik archives. Insomuch that these spies were expected to kindle the flame of rebellion in Bosnia, Hercegovina, Albania and other places.29 All of these activities were destined for one purpose. Long wars with Austria between 1593 and 1606 was wearing for the Ottoman Empire. It was also observed that the empire was the shadow of its former glory. European states such as Spain, Austria, Naples, Papal States and Savoy, devised some plans in order to push the Turks from the Balkans.30 There was a small group which was chiefly led by Resti and Giorgi families, who called as marginal in For remarks of misled author such as “On the contrary of center’s persistent demands, provincial officers were following a intimidation policy to Ragusan… On the other hand, intimating policies and practices of the provincial officals, could not be stopped even against the wishes of central authority”, see Sevda Dıraga Canbaz, 15/3 No’lu Dubrovnik Düvel-i Ecnebiye Defteri: (H.1057-1073/M.1647-1663) (İnceleme-Metin) (Unpublished master thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul 2014, p. 122. 26 For example, Ragusan spying for Austria see, DDA., Literae et Commissiones, XVII, sv. 140.2, br. 71a-200d. For detailed information see, Miović, Dubrovačka Diplomacija u Istanbulu, p. 117, 127-140; also see Robin Harris, Dubrovnik, A History, SAQI, Londra 2003, p 102; Gürkan, Sultanın Casusları., p. 139. 27 DDA., Literae et Commissiones, XVII, sv. 122.4, br. 63a-64d. 28 DDA., Literae et Commissiones, XVII, sv. 122.4, br. 63a-64d; 67a-70d. 29 DDA., Literae et Commissiones, XVII, sv. 122.4, br. 67b-70d. Also see, Miović, Dubrovačka Diplomacija u Istanbulu, p. 136. 30 DDA., Literae et Commissiones, XVII, sv. 122.4, br. 57b-62d. Also see, Uzunçarşılı, Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi., IV, p. 286; Johann Wilhelm Zinkeisen, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi, III, (ed. Erhan Afyoncu, trs. Nilüfer Epçeli), Yeditepe Yayınları, İstanbul 2011, p. 13, 623-641; Trandafir G. Djuvara, Türk İmparatorluğunun Paylaşılması Hakkında Yüz Proje (1281-1913), (trs. Pulat Tacar), İş Bankası Yayınları, İstanbul 2017, p. 125-164. 25 84 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Dubrovnik. One of the fiery members of this faction was, the renaissance figure of Dubrovnik and the author of the poem that called Osman, Ivan Gundulic.31 The main function of this faction in Dubrovnik was to help and guide the agents who came from the west. In time the turning of Dubrovnik to a lightning rod for the gathering of European spies and to a crossroad for infiltrating Ottoman Balkans, raised suspicions.32 The visitors of the city who were tasked with espionage, infiltrated Bosnia, Hercegovina and Montenegro, they contacted with local populace and they drew detailed pictures of some castles.33 The first hand witnesses of these espionage activities were Balkan administrators and officials.34 Both intelligence and the detention of some of these agents in the Balkans and the presence of spies in Dubrovnik, alarmed the local authorities and officials35, chiefly in Trebinje and Nova. Some detailed maps were founded in spy’s inventory. At one point, two Savoyard agents disguised themselves as horse merchants and went to the Ottoman minister in Dubrovnik with rich gifts. They wanted reference to get permission to enter the Ottoman territories. The Ottoman minister not only denied the gifts, but also forwarded the situation to his superiors because he found the situation too suspicious.36 Even if these espionage activities did not reflected to Ottoman-Dubrovnik relations, it caused suspicions and accusations which were very hard get rid of, for the republic and its citizens. Balkan provincial officials dissatisfaction, and eagerness to investigate to examine the developments were more alive in than capital. Because they were witness to developments that had occurred. Dispersion of the foreigners who were in the Dubrovnik embassy, to the Balkan See, Zdenko Zlatar, The Slavic Epic: Gundulić’s Osman, IV, Balkan Studies, New York 1995. Which is why, in 1592 Murad III, ordered his sergeants to follow the spies who entered Ottoman soil, with the Dubrovnik embassy. See Nicolaas H. Biegman, The Turco-Ragusan Relationship according to the Firmans of Murad III (1575-1595) extant in the State Archives of Dubrovnik, The Hague-Paris 1967, p. 144. As a common belief in the Ottomans, it was sad that “There were many people who were working for the enemies of the Ottoman Empire, in Dubrovnik”. See Miovic, Dubrovačka Republika u Spisima Osmanskih Sultana, p. 50. A Spanish spy informed this situation with these words: “If you want to learn every information about the sultan, best place for it is Dubrovnik”. Same author, Dubrovačka Diplomacija u Istanbulu, p. 127. 33 Imberto Saluzzio and Filiberto Provano drew the detailed maps of cities and castles in the region. They also drew the plans of some castles. Miovic tells that these plans of these castles and the maps of two ports with their forts, which were drawn very secretly and detailed, were in the Turin state archives. See, Miovic, Dubrovačka Diplomacija u Istanbulu, p. 127. 34 DDA., Literae et Commissiones, XVII, sv. 122.4, br. 67a-70d. 35 A map was found in inventory of one of the detained spies. This spy tried to defend himself by claiming that these maps were the original ones. However same map was found in another spy, who was taken by bandits in Hercegovina. These bandits who were related with some of the local officials, informed officials with necessary information and delivered maps to them. This spies were going to Dubrovnik. Miovic, Dubrovačka Diplomacija u Istanbulu, p. 13. 36 DDA., Literae et Commissiones, XVII, sv. 122.4, br. 65a-66d. Activities of this spy caught the attention of minister and he informed the pasha of Trebinje and other local administrators with following words: “What kind a horse merchant draws the pictures of Castle of Dubrovnik and my place”. See Miovic, Dubrovačka Diplomacija u Istanbulu, p. 14. 31 32 85 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies countryside raised suspicions.37 Ottoman local authorities intervened many situation which they found suspicious. The plans of the crusader side were foiled when the Republic of Dubrovnik exiled its citizens who involved to conspiracy.38 Probably for this reason, Ottoman capital did not heed the espionage accusations which was made to the Ragusans. Also Istanbul gave importance to reports and intelligence which came from Dubrovnik. Therefore Ottoman Empire did not pay attention city’s development in this way.39 Thus the development about this matter reflected to the archives of these countries in different ways. Conclusion Whether in the documents which were written in Ottoman Turkish, or in the Dubrovnik’s own records, in order to penetrate the nature of the relations of two countries, one must compare the data which was taken from both archives, and use them as a supplementary. If one use only Ottoman or Dubrovnik sources, he/she might write a historical text but as it is seen from the above a case could only be dealt with one side of the matter. This removes to opportunity of comparing historical materials and source critic. Finally this also removes to opportunity of making a healthier evaluation and, causes wrong construction of historical texts. Finally, if there are more than one side, there more than one perspective. Miovic, Dubrovačka Republika u Spisima Osmanskih Sultana, p. 50. Miovic, Dubrovačka Diplomacija u Istanbulu, p. 13. In 1448, Republic of Dubrovnik that penalty for spying for other countries was death. This act contunied up until 1808, when the republic was ended. See ibid, p. 139. Also look for, Harris, Dubrovnik, p. 102. 39 DA., 7/2.1, sv. 11, br. 532; COA., ADVN.DVE.d.13/1, p. 1/1, 5/1 (document no: 11) (19 Rebi‘ü’l-ahir 1023 / 29 Mayıs 1614), p. 179/1 – 180 (document no: 811-823) (9 Cemâziye’l-âhir 1020 / 19 August 1611); COA., MAD.d.06004, p. 93-94 (Evâsıt-ı Safer 1033 / 4-13 December 1623) and other copies: (Evâil-i Zi’l-kaʿde 1033 / 15-24 August 1624); COA., ADVN.DVE.d.14/2, p. 7-8 (document no: 10-14) (Evâil-i Rebiʿü’l-evvel 1041 / 27 September – 6 October 1631) and other copies: (Evâhir-i Rebiʿü’l-evvel 1044 / 13-22 September 1634), p. 9/2 11 (document no: 16-20) (Evâsıt-ı Cemâziye’l-âhir 1050 / 27 September – 6 October 1640), p. 11-13 (document no: 21-22) (Evâsıt-ı Cemâziye’l-âhir 1050 / 27 September – 6 October 1640 and Evâil-i Receb 1055 / 23 August – 1 September 1645); DA., 7/2.1, sv. 23, br. 1066 (Evâil-i Ramazan 1059 / 8-17 September 1649 and its copy: Evâhir-i Şaʿban 1059 / 29 August – 7 September 1649); COA., ADVN.DVE.d.15/3, p. 6-7 (document no: 2-12) (Evâil-i Receb 1059 / 11-20 July 1649 and Evâhir-i Zi’l-hicce 1061 / 4-13 December 1651 and Evâsıt-ı Ramazan 1064 / 25 July – 3 August), p. 117-119 (document no: 171) (Evâhir-i Muharrem 1073 / 4-13 September 1662) and 120/2–121 (document no: 174) (Evâhir-i Cemaziye’l-evvel 1073 / 31 Recember 1662 – 8 January 1663). For more information see. Biegman, The Turco-Ragusan Relationship according to the Firmans of Murad III, p. 246-248; same author, “Ragusan Spying for the Ottoman Empire. Some 16th Century Documents from the State Archive at Dubrovnik”, Belleten, XXVII/106, Ankara 1963, p. 237-255; Fernand Braudel, Akdeniz ve Akdeniz Dünyası, II, (trs. Mehmet Ali Kılıçbay), Eren Yayınları, İstanbul 1989, p. 501, 516; Harris, Durovnik, p. 102; İdris Bostan, Adriyatik’te Korsanlık, Osmanlılar, Uskoklar, Venedikliler 1575-1620, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 2009, p. 96; Metin Ziya Köse, Osmanlı Devleti ve Dubrovnik İlişkileri, 1500-1600, Doğu Akdeniz’de Casuslar ve Tacirler, Giza Yayınları, İstanbul 2009, p. 19-22; Lovro Kunčević, “Janus-faced Sovereignty: The International Status of the Ragusan Republic in the Early Modern Period”, The European Tributary States of the Ottoman Empire in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century, (ed. Gábor Kármán and Lovro Kunčević), Brill, Leiden-Boston 2013, p. 9697. 37 38 86 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE BIBLIOGRAPHY A. ARCHIVE RESOURCES 1. Presidential Ottoman Archives (COA) ADVN.DVE.d.13/1 : Page. 1/1 (document no: 1) (19 Rebi‘ü’l-ahir 1023 / 29 Mayıs 1614). P. 5/1 (document no: 11) (19 Rebi‘ü’l-ahir 1023 / 29 Mayıs 1614). P. 171/2 (document no: 778) (Receb 1027 / 24 June – 22 July 1618). P. 172/1 (document no: 781) (Evâsıt-ı Ramazan 1027 / 31 August – 9 September 1618). P. 179/1 – 180 (document no: 811-823) (9 Cemâziye’l-âhir 1020 / 19 August 1611). MAD.d.06004 : P. 43/2 (Evâsıt-ı Zi’l-hicce 1032 / 6-15 October 1623). P. 93-94 (Evâsıt-ı Safer 1033 / 4-13 December 1623 and other copies: Evâil-i Zi’l-kaʿde 1033 / 15-24 August 1624). ADVN.DVE.d.14/2 : P. 7-8 (document no: 10-14) (Evâil-i Rebiʿü’l-evvel 1041 / 27 September – 6 October 1631) and other copies: (Evâhir-i Rebiʿü’l-evvel 1044 / 13-22 September 1634). P. 9/2 – 11 (document no: 16-20) (Evâsıt-ı Cemâziye’l-âhir 1050 / 27 September – 6 October 1640). P. 11-13 (document no: 21 and 22) (Evâsıt-ı Cemâziye’l-âhir 1050 / 27 September – 6 October 1640 and Evâil-i Receb 1055 / 23 August – 1 September 1645). P. 46/1 (document no: 28) (Evâhir-i Safer 1038 / 19-28 October 1628). P. 47 (document no: 31) (19 Muharrem 1038 / 18 September 1628). P. 52 (document no: 41 and 42) (1-10 August 1629 / Evâsıt-ı Zi’l-hicce 1038). P. 54/1 (document no: 44) (Evâhir-i Safer 1039 / 9-18 October 1629). P. 55 (document no: 47) (Evâhir-i Safer 1039 / 9-18 October 1629). P. 123/2 (document no: 209) (Evâil-i Cemâziye’l-âhir 1050 / 18-27 September 1640). ADVN.DVE.d.15/3 : 87 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies P. 6-7 (document no: 2-12) (Evâil-i Receb 1059 / 11-20 July 1649, and Evâhir-i Zi’lhicce 1061 / 4-13 December 1651, and Evâsıt-ı Ramazan 1064 / 25 July – 3 August). P. 117-119 (document no: 171) (Evâhir-i Muharrem 1073 / 4-13 September 1662). P. 120/2–121 (document no: 174) (Evâhir-i Cemaziye’l-evvel 1073 / 31 Recember 1662 – 8 January 1663). 1. Dubrovnik State Archive (DDA) a. Literae et Commissiones, XVII : Sv. (svezak [box]) 122.4, br. (broy [folder no]) 57b-62d; 63a-64d; 65a-66d; 67a-70d. Sv. 140.2, br. 71a-200d. b. DA (Diplomata et Acta), AT (Acta Turcarum), 7/2.1 : Sv. 11: br. 532 (A 10, 20; K, 2197) (Evâil-i Safer 1013 / 29 Haziran 1604 – 8 Temmuz 1604). Sv. 14: br. 672 (A 3, 66) (Evâil-i Cemâziye’l-evvel 1027 / 26 April – 5 May 1618). Sv. 16: br. 779 (C 6, 54) (15 Şa‘ban 1034 / 29 May 1625). br. 780 (A 7, 90), (14 Zi’l-ka‘de 1034 / 18 Ağustos 1625). br. 786 (A 10, 25), (6 Cemâziye’l-âhir 1035 / 5 March 1626). br. 788 (A 10, 26), (1 Safer 1036 / 22 October 1626). br. 789 (K, 323), (11 Safer 1036 / 1 November 1626). Sv. 17: br. 801 (K, 330) (17 Zi’l-hicce 1037 / 18 August 1628). br. 803 (K, 341), (19 Muharrem 1038 / 18 September 1628). br. 804 (K, 331) (19 Muharrem 1038 / 18 September 1628). br. 805 (K, 334) (6 Safer 1038 / 5 October 1628). br. 810 (A 8, 112) (4 Rebi‘ü’l-âhir 1038 / 1 December 1628). br. 813 (K, 338) (27 Zi’l-ka‘de 1038 / 18 July 1629). br. 814 (K, 339) (27 Zi’l-ka’de 1038 / 18 July 1629). br. 815 (N 1, 14) (Evâhir-i Zi’l-ka‘de 1038 / 12-21 July 1629). br. 816 (K, 336) (Evâsıt-ı Zi’l-hicce 1038 / 1-10 August 1629). br. 817 (K, 340) (Evâsıt-ı Zi’l-hicce 1038 / 1-10 August 1629). br. 818 (K, 342) (27 Zi’l-hicce 1038 / 17 August 1629). br. 819 (K, 332) (27 Zi’l-hicce 1038 / 17 August 1629). br. 821 (K, 346; K, 344) (Evâhir-i Safer 1039 / 9-18 October 1629). br. 823 (K, 347; A 20, 15) (Evâhir-i Safer 1039 / 9-18 October 1629). 88 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE br. 825 (K, 680) (Evâil-i Rebi‘ü’l-âhir 1039 / 18-27 November 1629). br. 834 (K, 356) (25 Ramazan 1039 / 8 Mayıs 1630). Sv. 18: br. 853 (K, 362) (21 Rebi‘ü’l-evvel 1043 / 25 September 1633). Sv. 23: br. 1066 (Evâil-i Ramazan 1059 / 8-17 September 1649) and its copy: (Evâhir-i Şaʿban 1059 / 29 August – 7 September 1649). B. RESEARCHES ACIPINAR, Mikail, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Floransa, Akdeniz’de Diplomasi, Ticaret ve Korsanlık (1453-1599), TTK, Ankara 2016. BAYKARA, Tuncer, Tarih Araştırma ve Yazma Metodu, İzmir 1996 (Second edition). BAYSUN, M. Cavid, “Budin”, İA, II, MEB, Eskişehir 2001. BIEGMAN, Nicolaas H., “Ragusan Spying for the Ottoman Empire. Some 16th Century Documents from the State Archive at Dubrovnik”, Belleten, XXVII/106, Ankara 1963. __________, The Turco-Ragusan Relationship according to the Firmans of Murad III (1575-1595) extant in the State Archives of Dubrovnik, The Hague-Paris 1967. BOSTAN, İdris, Adriyatik’te Korsanlık, Osmanlılar, Uskoklar, Venedikliler 1575-1620, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 2009. BRAUDEL, Fernand, Akdeniz ve Akdeniz Dünyası, II, (trs. Mehmet Ali Kılıçbay), Eren Yayınları, İstanbul 1989. BÜYÜKAKSOY, Ahmet, İngiltere’nin İstanbul Elçisi Thomas Roe’nun Diplomatik Yazışmaları (1621-1628) (Unpublished Master Thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul 2012. __________, James Porter'ın İstanbul Büyükelçiliği (1747-1762) (Unpublished PhD Thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul 2016. CANBAZ, Sevda Dıraga, 15/3 No’lu Dubrovnik Düvel-i Ecnebiye Defteri: (H.10571073/M.1647-1663) (İnceleme-Metin) (Unpublished master thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul 2014. DAVID, Geza, “Budin”, TDVİA, VI, İstanbul 1992. DJUVARA, Trandafir G., Türk İmparatorluğunun Paylaşılması Hakkında Yüz Proje (1281-1913), (trs. Pulat Tacar), İş Bankası Yayınları, İstanbul 2017. GÜRCAN, Fatih, John Murray'ın İstanbul Büyükelçiliği (1765-1775) (Unpublished PhD Thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul 2014. GÜRKAN, Emrah Safa, Sultanın Casusları, 16. Yüzyılda İstihbarat, Sabotaj ve Rüşvet Ağları, Kronik Yayıncılık, İstanbul 2017. 89 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies __________, Sultanın Korsanları, Osmanlı Akdenizi’nde Gazâ, Yağma ve Esaret, 15001700, Kronik Yayıncılık, İstanbul 2018. HARRIS, Robin, Dubrovnik, A History, SAQI, London 2003. IŞIK, Mustafa, XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Hakimiyetinde Budin (Unpublished phd thesis), Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Sakarya 2013. KÖSE, Metin Ziya, Osmanlı Devleti ve Dubrovnik Cumhuriyeti İlişkileri, 1500-1600, Doğu Akdeniz’de Casuslar ve Tacirler, Giza Yayınları, İstanbul 2009. KUNČEVIĆ, Lovro, “Janus-faced Sovereignty: The International Status of the Ragusan Republic in the Early Modern Period”, The European Tributary States of the Ottoman Empire in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century, (ed. Gábor Kármán and Lovro Kunčević), Brill, Leiden-Boston 2013. KÜTÜKOĞLU, Mübahat S., Tarih Araştırmalarında Usûl, Kubbealtı Neşriyat, İstanbul 1997 (Fifth edition). MIOVIĆ, Vesna, Dubrovačka Diplomacija u Istanbulu, Hrvatska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti (HAZU), Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti u Dubrovniku, Zagreb-Dubrovnik 2003. __________, Dubrovačka Republika u Spisima Osmanskih Sultana, Državnog Arhiva u Dubrovnika, Dubrovnik 2005. TOGAN, A. Zeki Velidî, Tarihte Usûl, Enderun Kitabevi, İstanbul 1985 (Fourth edition). UZUNÇARŞILI, İsmail Hakkı, Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi, IV, TTK, Ankara 1995 (Seventh edition ). YEMİŞÇİ, Cihan, XVII. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Dubrovnik Siyasi İlişkileri (Unpublished PhD Thesis), Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul 2017. ZINKEISEN, Johann Wilhelm, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi, III, (ed. Erhan Afyoncu, trs. Nilüfer Epçeli), Yeditepe Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. ZLATAR, Zdenko, The Slavic Epic: Gundulić’s Osman, IV, Balkan Studies, New York 1995. 90 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 91 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 92 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Reflection of Historical Reality in “Przedwiośnie” (Pre-Spring) of Żeromski Emrah GAZNEVİ* The Polish nation in 1918, after the occupation period of 123 years, at the end of the First World War gained its freedom, about which had been dreaming since 1795 and was also the subject of many literary works. At the beginning of the interwar period in which many things changed in the historical, political, economic and sociocultural sphere in Poland, the place of war, captivity and pain was replaced by the joy and happiness of freedom. People began to look at the future with hope. However, this period did not last very long. With the end of the war, power balances have been disrupted, and the happiness of the newly established independent state has started to leave its place in a painful period in a short time. Poland has not been able to endure much in the face of world-wide economic problems and changing power balances. The power wars, uncompleted legal system, unemployment, strike waves, internal turmoil, external threats, negatively affected the restructuring of the state and caused the political structure to collapse. The first President of Poland lost his life shortly after he was elected, the workers were revolted and the uprising turned into bloody conflict. The totalitarian regime, such as fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany, has begun to manifest itself. Stalin has formed his own totalitarian regime in Russia. Poland had questions to answer, how would it be administered, on which side should it be? The difference between the first years of independence and the later years was obvious. The people are in a deadlock between the dreams they have had for over a century and the truths that lie before them. Because it was expected that a new state, founded as a free country, would be a state that would eliminate the suffering, fights, disputes, poverty, injustice and promised freedom and better living conditions. Therefore, the years following the end of World War I were also a period of disillusionment over the society. The newly established state thus has entered a turbulent period to shape itself. All these changes in a short period of time, such as twenty years, have shown their influence in the field of literature as well as their political and social life. Writers and poets who witnessed all the events turned to a political novel that deals * PhD. ,Research Assistant, Istanbul University, Istanbul. 93 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies with the situation in Poland and tried to find answers to questions about the future of their country. Stefan Żeromski’s novel “Pre-Spring” first published in 1924. The book has released because of anxiety of the writer about the situation politically and socially revive of Poland. Internal political disposing, ineptitude of governments’ taking turns, irresponsibility of parliament involved in conflicts between political parties, constantly deteriorating economic situation, the inflation and the currency devaluation created the situation of the chaos and the internal anarchy.1 Żeromski is one the most important writer in Polish literature. He produced both in Young Poland and Interwar Period. “Regarded as the biggest prose writer of Young Poland, but first of all for the highest moral authority of one's generation, named as a ‘last wajdelota’2, ‘national conscience’ ‘insatiable heart’ and ‘epigone of the January Uprising’ (1863). This last expression reminded the fact of being born of writer in the year of defeat of the uprising, as well as the frequent presence of the insurrectionary subject in his stories and novels.”3 “Independent Poland stimulated Żeromski, community worker and the patriot, worried as ever about her fate and the future. So, it resulted in as never before an artistic work as a columnist writer about topical political-social and cultural subjects.”4 In also novel “PreSpring” he has a critical view of Poland's political and social problems. This novel is an expression of the author's anxieties, fears and unrest in the face of the events and chaos, and has gained an important place in the context of giving messages about Poland's future. He wants to give message in the novel because he foresees that the enthusiasm will be short because of the inability to create the state structure and that many problems such as economic, domestic and foreign policy issues await the country. The author does that through “Cezary”, the chief character of the novel. First Part “Glass Houses” The novel, published in 1925, consists of three parts: the “Glass Houses”, “Nawłoc” and “The Wind from the East”. The first part begins with the introduction of a Polish family living in Baku. The family's father Seweryn Baryka is called to the army in World War I. Meanwhile, the effects of the 1917 revolution in Russia were felt in Baku. After his father joined the army, Literatura Polska, Przewodnik Encyklopedyczny Tom II, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1985, p. 244. It means that shaman, soothsayer and bard of pagan Lithuania. 3 Andrzej Z. Makowiecki, Literatura Młodej Polski, Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne, Warszawa, 1995, p. 223. 4 Artur Hutnikiewicz, Młoda Polska, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2012, p. 272 . 1 2 94 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Cezary was left unsupervised, and, like other people, he was fascinated by the revolution that he didn't even know about his principles and programs. Żeromski expresses this in the following way: “One day in Baku, a news spread with lightning speed: revolution! In practice, no one could explain what was the meaning of this word and when someone was asked to explain it, he said something different from the information before and after him”5. However, year after year he begins to see the picture of the revolution as a whole and meets his unjust and ruthless face. In Baku, where the author depicts the Russian Revolution in 1917, life turned into chaos, stores were closed, hunger and misery began. In the name of the revolution, the property of the rich was confiscated and dozens of people were executed by the public courts on the streets. The revolution has now become the symbol of horror, terror, tyranny and disappearing moral values. By understanding the facts, Cezary's perspective towards the revolution changes. In his novels, when the author depicts the revolution, reveals the cruelty, the arbitrary death sentences given by the revolutionaries, massacres, brutality, robbery and plunder that main character witnesses. In fact, the author also wants to express that the revolution has a contradiction in itself. He emphasizes that people, who had been under pressure until that day, are now brutally oppressing others. Moreover, he stresses that revolution is a historical absurd which transforms the oppressed people into brutal people. He underlines the fact that the daily life can not comply with the theory of revolution and that the revolution is a process of bullying and looting. However, the revolution should bring freedom, equality, justice, and eliminate social separation. By creating the first part of his novel in Baku under the influence of the revolution in 1917, he would like to draw a realistic picture of the revolutionary events, because he considers that by this means the concept of revolution will be perceived more accurately by the Polish society. It is necessary to mention the layers of the work that can be considered as historical novel. The author describes the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia and its effects to Baku in a way that is quite appropriate to reality. In addition, the Armenian-Tatar war in those periods was also discussed in the novel. The Turks, who make up the majority of the population of Baku, did not believe in the Bolsheviks, therefore they supported the Muslim National Council. The Armenians supported the Bolsheviks and tried to make use of them to realize their intentions. For this reason, an Armenian-Bolshevik coalition has been formed. In the work, the bloody consequences of this heated conflict are dramatically depicted. “Famous streets were presenting bad view. To speak without exaggeration and metaphor, the blood was not flowing through Stefan Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, Utwory Wybrane, Tom V, Prepared by Henryk Markiewicz, Czytelnik, 1958, p. 22-23. 5 95 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies ditches, but on the ground like the many-branched river. It was dribbling to the sea and bled the clean waves. The murdered Armenian bodies were brought to the shore by trucks and chariots and thrown into the sea.”6 The revolution in the city turns into a tyrannical regime, resulting in incredibly brutal and bloody events. “From Turkish bullets not only houses of Armenians, wealthy men, industrialists, capitalists fell down but also brittle Tartar mansion house streets were covered with rubble. Nobody of residents stayed above the level, but protected the head in the basement. The black oil city became doubly black: from the smoke and the war cloud of dust.”7 The revolution is transformed into a destructive power that reveals the most cruel instincts of mankind. The revolution, which is expected to offer justice and a new social order, has given nothing other than poverty, cruelty and murders. His mother's funeral is a turning point for Cezary. His dead mother's golden ring was forcibly removed from her finger with her skin. This image has brought metamorphosis to the young Cezary. Even a dead person is not respected, and the ideals that are described are merely words. In the eyes of Cezary, the revolution is not a system embracing all the people and dividing the profits equally. Father Seweryn supports this and in the work, he says “the revolution that expels the aristocrats from the palaces and carries those living in the basement to the palaces is really ridiculous. It is truly work and house of crazy.”8 Father Seweryn decides to go to Poland after returning from the war. On the way, he tells his son Cezary about the myth of the glass houses. This image emphasizes the utopian order in which equality and justice lie at the base, and the fights disappear. The myth of glass house is the concretization of the society's dreams in occupation times about the fair, rich, ideal Poland. He says that the land of dreams Poland has glass houses and has reached the highest level of civilization. In this respect, “glass houses” symbolizes civilization, prosperity. At the same time, it forms the obvious antithesis of the idea of revolution It is a symbol of a thought that is superior to the Bolshevik Revolution in all respects. In other words, the myth of glass houses that do not follow the path of bloody conflicts is presented as an alternative to revolutionary disasters. What transforms society here is not bloody terror, it is a technical, scientific invention that makes life easier for the whole community. Cezary and his father travel from Baku to their homeland through Russia. In this way, Żeromski wants to show negative effects of the revolution and its estrangement from its ideals Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, p. 39. Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, p. 36. 8 Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, p. 60. 6 7 96 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE not only in Baku, but also in different countries, in different cities. When they arrived in Russia, Cezary is surprised at what they he saw. The city, where very strict controls are applied, is governed by the Bolsheviks with an unusual bureaucracy. Disorder and anarchy rule in the country. The author writes about the consequences of the revolution, such as finding food difficult, forcing officials to bribe the public. Even public officials become thieves. The fact that the Bolshevik administration is a partial government is evident when Cezary misses the train to Poland. Cezary asks the Bolsheviks to help them for accommodation, but because the Bolsheviks do not regard his father and son as their companions, they remain indifferent to this request. Cezary realizes that the basis of the revolution is not democracy and equality, but segregation and discrimination. Moreover, he understands that what is happening does not match the revolutionary programs and principles. Cezary loses his father in this process. When he arrived in Poland, he is surprised. There are big differences between the utopia that he listens and the reality he faces. There is no picture of society as his father told him. There are no glass houses around, and what he sees in a mud-covered village is only hunger, misery and poverty. “Where are your glass houses?” barely walking on muddy roads he goes deep into thinking. In this context, “Pre-Spring is an expression of the disappointment of what happened in Poland in that period.”9 After his father mentioned such a utopia, it is necessary to interpret Cezary's encounter with a picture as an attempt to show that society’s dreams about the ideal state, which lived in captivity for decades, do not occur. In other words, the question of the hero is actually the question of the whole society: where is idealized Poland, of which we have dreamed? “So, these glass houses describe how fragile Poles’ ideals are.”10 Second Part “Nawłoć” When Cezary is in capital of Poland, starts to study medicine. But outbreak of war PolishBolshevik in 1920 stops medical studies. In the front line he saves the Hipolot Wielosławski in Nawłoć, in other part of work, it is seen that Cezary goes to Nawłoć, Chłodek, Warsaw and other cities. Thus, the realities of society are presented. For example, in Nawłoć noble families live, life is extremely enjoyable and days are spent in luxury, abundance and wealth. Nawłoć, where hunting and food parties are held, is described as a peaceful noble life. While the life of Neşe Taluy Yüce, Seda Köycü, Polonya Edebiyatı İki Dünya Savaşı Arasındaki Yirmi Yıl, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Yayınları No: 420, Ankara, 2017, p. 119. 10 Sabire Arık, “Polonyalı Yazar Stefan Żeromski’nin Erken Bahar Başlıklı Romanı Üzerine Bir İnceleme”, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi 46, 2 (2006) 209-2018, p. 214. 9 97 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies the nobles is like this, the peasants struggle with diseases, live in primitive conditions, and their effort only is to survive. It is a big problem for them to find food, aside from living in wealth and abundance. In short, the difference between the aristocrats who own land and those who live in villages is obvious. Instead of the idea of justice and equality, the country is dominated by distinctly social classification. While some of society is having a very difficult time from poverty, others are indifferent and live in luxury. The mentioned elites have become corrupt, they do not make any progressive or developer moves for Poland. Cezary advises Hippolite, who invited him to Nawłoć: “Believe me! I know! Fat and wild soldier shall place you against the wall. Their hands do not tremble when aiming! Just for this sugar bowl, believe me Hipolit! I'm begging you...”11 On his father's will, Jazary goes to Gajowiec, a family friend who lives in Warsaw. It is a great opportunity for him to observe the society in the capital of the country. Gajowiec then tries to write a book on necessity of economic, sociological and political reform. In fact, this book is a symbol that Gajowiec is pro-government, not a revolution. Because, in Poland, people are divided into two groups: government supporters and prorevolutionaries. Third Part “The Wind from The East” In the last part of the work entitled “The Wind from the East”, these groups mentioned above are narrated. The pro-government Gajowiec is patriotic, according to him, some reforms in the field of army, economy and education are essential and government structure must be formed. The author notes that Poland as a state must achieve more things to gain justice and prosperity and through the hero Gajowiec he expresses still hope. Lulek, whom Cezary met, is a revolutionary fan. Writer with Cezary, his family, their friends Gajowiec and Lulek, presents two opposing views, including the opponents of the revolution and its proponents. One day Lulek invites Cezary to a meeting organized by communists. According to them, working class has to come to the government and the communist system is needed to achieve this. Cezary, who experiences the revolution completely and sees the whole face of it, immediately realizes that what is discussed in this meeting is contrasted with reality and says that the working class is not ready for such a heavy duty. The Communist group may know what the revolution means, but it has never met the bloody face. Cezary, who does not find it realistic to make the country a dreamland with the working class, draws his name from the manifesto. As a matter of fact, workers' strikes begin in a short period 11 Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, p. 93. 98 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE of time. He also experiences that the revolution is not an alternative solution, it has only a bloody mechanism. Based on the observations of the countries he visited, he realizes that, the administration, which included people thinking about their own interests, is given through the revolution to other people who also consider their own interests. Thus, it can be said that revolution has a paradox in itself. Cezary thinks that ideals in the meeting organized by the Communist Polish youth are not based on a realistic basis and he emphasizes it saying that: “I want to say a few words for such inadequate propaganda that I have just heard. If this working class is poor, is deviated from its way and is deprived of culture, how and under which laws will it undertake to re-create society? Such views are untenable. It means keeping the truth deep down. Because it is clearly contradictory to the reality of communism. The class oppressed by poverty and disease can only be the object of another’s re-creation movement, but it can never be the subject. One who is deprived of culture and who is ill from defeat can effectively improve neither himself nor anyone else. (...) "12 The Communist regime, which will come to Poland at any moment, would be harmful rather than useful, just like in Baku. Inexperienced Polish Bolshevik sympathizers get unconsciously enthusiastic just as in first days Cezary get excited about the revolution in Baku. Polish Bolshevik sympathizers with no experience are in an unconscious euphoria just like those in the first days of the Cezary revolution in Baku. With this comparison, the author wisely points out the tragic end that is actually waiting for Poland. Revolution is a great paradox, as it is emphasized in the novel. Revolutionaries normally fight for great awareness, but the principles of this group contradict practices. Because building a new world is based on promises to guarantee people a better life. However, history has shown that these thoughts have produced tragic endings. Because it depends on the promise of building a new world, to guarantee a better life for people. But history has shown that these thoughts often cause tragic endings. Żeromski in this work, discussed the problems of Poles who were born out of ashes 123 years later. For example, he discussed that Poles were starving, that politicization of all organs of public life and many other problems in society.13 12 13 Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, p. 222. Włodzimierz Bolecki, “Przedwiośnie oraz inne pory roku”. Teksty Drugie, Nr. 2, 2015, 105-119, p. 108. 99 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Title of the Novel It is necessary to mention about the title of the work. As it can be seen, the author uses a season name characteristic of Poland. Early spring is the transition period between the winter and spring seasons. It symbolizes changes, unpredictable air and the revival of nature. It is possible to interpret the pre-spring in the novel as follows. As Cezary said, “It was the first day of the coming spring. A south wind blew and turned stacks of the snow into liquid mud gathered along pavements.”14 it is early spring when he comes to Poland. The last scene of the novel is combined with the march of communist youth and it is the first day of early spring. Poland anew revived is at the stage “early spring” is not completely formed politically and economically. A time described by Żeromski is a preliminary stage of building new Poland. Gajowiec says about the pre-spring: “It is only our early spring. We go to frozen soils and we examine distant patches. We get down to the own plough, to the wooden plough and the hoe, most probably that with incompetent hands. It is necessary to deal with stinking fertilizer, to overcome hard, outgrown undisturbed soil. We believe that we shall wait until our bright spring.”15 Early spring refers to a period in the life of a young person who stepped into maturity, both spiritually and physically. In this context Cezary is before the spring of his life.16 Plot of the Novel “Social reality, historical events and conditions in revolutionary Russia and independent Poland are common heroes that shape the work's plot. These common heroes perform very important functions as a matter of fact in the work. The narrative of historical events and socialpolitical relations -as we are accustomed in novels- not only constitutes the background for determining vicissitudes of the heroes in novel, and not only enables the author to make an appraisal of current sociopolitical reality in Russia and in Poland, but also is used for unceasing verifying and commenting on views, statement, aspirations, acts of Cezary. That’s why the same as the narration, these common heroes also deserve more attentive analyzing.” 17 Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, p. 240. Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, p. 198. 16 Aldona Szóstak, Powtórka z Literatury 3, Dwudziestolecie, Międzywojenne, Literatura Współczesna, Wydawnictwo Greg, Kraków p. 130. 17 Zdzisław Jerzy Adamczyk, Stefan Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, Biblioteka Narodowa, Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków-Gdańsk-Łódź, p. 34-35. 14 15 100 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Genesis of the Novel The information about the genesis of the novel would be incomplete, if not to recall about this experience, observation or studies of Żeromski which exerted the greatest influence on forming the novel plot. Żeromski has never been in Russia, saw neither Baku, nor Moscow, nor Kharkiv. He didn't also lead thorough studies about the Russian revolution. Reality of story about fates Barykas’ in Russia drew from the information of returned expatriates from Baku who Strumph-Wojtkiewicz mentioned, also probably used journalistic reports, as well as stories of the all sorts people who returned after the war from Russia to the country. The story of Seweryn Baryka has completely different origins. This vision, formed much earlier and current (in dreams of Piotr Rozłucki) in the “Beauty of the life”18, was born probably under the influence of the novel of Jokay Maurycy “Black Diamonds”, read by Żeromski still in secondary school times.19 Principal Idea of the Novel Żeromski with growing anxiety watched sharpening of social tensions in Poland, growing of revolutionary moods and spreading communist ideology also amongst young people. Premises and bases of that anxiety of the writer were still the same. Żeromski bitterly and with indignation talked about the inequality and the exploitation in Poland, about urgent problems social, not solved as a result of the egoism of aristocrats. He could see that the government did not find concept, there are no reform programme, investment, action which radically would improve the situation of people and thoroughly changed the life of the entire nation. With anxiety he thought about the young generation which matures in new historical conditions, which begins life after great historical experiencing the social revolution, however this generation does not already know the period of the partitions of Poland, does not experience effects of the national captivity and therefore now can't see nothing unusual, does not want to apply to comparisons with times of the captivity in the evaluation of the own country. He feared that in such a situation amongst Polish young people in more and more great degree shall find the obedience the propaganda and the campaigning of supporters of the revolution, that he feared the youth not seeing of no alternative means of eliminating the backwardness and the injustice from the Polish life, shall stand on the side of communism. He was afraid how we said that the revolution would not only cause the bloodshed, suffering of (Pol. Uroda Życia), this novel was written by Stefan Żeromski in 1912. He describes fates of Piotr Rozłucki, Jan's son, participant in the January Uprising. 19 Adamczyk, Stefan Żeromski, Przedwiośnie p. 19. 18 101 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies millions of people and destroying values of the national culture in Polish land, but also would threaten the independence of Poland, that would cross out the fight and the work of this many generations which for the entire century strenuously aspired for the reconstruction of the free state. The Main Motifs The novel was prepared in a few years, therefore, in spite of the cohesion, contains a lot of motifs. This multidimensional is also underlined with the composition of the work (division into three parts). The most important motifs are: practical and spiritual biography of Cezary Baryka; lives of the gentry in Nawłoć; activity of Szymon Gajowiec; development of the communist movement in Poland. All these motifs are connected with the figure of Cezary Baryka.20 Conclusion When Żeromski realized the rise of social disagreements, disorder and sympathy for communist ideology in Poland, he decided to create this work as a warning to the danger of revolution. So, Pre-Spring preserves its place as a work that reflects Poland's political and social situation at the beginning of the 20th century, pointing to the dangers standing in front of the country, especially warning the people and the government against the communist revolution. Cezary Baryka's participation in the march of the workers may cause the author to be perceived as a proponent of a revolution. On the contrary, he states that he is against the revolution by offering bad results. He stresses that if the situation in the country does not improve, Poles will soon be faced with difficult times, and this situation is a major threat for the state's existence. Especially he wants to explain that the way to achieve justice and order in the world is not a revolution, and wants to frighten Poles with the fact that a terrible civil war is at the door, prevent them to cause similar events in the country. He warns those who believe that the revolution is good. In a similar way in his work, he suggested to be a fair and livable country with a character. He expresses his suggestions with a character in order to make Poland fair and livable country. 20 Szóstak, Powtórka z Literatury 3, Dwudziestolecie, Międzywojenne, Literatura Współczesna, p. 134-135. 102 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE BIBLIOGRAPHY ARIK, Sabire, “Polonyalı Yazar Stefan Żeromski’nin Erken Bahar Başlıklı Romanı Üzerine Bir İnceleme”, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi 46, 2 (2006) 209-2018. ADAMCZYK, Zdzisław Jerzy, Stefan Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, Biblioteka Narodowa, Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków-Gdańsk-Łódź. BOLECKI, Włodzimierz, “Przedwiośnie oraz inne pory roku”. Teksty Drugie, Nr. 2, 2015. HUTNIKIEWICZ, Artur, Młoda Polska, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2012. Literatura Polska, Przewodnik Encyklopedyczny Tom II, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1985. MAKOWIECKI, Andrzej Z., Literatura Młodej Polski, Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne, Warszawa, 1995. SZÓSTAK, Aldona, Powtórka z Literatury 3, Dwudziestolecie, Międzywojenne, Literatura Współczesna, Wydawnictwo Greg, Kraków. TALUY YÜCE, Neşe, KÖYCÜ, Seda, Polonya Edebiyatı İki Dünya Savaşı Arasındaki Yirmi Yıl, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Yayınları No: 420, Ankara, 2017. ŻEROMSKI, Stefan, Przedwiośnie, Utwory Wybrane, Tom V, Prepared by Henryk Markiewicz, Czytelnik, 1958. 103 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 104 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Evliya Celebi’s Travel Book As A Source Book Of The History Of Eastern Europe Ayşe Gül HÜSEYNİKLİOĞLU* Introduction Evliya Celebi was born in Istanbul on March 25, 1611. His father was Dervish Mehmed Zilli Efendi who was the head goldsmith of the palace. His full and real name remains unknown. Most probably, the name Evliya Celebi was attributed to him as an epithet and may have been given due to his instructor Evliya Mehmed Efendi. For forty years, he wandered through almost all the lands of the Ottoman Empire as well as certain other countries, and penned a great work unprecedented and unique in the history of Turkish culture1. In his book, Evliya Celebi justifies his travels associating them with a dream he saw on August 19, 1630. Following the dream, he decided to roam around Istanbul, the city where he was born and grew up, and to write what he would see during such visits. He made his very first journey to Bursa, in 1640. Upon his return from Bursa where he went to without the consent of his father, his father let him travel from that time on and suggested that he should write a travel book. The first travel of Evliya Celebi to distant countries took place after the assignment of Ketenci Omer Pasha as the governor of Trabzon. He went to Trabzon by sea together with the pasha and added new places to his travels as the time went by. The Travels of Evliya Celebi reflects the panorama of the Ottoman Empire between 1630 and 1680. The work consists of ten volumes. Today, the geography he traveled hosts more than 40 fully independent or federal countries including Germany, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Palestine, Georgia, Croatia, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Egypt, Russia, Somali, Syria, Turkey and Jordan. A majority of these countries was under the dominion of the Ottoman Empire during his time. Furthermore, the traveler provides very detailed impressions about today’s Eastern Europe countries which are Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Croatia, Kosovo, Hungary, Macedonia, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Serbia, * Asist. Prof. Dr. Ayse Gul Huseyniklioglu, Firat University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Department of History, Elazığ/TURKEY, e-mail: huseyniklioglu23@gmail.com 1 Mucteba Ilgürel, “Evliya Çelebi”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 11, Istanbul 1995, p.529. 105 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Montenegro, Slovakia, Slovenia, Ukraine and Greece. In his book of travels, Evliya Celebi depicts 7.060 fortresses and 257 cities, in total2. The first, fourth, ninth and tenth volumes of the Travels do not contain information about the Eastern Europe. The first volume is about the general structure and the history of Istanbul and the Ottoman Empire3. The fourth volume starts with Malatya and discourses on travels that extend to Mosul after describing some of the cities of Anatolia and the Middle East4. The ninth volume was written due to his pilgrimage. Therefore, this volume contains the holy land and the cities of the Middle East5. The tenth volume is completely reserved for Egypt and Africa6. The other volumes, in part or in whole, are about the Eastern Europe7. However, the purpose was not to describe the Eastern Europe for Evliya Celebi to inscribe the Travels. Instead, he intended to convey what he knew, saw or heard after wandering through every place within the Ottoman Empire. In his attempt, he rather gave primacy to the spatial textures and the geographical characteristics of the cities he visited. In this sense, he described all the settlement areas in the same framework. He wrote, first of all, the history and administrational organization, names and etymologies in various languages and the geographical locations of each settlement area. Subsequently, he depicted the topography of a relevant area. Having written about the features of architectural structures in each city such as houses, mosques and churches, he recorded neighborhoods and religious congregations and the relationship between the two. He also enumerated one by one the climate of regions, dressing fashions of societies, proper names, linguistic characteristics, dialects, scholars and other distinguished people, marketplaces, shopping places, products and food items, parks, gardens 2 http://www.ttk.gov.tr/tarihveegitim/evliya-celebi-1611-1685 See: Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. I, prepared by Robert Dankoff, Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, YKY, Istanbul 1996, p.XLVII+446. 4 See: Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. IV, prepared by. Yucel Dagli, Seyit Ali Kahraman, YKY, Istanbul 1996, p.XLVI+413. 5 See: Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. IX, prepared by. Yucel Dagli, Seyit Ali Kahraman, Robert Dankoff, YKY, Istanbul 2005, p.XLVIII+490. 6 See: Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. X, prepared by. Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, Robert Dankoff, YKY, Istanbul 2007, p.LXXVIII+531. 7 See: Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. II, prepared by Zekeriya Kurşun, Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, YKY, Istanbul 1998, p.XXXI+283; Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. III, prepared by Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, YKY, Istanbul 1999, p.XXXIII+320; Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. V, prepared by Yucel Dagli, Seyit Ali Kahraman, İbrahim Sezgin, YKY, Istanbul 2001, p.XL+363; Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. VI, prepared by Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, YKY, Istanbul 2002, p.XXXVII+362; Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. VII, prepared by. Yucel Dagli, Seyit Ali Kahraman, Robert Dankoff, YKY, Istanbul 2003, p.XXXVIII+388; Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. VIII, prepared by. Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, Robert Dankoff, YKY, Istanbul 2003, p.XLVI+413. 3 106 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE and picnic areas. The concluded the description of a city with the biographies and stories of distinguished people who etched their names to their cities and with the portrait of graves and shrines. The author availed of various models of expression such as irony, anecdote, story and tale which he learned and became accustomed to as a citizen of the Ottoman Empire. Probably, the second purpose of the traveler was to present a full archive of his travels. The work also bears an autobiographical characteristic. In his books, Evliya Celebi expresses the historical events he witnessed, adventures he experienced, people of all classes he met, his talks with them and his fascinations, appreciations, criticisms, joys, fears and worries before what he saw. In this context, the Travels is a work where the physical structure of the Ottoman Empire and the personal adventures and fictions of the writer are intertwined, that is, where concrete information and fiction intersect8. There are several copies of the Travel in Istanbul, Vienna and London. The copies in Istanbul are preserved by Fatih Library, the Library of Istanbul University, Suleymaniye Library and the Baghdad and Revan Kiosks within the Topkapi Palace. However, the printed copies date back to the 1840s. In this period, a part of the stories and interesting events of the first volume were selected and printed in 150 pages as “Muntehabat-i Evliya Celebi” which translates as “Selection from Evliya Celebi”. The first publication of the whole work in ten volumes corresponded to 1896. The publication was undertaken by Ahmed Cevdet Bey, the owner of Ikdam newspaper, and Necip Asim Bey, a journalist writing in the newspaper, took on the editorship of the work. Only 6 volumes could be published until 1900. The 7th and 8th volumes prepared by Kilisli Rifat Kardam were published by Turkish Committee of History (Turk Tarih Encumeni) in 1928, and the 9th and 10th volumes were issued by the Board of Education (Maarif Vekaleti) in 1935 and 1938. The 1st volume was prepared by Orhan Saik Gokyay based on the copy preserved by the Baghdad Kiosk of the Central Library of the Topkapi Palace assuming that the copy was the original manuscript written by Evliya Celebi himself, and the volume was published by Yapi Kredi Yayinlari in 1996. All the volumes were issued in modern Turkish between 1996 and 2007. The Travels of Evliya Celebi has been translated in Turkey and other countries into many languages including English, Serbian, Hungarian, Greek, Romanian and Armenian9. Robert Dankoff, “Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi Işığında Osmanlı Toplum Hayatı”, www.tarihtarih.com; Nuran Tezcan, “Seyahatname”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.37, Istanbul 2009, p.17. 9 Muzaffer Albayrak, “Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi’nin Baskı Serüveni”, Evliya Çelebi Konuşmaları/Yazılar, YKY Yayınları, Istanbul 2011, p.14-25. 8 107 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 1. The Sources of the Travels of Evliya Celebi A majority of the information provided in the Travels of Evliya Celebi consists of the author’s observations, direct experiences and remembrances. Nevertheless, there are also information based on the author’s acquisition from what he heard or listened to. The statements of the author indicate that he obtained the information he had desired due to his communication with the elderly and knowledgeable people of the places he visited as well as the state officers and the authorities of the regions10. It is inferred that he requested the help of a history lover Venetian captive about the history of Zadar, which was then under the control of Venice, while he was introducing the area11. However, contrary to this example, the author does not always expressly specify from who he heard or received a certain information. Evliya Celebi made use of verbal sources to a great extent. He writes various phrases such as “they say” or “they said” especially while explaining the origin and the cause of the names of settlement areas. The work contains exaggerated information in places. Perhaps, the greatest problem that the work brings about is these exaggerative speeches. For this reason, it is necessary to take heed while using the information in the books. On the other hand, it is understood that Evliya Celebi, a narrator who enjoys conveying extraordinary events, sometimes approaches with suspicion to what is told to him and utters that he attributes the responsibility to informer. There are also passages where he examines the accuracy of the information he acquired12. He uses as references the extraordinary events and stories common in the societies he visited. Evliya Celebi also provides academic information based on the books he read. The traveler profits by many religion, geography, history and biography books in the whole of his work. The information given about the period’s circumstances, festivals, celebrations and society depictions of the lands he traveled are generally his personal observations while the onomastic information of settlement areas and fortresses, their foundations, fall under the dominion of the Ottoman Empire and the pre-Ottoman histories are based on the sources he heard or read. “The Sight of the Worlds” (Menaziru’l-Avalim) of Asik Mehmed and “The Book of Navigation” (Kitab-i Bahriyye) of Piri Reis are the leading books among the ones he applied most13. Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi III, p. 257/166a. Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi V, p. 239/140b. 12 Senol Celik, “Evliya Çelebi’nin, Sultan IV. Mehmed İle Birlikte Katıldığı Bursa ve Çanakkale Boğazı Gezisi”, Balıkesir University Journal of Institute of Social Sciences, Vol.15, No. 28 (December), Balıkesir 2012, p.155. 13 For the sources used by Evliya Çelebi, see: Fahir Iz, “Evliya Çelebi ve Seyahatnamesi”, Boğaziçi University Journal of Humanities, No. 7, Istanbul 1979, s. 64-66; Celik, “Evliya Çelebi’nin, Sultan IV. Mehmed İle Birlikte Katıldığı Bursa ve Çanakkale Boğazı Gezisi”, p. 151-152. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi’nin Kaynakları, prepared by Hakan Karateke, Hatice Aynur, TTK, Ankara 2012, 383 p. 10 11 108 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The author used Roman, Armenian, Greek, Latin, Venetian, Coptic, Serbian, Hungarian and many other history books as references for the Eastern Europe but does not provide the titles of such books in his works. He mentions to Serbian and Latin history books as he touches upon the history of Sofia but does not provide the identity of the books14. However, there are certain books such as “Universal History” (Kitabu’l Unvan) of Agapius of Hierapolis (d. 950) which he distinguishes while he presents information about the Eastern Europe. “Universal History” (Kitabu’l Unvan) is the history book used by the author for pre-Islamic period or the history of Greeks15. Apart from this, he also applies to the history of Hungary as written by Ersek (Cardinal Verancsics), the content of which was narrated to him by a Hungarian captive16. We can also enumerate the Armenia history of Migdisi among such books17. Furthermore, we can find out from the author’s expressions that the statistical information concerning the management of cities were obtained from the records of the palace and foundations and kadi (muslim judge) registries. The third volume declares that the author applied to the official records of the empire18. 2. The Narration and the Narrative Characteristics of the Travels of Evliya Celebi Having received a good education, Evliya Celebi wrote his work in 17th century Turkish with a unique style and from the eyes of an Ottoman citizen. The work has an understandable quality for readers for it was written as simple and close to the spoken language. Thanks to his sense of humor, the author raises smiles with anecdotes and stories he finds funny and startles with some events, dreams and exaggerative statements. He generally approaches to events objectively; however, there are certain places where he explains his ideas subjectively. He does not avoid expressing his own thoughts and opinions. This style protects the book from being a monotonous one19. The traveler left many places blank to fill in them with proper names and figures at a later time20. He writes about what he sees and what is there; however, it may be an evidence that he Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi III, p. 215-216/137a-138b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p. 335/377b; Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VII,p.143/83a. 16 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VII, p.175/100a. 17 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VII, p.190/107a; Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p. 139/222b; Robert Dankoff, Seyyah-ı Alem Evliya Çelebi’nin Dünyaya Bakışı, Translator: Mufit Gunay, YKY, Istanbul 2010, p.215. 18 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi III, p. 257/166a. 19 Mariya Leontic, “Evliya Çelebi’nin Seyahatnamesi’nde Makedon Şehirleri Ve Onların Tasviri”, Bal-Tam Turkluk Bilgisi, Vol. 19 (September), Prizren 2013, p.85. 20 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi II, p.68/263a; Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi III, p.218/139b; Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p. 184/117b. 14 15 109 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies had charts of the residential areas he visited for he says “but there is no hospital”, “there is no caravanseai” or similar other expressions as is the case with his depiction of Varna21. Evliya Celebi does not neglect to provide information about all the settlement areas and fortresses on his way. He writes “a prosperous village” if does not describe it in detail, and mentions the names of such places by counting them among the places he passed. He specifically avoids the repetition of settlement areas which he saw and previously wrote about. Besides, the author makes frequent references to his previous writings. On the other hand, he does not miss out the chance to repeat many times the subjects that are important according to him22. Like a geographer, he points out the places where rivers stem from and where they flow towards. Again, with the care of a geographer, he does not skip the names of areas and places, and uses them where necessary. In his work, Evliya Celebi gives the geographical description of every region from climate to topography23. This topographic data he provides is quite valuable. These volumes detail the geography where the Danube and many other rivers stem from and where they branch off. Apart from rivers, there are also information related to mountains, plains and various other geographical elements24. As a curious person who discusses with people of all classes in the places he visited and who transmits all his feelings and thoughts with a unique style, Evliya Celebi includes in his book thousands of professional and artistic terms and many popular sayings, folkloric materials and stories compiled due to his visits25. The traveler indicates that wanderers should know some words from all languages so that they can facilitate their journeys 26. The work contains very important linguistic data about a number of languages including Turkish, Abkhazian, Kajtak, Georgian, Megrelian, Arabic, Turkmen, Turkmen of Dobruja, Nogai, Russian, Serbian, Bosnian, Croatian, Albanian, Italian of Venezia, Hungarian, German, Tatar language of Crimean Tatars, Kalmyk Oirat, Italian, Dutch, Polish and many others. He, first of all, tells the story of a city he visits. The foundation, founder, conqueror and Ottoman dominion are given in detail for many cities. Belgrade can be an example to the places he defines broadly27. He also explains the etymological origins of city names. He elucidates the Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p.50/30b. Celik, “Evliya Çelebi’nin, Sultan IV. Mehmed İle Birlikte Katıldığı Bursa ve Çanakkale Boğazı Gezisi”, p.156159. 23 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p.120/256a. 24 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p. 179-183/114b-117a. 25 Iz, “Evliya Çelebi ve Seyahatnamesi”, p. 76; Celik, “Evliya Çelebi’nin, Sultan IV. Mehmed İle Birlikte Katıldığı Bursa ve Çanakkale Boğazı Gezisi”, p.161. 26 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi II, p. 62/258b. 27 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p.185-196/111a-117a. 21 22 110 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE origin and the transformation of these names and also offers the proper names used for various geographical areas. He refers to four Belgrades in his book: Belgrade of Serbia, Albania, Transylvania and German Szekesfehervar28. In a sense, he also pictures the geographical division made in that period. Another point the author does not omit about cities is administrational structure and organization. He writes, without omission, sanjaks, districts (kaza), townships (nahiye) and the neighborhoods under the former three. According to the information he acquaints, Belgrade had 60 neighborhoods, in total, which were made up of 3 Coptic, 3 Greek, 3 Serbian and Bulgarian, 1 Jewish, 1 Armenian and 49 Muslim neighborhoods. He notes the names of these neighborhoods one by one and confesses “I could reach only to this extent using court registers” for those he could not write29. In many places, the work addresses city officials, their incomes and number of soldiers30. Evliya Celebi pays great attention to share the economic condition and the activities of the places he had been to. While describing Lviv, he writes “It is the Egypt of the country of the Polish and is a prosperous, merry city. This is a land of wide plains and is very fertile to be unmatched in the Polish country. Indeed, this is a thriving large city with rich and happy citizens, agreeable domain, clean soil smelling amber and full of activities...”. With this, he implies that the wealth of the city is pretty high31. In this context, the economic portraits he offers bear illuminating information. For example, Misuri district hosts a good number of hardtack bakeries, fishmongers, salt shops and cellars. It is related that there were numberless mills on hills and dales the waters of which flew into each other, the people of Dobruja and Ludogorie (Deliorman) leaned on these mills and that each of them brought more income than a ziamet. Still more, it is written that all the distinguished people in these settlements had a mill32. Evliya Celebi claims that the villages of Ludogorie (Deliorman) sustained their lives with oak, acorn and wild pear33. Thus he touches upon the occupation groups of the cities he visited. Sometimes, he even compares cities. He says that the boilersmiths of Belgrade were very proficient but their colleagues in Sarajevo were better compared to them34. He defines the fishery of Kiliya down to the last detail from fish garths to fish traps35. He categorizes the male Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 187/112a. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 190/113b. 30 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 189/113a. 31 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 75-76/45a-45b. 32 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 47/29a. 33 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 51/31b. 34 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 193/115b. 35 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 110/65b-66a. 28 29 111 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies population of Belgrade as the men of military, service, vine growing, gardening, seamanship and art36. The hot springs and their characteristics are also included in the book. For example, the traveler declares that Aydos hot spring in Ochakiv was the most beneficial cure-all place among his visits. He also claims that Suleiman I went to the hot spring due to his gout and recovered. Therefore, as he points out, people from far and wide rushed to the region, held fairs and both got better and had fun on July every year. This, according to the author, was known as the law of Suleiman I37. Evliya Celebi specially mentions to the piers he saw. For example, he writes that the pier of Varna was a very busy pier and was imbued with iron bars, salt rocks, evaporites, honey barrels and pastrami sacks. According to his words, the pier was frequented by Greeks, Arabs and Persians. Especially Arabs plied to and from this pier. The pier welcomed approximately 1500 vessels every year. It was a customs area that brought 170 pouches of coins during the period38. The architecture and all the other characteristics of fortresses are given in detail if a city he visited had one. The officers of fortresses and their numbers are explained elaborately. He also dwells on the establishment of security in cities without a fortress. The district (kaza) called Ismail can be cited as an example to these places39. Some of the fortresses are explained by amplification. The author reserves many pages to appreciate the magnitude and the firm defense system of Akkerman Fortress40. However, he depicts Tatarbunary with its small fortress only in a couple of lines41. Bender Fortress is also among those which he broadly describes after he visited in 165642. The fortress came under the rule of the Ottomans during Suleiman I reign and was constructed very firmly. The author asserts that the fortress was built by Sinan the Architect. Yet, there is no fortress mentioned in the various biographies of Sinan the Architect though all the works of him are given in such books. Nevertheless, it is possible that Sinan the Architect may have built Bender Fortress since it is fact that he attended to the Moldavia expedition with the army of Suleiman I43. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 193/115b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 46-47/28b. 38 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 50/30b. 39 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 58/34b. 40 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 60-61/35b-36b. 41 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 58/35a. 42 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 63-65/37b-38b. 43 Semavi Eyice, “Bender”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol:5, İstanbul 1992, p. 432. 36 37 112 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Evliya Celebi juxtaposes the spatial texture in cities and towns (such as mosques, masjids, stores, baths and fountains) and provides their numbers in total. He also pictures the monuments he does not like with a proper style. For example, he writes about the bath in Ismail district “the bath has such a drop ceiling that one regrets as soon as enters”44. He notifies that there are 7 pneumatic baths in Belgrade all covered with lead. Besides, he conveys that there are domestic baths in 7000 houses which are used by lighting stoves45. A part of the information conveyed by Evliya Celebi helps us to make inferences about the conditions of cities in that period. For example, it can be assumed that Ismail town could not complete its physical development in spite of its crowded population and dense commercial activity. Since Evliya Celebi does not mention to the name of any religious monument and says that such buildings are present only in Muslim neighborhoods, it is believed that the town has the quality of being a typical port and crossing place similar to temporary settlements which witness a continuous movement as of their establishments, and that it has a population which would disperse any time46. The architecture of residents and the structural features they bear are transmitted by laying stress on them. According to what the author writes, we see that the economic differences among cities and cultures and geographical conditions gave way certain differences in shaping and implementing the architecture of cities. For example, the residences in Varna are usually houses established on stone or brick walls. Apart from these, Evliya Celebi also talks of 4000 multi-storey houses in Varna that belong to rich and wealthy families, 47 and it is an indication of a prosperous economy for that period. He speaks of 84.000 houses in Lviv which have boarded lower and upper floors. He also emphasizes that palace-like residences are great in number since the economic power of the city is high. However, there are also houses without a garden or orchard that belong to the poor48. On the other hand, he touches on 10.000 houses in Kapusna built on 3 layers of marshes with match-roof, board and reed49. If the work is analyzed as a whole, the residential differences and their causes attract the attention without fail. Evliya Celebi further conveys the social events that occurred and witnessed by him during his journey. He tells that, in 1656, a Cossack brigand threatened Varna during the author’s visit Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 58/34b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 193/115b. 46 Feridun Emecen, “İsmâil”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.23, İstanbul 2001, p. 83; Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 57-58/34b-35a. 47 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 50/30b. 48 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 76/45b. 49 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 80/48a. 44 45 113 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies to Ozi Eyalet, that, therefore, Melek Ahmed Pasha’s officers engaged in a conflict against the brigand with the support of the assigned soldiers of nearby vilayets, and that the Cossack brigand was quelled even though it caused many casualties to the officers. It is recorded in the book that this Cossack brigand attacked many places and took a great number of Muslims as captives in that period50. The work provides information also about certain political issues, conflicts and tensions that took place in the region. The news as spelled by the Polish King who said “The son of Rakoczy, the King of Transylvania, will invade my country” and the following occurrences are written in the book down to the last detail51. As is known, the Ottoman Empire intervened when George II Rakoczy, the Voivode of Transylvania, rebelled and the Kingdom of Poland attempted to invade the country. The Ottoman forces led by Melek Ahmed Pasha set out to Khotyn to be engaged in the events of the region. Evliya Celebi, who accompanied Melek Ahmed Pasha during such operation, details what was experienced in this expedition52. Evliya Celebi was also able to observe the vegetation and the diversity of animals of the areas he visited. He does not ignore bird species, their density and the birds that cluster in a region. For example, he narrates that the Snake Island hosted an excessive number of hawks and that hunters caught them and made arrow vests out of their wings 53. The author passes Heyhat plain while he proceeds to Kirim vilayet (province of Crimea) from the Azov Fortress. He describes the animal in this place and tells that thousands of birds preferred the cold climate of the area in order to lay eggs. Especially, he claims that gyrfalcons and white hawks were of enormous size and that they could eat many animals such as horses, camels and buffaloes. According to him, the tribes of the region and, in particular, the Nogai people trained these birds in order to avail of them in damaging their enemies54. Not only birds but also fish and fish species are of question in the Travels of Evliya Celebi. He touches upon codfish, sturgeon and catfish caviars as he enumerates the fish of Ismail district (kaza) and also refers to various fish species of the Danube such as codfish, sturgeon, sterlet, chub, salmon and cyprinus55. He describes mosquitoes and sandflies and suggests that one should avoid being bitten by them otherwise which may lead to death. Every now and then, he experiences very interesting Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 47-49/29a-30b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 55-57/33b-34b. 52 Dariusz Kolodziejczyk, “Hotin”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 18, Istanbul 1998, p. 253-254; Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 66/39a. 53 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 57/34b. 54 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p. 3-4/190a-190b. 55 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 109-110/65a-65b. 50 51 114 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE circumstances. According to the author, the officers of Ismail and Kiliya districts and of the nearby fortresses stripped the prostitutes they encountered naked and ensured that they were bitten by mosquitoes56. Evliya Celebi was also a gourmet. He provides detailed information about the kitchen culture of the places he visited. He ranks some of foods as “praiseworthy” and gives place to many of them which he ate in feasts or saw during his travels. He also counts the celebrated foods and traditional tastes of the region. For example, Varna is famous for its grape, fermented grape juice and meatball57. He conveys while talking about Albanian Belgrade that the region is recognizable with white bagel, muffin with chickpea, chicken pastry, silverside, komoshtovar (a pancake with cheese and eggs), pancake with eggs, cream baklava and almond pastry58. Evliya Celebi also comments on the traits of the people he gets acquainted with. He writes that the community of Varna are bon vivant due to the pleasurable air and water of the city59. According to him, the population of Belgrade generally have reddish skins because winters last for an extended period of time in the city. Latin and Serbian women are introduced as beautiful women. However, he claims that their men are otherwise60. He enumerates the authorities and distinguished faces among people in some places. He inscribes the names of intellectuals, doctors, surgeons, sheikhs, poets and lunatics among the notable people of Belgrade61. Besides, he transmits the mostly used male and female names of every region. The work, as a whole, contains very precious data for onomastics62. Evliya Celebi writes also about the dressing fashion of locals. He comments that a certain group of authorities who he identifies by name wore clothes made of sable but that others put on Tatar kalpaks on their head made of lamb and fox63. While speaking of Polish people, he depicts their young women to be bare headed, black haired and dressed in colorful silks64. About Sofia, he says that the whole population was of Bulgarian origins. He relates that the women among them were bare headed and that they braided their hair with a unique style. He further Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 57/34b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 49/30b. 58 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p. 305-306/360a; For local specialties in the Evliya Çelebi travel book, see: Marianna Yerasimos, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi’nde Yemek Kültürü Yorumlar ve Sistematik Dizin, Istanbul 2014. 59 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 50/30b. 60 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 192/114b. 61 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 47-49/114b-115a. 62 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p. 163/280b. 63 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p.57/34b. 64 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 69/41b. 56 57 115 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies asserts that this style was peculiar to the women of this city65. Evliya Celebi writes that the clothes of Bulgarian and Serbian youth were made of white aba and that the distinguished people preferred chuka as garment. He also points out that there many rich people who had aesthetic pleasures66. In Manya sanjak, the women of Buyuk Vitiloz village were much different compared to the other women of Manya, and they wandered around as imbued with jewelery, gold, ornaments and Frankish clothes and shoes67. He also conveys the religious structure of the places he visited. He counts the numbers of mosques, churches, monasteries and other temples, and informs the reader whether these numbers suffice for the local people. While he talks of Lviv, he says that the locals had been Zoroastrians but accepted Christianity, and enumerates 9 Greek, Armenian, Serbian and Bulgarian churches and a Jewish synagogue. However, he asserts that there was no church for neither Franks nor Hungarians. For Coptics, he notes “they have neither masjids nor churches. They behave according to the traditions and beliefs of those who they meet, and pay taxes twice every year since they belong to that sect”68. Apart from all the aforementioned subjects, he also provides information about education, sports and art activities. 3. The Volumes Concerning the Eastern Europe 3.1. The Second Volume This volume covers the period between 1640 and 1648. Evliya Celebi starts his travel writing with this book. He made his first journey to Bursa. This volume mostly contains his visits to Black Sea, Georgia and Eastern Anatolia. That is, he writes about the cities which are today in Turkey, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Russia and Armenia. Apart from these, he also visits Crimea, Pylos and Chania. In this sense, we can say that he made his first visit to the Eastern Europe in 1640. Together with Ketenci Omer Pasha who was assigned to Trabzon, Evliya Celebi reaches to Trabzon having passed a part of the Anatolian cities near the Black Sea. From there, he proceeded to Anapa, a city in today’s Russia69. In Crimea, he attended to the war for the Azov Fortress in 1640 with the army Serdar Huseyin Pasha70. Upon their failure to seize the fortress, the went Crimean country to meet Bahadir Giray Han71. Having remained there for a Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 183/109b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 184/110a. 67 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p. 262/335b. 68 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 193/115a. 69 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi II, p. 62/258b. 70 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi II, p. 62-67/259b-262b. 71 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi II, p. 66-67/262b-263a. 65 66 116 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE period of time, he was captured by a severe storm in the Black Sea on his return to Istanbul by sea. The vessel that carried him sank but he managed to hold of a wood and to come ashore in Keligra, a place in today’s Romania72. He returned to Istanbul after inscribing the characteristics of the Keligra Fortress and his experiences there73. In 1640, Evliya Celebi writes that he attended to the expedition against Chania which actually took place in 1645. He also claims that he went to Pylos and stepped on the nearby islands which today remain in Greece74. However, Robert Dankoff, a researcher who carried out important studies on the Travels of Evliya Celebi, approaches to this visit with suspect75. In 1646, he goes to Erzurum with the committee of Defterzade Mehmet Pasha upon the latter’s assignment to beylerbeylik of Erzurum. After there, he takes place in the conquest of the Azov Fortress. He wanders through Azerbaijan and the Eastern Anatolia to go to Tabriz and then returns to Istanbul once again. 3.2.The Third Volume The third volume covers the years between 1648 and 1653, and contains his journeys to the Central Anatolia, Syria, Palestine and the Balkans. The purpose of the traveler was to go to Damascus. He went to the city as the private imam and head muezzin of Silahtar Murtaza Pasha. Through Iznik, he toured many Anatolian cities on his way to Damascus. He visited most of the lands of today’s Syria as well as certain places in Beirut and Palestine. He set out for Sivas upon the assignment of Murtaza Pasha to Sivas, and had the opportunity to see many cities in Central Anatolia such as Kayseri, Nigde and Aksaray. Later on, he went to the Balkans together with Melek Ahmed Pasha, who was dismissed from his office as grand vizier76. He was also able to see a part of the settlement areas of today’s Bulgaria, Romania and Greece as the Eastern European countries. Thus, he realized his first journey to the Ottoman Europe. He recorded Provadia, Shumen, Razgrad, Ruse, Svishtov, Nikopol, Silistra, Kavarna, Sliven, Nova Zagora, Stara Zagora, Plovdiv and Sofia of Bulgaria; Giurgiu, Keligra, Mangalia, Dobruja, Costanta and Karaharman of Romania; Ormenio of Greece; and Edirne of Turkey and the nearby areas according a chart that he followed. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi II, p. 69-71/264b-267b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi II, p. 73-74/267b. 74 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi II, p. 75-82/268b-273b. 75 Dankoff, Seyyah-ı Alem Evliya Çelebi’nin Dünyaya Bakışı, p.9. 76 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi III, p. 163/104b. 72 73 117 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Like a geographer, he detailed the origin of the Danube, its distributaries and the economic activities performed on the banks of the river77. Besides, the book provides information about the Maritsa and the Marmara Sea78. 3.3 Fifth Volume In the fourth volume, the journey was from Bitlis located in East Anatolia to Siirt, then to Istanbul through Tokat. He set on a new journey to join the expedition against Erdel (Transilvania) prince George II Rakoczy with Melek Ahmet Pasha, who was assigned to Ozi Eyalet in 165679. He visited the cities of Kırklareli within the borders of Turkey, Suzebolu, Pomerie, Misuri, Varna, Mangalia, Silistra within the borders of Bulgaria; Tulca within the borders of Romania, Ismail, Tatarbunary, Akkirman, Yanik Hisari, Lviv, Kiev, Kili, Ozi within the borders of Ukraine, Bender, Khotyn, Kamyanets-Podilsky within the borders of Moldova and Lubin within the borders of Poland until Ozi. While the army was spending the night near Khotyn in July 1657, he went on an expedition to Polish country and saw the castles of Bar, Rıdvaniçse, Razskow, Mohyliv-Podilskyi, Zingü, Bar, Hanarvash/Izberbash, Burut and Podhayiche castles and provided information on each castle. He commentated on the castles, plains, villages and towns they stopped by on their journey to Erdel County and their struggles with the Rakoczy troop80. Evliya ended this journey in January 1658 and returned to Istanbul. Upon his return, Melek Ahmet Pashas’ wife and Murad IV’s daughter Kaya Sultan passed away; Evliya Celebi remained in Istanbul throughout this period81. In 1659, Melek Ahmed Pasha was appointed as the governor of Bosnia, but due to his disagreement with some of the people in the delegation, Evliya Celebi entered to the service of the grand vizier with the request of the Grand Vizier Köprülü Mehmet Pasha. He joined the expedition with the grand vizier and sultan due to the increasing Jelali revolts in West Anatolia82. Thus, the journey, which started this way, ended with his return to Edirne in October 165983. Another Eastern European journey of this volume began on October 30, 1659. The first of his travels, in which he was to take part in Wallachia and Bogdan expeditions and siege of Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi III, p. 180-191/115a-122a. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi III, p.229-230/147a-148a. 79 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 43-45/27a-28a. 80 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 66-75/39b-45a. 81 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 129-131/77b-79a. 82 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 131-133/79a-80a. 83 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 166/100a. 77 78 118 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Varat, was to Bogdan, which is located on the current Moldova and Romania border from Edirne and to Wallachia in Romania from Edirne. This journey ended on February 16, 1660 and consists of visits to cities of Karnobat, Aydos, Balchick Provadia in Bulgaria, Babadag, Tolca, Ismail, Iaşi, Giurgiu, Isaccea, Tırkovish, Bucharest and villages and towns thereof.84 The second journey was for the siege of Varat Castle in Erdel (Transylvania) on 26 April 1660. He then travelled towards Edirne with the Commander in Chief Köse Ali Pasha. He visited cities such as Sofia located within the borders of Bulgaria, Nis and Belgrade in Serbia, Timisoara, Lipova and Yanova within the borders of Romania during this journey. After Varat castle was seized, her set on the road to meet with Melek Ahmet Pasha in Bosnia85. During this journey, he visited cities of Srebrenitsa, Sarajevo, Travnik, Donyi, Prusac, Kupres, Şuica, Livno (Hilevne), Glamoc, Banyaluka in Bosnia and Herzegovina today and Klis, Knin, Kaminkrad, Zagreb, Cernik, and Pojega located within the borders of Croatia today. This journey ended when Melek Ahmet Pasha was dismissed from the governorship of Bosnia on November 15, 1660. When Pasha is appointed to Rumeli Eyalet, travel from Bosnia to Rumelia will begin 86 . In this journey, he visited cities such as Novi Pazar currently located in Serbia, Mitrovico, Prishtina, Kacanik in Kosovo, Skopje, Kratovo, Veles, Pirlepe, Bitola, Resne in Macedonia; and Ardino, Kjustendil, Sofia in Bulgaria and Filorina and Servia in Greece and Krusevac, Smederevo in Serbia. He also had the chance to see Split, Zadra, Sibenik, Mandalina, which were under the reign of Venice but are located in Croatia today and also Dodoshka province (vilayet) and the Islovin province (vilayet) partially under the reign of Venice and partially Austrians. Evliya Celebi also played a role in the release of 10 Muslims held captive at Split castle by meeting with the commander of the castle 87. 3.4 Sixth Volume It covers the years between 1662-1664. This volume mostly covers Hungary but also Serbian and Romanian geography. It may be the only source for villages, towns and cities most of which have been destroyed until today. Therefore, it is a crucial source for both Hungarian and also Serbian and Romanian history. The first journey in this volume starts from Temesvar Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 167-182/100b-109b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 182-214/109b-127a. 86 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 279-280/164b-165a. 87 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi V, p. 238-243/140a-143a; 253-254/149a-149b. 84 85 119 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Plain on June 28, 1661 for Erdel (Transylvania) expedition88. He attended invasions to Erdel (Transulvania) and Hungary and reached Seykel, located today in Hungary after visiting many places in this geography. He went to Albania to collect taxes and returned to Melek Ahmet Pasha, who was in Sofia one month later89. He visited Lugos, Sebes, Cetatea Colț, Tuzla, Samos, Cluj-Napoca, Oradea in Romania, Lezhe, Podgorac, Qatur, Buduva Bar, Ulcinj in Montenegro, Shkoder in Albania, Kocani, Stip, Skopje in Macedonia, and Samakov, Sofia, Chirpan, Kirkovo in Bulgaria along with Hungary. The journey ended when Melek Ahmet Pasha returned to Istanbul to become the viziership district governor and to marry Fatma Sultan, the daughter of Sultan Ahmed I in 1662. Pasha passed away shortly90. The traveler who left Istanbul to attend to the expedition against Germans wandered through Sozopol, Lovech, Pleven and Vidin and reached to Belgrade of today’s Serbia. Upon the victory in the Battle of Parkany, he commenced a second journey for the expedition against Nove Zamky which is in Slovakia today. Following this expedition of Koprulu Fazil Ahmed Pasha which was called as “Uyvar Seferi” and started on April 12, 1663 to conclude on August 10, 1664 upon the “Peace of Vasvar”, “Uyvar Beylerbeyligi” (Beylerbeylik of Uyvar) was established on today’s lands of Slovakia91. Subsequent to the victory in Nove Zamky, the destination was Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden. During such journeys, except for a couple of cities, he provides information about the general characteristics of the cities of Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, Czech Republic and Poland. The traveler had the chance to witness Nitra and Nograd expeditions. Evliya Celebi, later on, went to Dubra-Venezia (Dubrovnik) as a messenger and attended to Nagykanizsa and Yenikale expeditions, too. During these travels, apart from the aforementioned cities, he wrote about Osijek, Darda, Zagreb and Pojega of Croatia; Mohacs, Pecs, Secoy, Tolna, Szekszard, Pahsa, Budin, Pest, Esztergom, Vac, Kanjiza, Valpovo, Siklos and Szigetvar of Hungary; Komarno, Litre, Leve, Nogra and Nitra of Slovakia; Uzice of Serbia; Pljevlja, Kotor and Perast of Montenegro; Foca, Lubin, Bolagay, Pocitelj, Mostar and Fojnica of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Risna, Cernik and Popova of Croatia; and Amsterdam of the Netherlands. However, it should be suspected whether the author had ever been in the Netherlands. Because, R. Dankoff believes that this Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VI, p. 1/1b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VI, p. 66-67/40a-40b. 90 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VI, p. 71-76/43a-46a. 91 Sadık Mufit Bilge, “Macaristan’da Osmanlı Hakimiyetinin ve İdari Teşkilatının Kuruluşu ve Gelişmesi”, Journal of The Center for Ottoman Studies Ankara University (OTAM), No:11, Ankara 2000, p.36. 88 89 120 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE journey to Amsterdam contradicts with the facts which is true. The information concerning Amsterdam is probably limited with what he had heard about the city92. 3.5. The Seventh Volume On this volume, Evliya Celebi talks about Crimea, the Caucasus, Ukraine, Russia and Western Europe. The Crimean, Caucasus, Kazan history section is quite broad. At the same time, his travel to Austria takes a long time, too. The information he writes about these regions is very important. The 7th volume is from the Kanije (Nagykanizsa) fortress all the way towards the German, Islovin (Slovenian), Mekemorya (Macedonian) and Ungurus (today’s Hungary and its vicinity) provinces. During this trip, he witnessed the defeat in the battle of Raba (St. Gotthard) in 166493. In April 1665, he arrives in Vienna with the embassy delegation. Then he claims to have passed to Western Europe, which should be considered with suspicion94. According to R. Dankoff, during the attacks to Poland and Russia and his return to Crimea, Mehmet IV should have been appointed him to inspect the castles in Transylvania and Hungary before joining Giray Khan's Tatars95. He returns from Europe and goes to Crimea via Ukraine96. He, along with the Crimean Khan, participates in wars in the Wallachia and Moldavia regions. In 1666, along with the Khan of Crimea, he had the opportunity to see Dagestan, Circassia and Southern Russia. At the very end, he goes to Edirne and then to Istanbul97. He provides information about cities such as Şilye, Belvar, Kapoşvar, Şimetorna, Istolni Belgrade, Estergon, Budin, Hatvan, Eğri, Yanık, Segedin, Beskelek, Gole in Hungary, Uyvar, Fulek, Litre, Leve, Seçen, Komaran in Slovakia; Karlofça, Petervaradin, Semendire, Belgrad, Temeşvar within the borders of Serbia; Ilok located within the borders of Croatia; Vienna within the Austrian borders; Canad, Varat, Bucharest, Tirkovis, Yaşlocated in Romania; Vidin in Bulgaria; Tuzla, Ferahkirman, Gözleve, İnkerman, Baliklava, Mangub, Salacik, Bahcesaray, Akmescid, Karasu, Sugğdak, former Crimea, Kefe, Kerch; Ochakiv, Cankirman, Kilburun, Sahin Kirman, Gazi Kirman, Sahin Kirman in Ukraine; Chisinau, Benderabad of Moldova. Dankoff, Seyyah-ı Alem Evliya Çelebi’nin Dünyaya Bakışı, p. 10-11. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VI, p.29-39/18a-23b. 94 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VI, p.91/54a. 95 Dankoff, Seyyah-ı Alem Evliya Çelebi’nin Dünyaya Bakışı, p. 11. 96 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VI, p.182/102b. 97 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VI, p.337/187b. 92 93 121 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 3.6. The Eighth Volume A large part of this volume, covering the years 1667-1670, includes an area within the borders of Greece today. This region roughly consists of Crete, Greece mainland, Ionian and Aegean islands. Evliya Celebi traveled to Kefe (Caffa, Ottoman dominion stretching across the northern coast of the Black Sea) after his trip to Azov and traveled together with the Crimean Khan Adil Giray to Bahcesaray. Azov and its vicinity was a very wild geography open to attacks. They have been attacked by the brutal groups like Kalmyk Tatars and thousands of wild animals in the region, and the possibility of being attacked by those or freezing under severe cold. Evliya Celebi, who could not help speaking more about the harshness of this journey, tells what he has experienced in the wild life as if he were the hero of an adventure novel. In his unique style he explains the travel from the Heyhat Plain to the other side via the Kuban River and the heroism he exhibited98. After his return from Crimea, he meets with Sultan Mehmed IV in Edirne. They had a meeting with Kara Mustafa Pasha, the district governor of Sadaret, about Vienna and the Austrian army99. On February 28, 1668, he leaves Edirne and starts a journey through Komotini to Western Thrace, stretching all the way to Athens100. In the meantime, he participates in the conquest of Crete Island101. During this long war that lasted three years, he stays in Crete at all times. Chania was previously conquered by Yusuf Pasha. After the conquest of Heraklion, the most important fortress of the island, he goes to Albania for the duty of collecting the masters of Zana castle102. He moves to the Peloponnese peninsula, and by following by the west coast of Greece travels to Albania and eventually returns back to Istanbul through Trachea. He also claims that he had written the Conquest Epistle of Heraklion103. He visited cities such as Didymoteicho, Feres, Athos, Avrethisari (Neo Gynaikokasto), Komotini, Kavala, Yenice, Serres, Praveag (Pravishte), Drama, Mind, Thessaloniki, Trawala, Athens, Mora, Navarino, Crete Island, Chania, Heraklion (Heraklion), Vardar New (Yannica), Vodina (Edessa), Kareferye, Alasonya (Elassona), Lantern, Thebes, Euboea, Korinth, Kalavrata (Kalavrita), Ballibadra (Balyabadra/Patras), Cephalonia, Arkadiya (Arcadia, Anavarin (Navarino), Moton Koron, Monumental / Violet, Cuka Island, Santaron Islands (Santorini), Kalamata, Zarnata, Inebahtı/Eynebahtı (Naupaktos), Lefkada, Preveze, Narda, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p.1-6/188b-191b. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p.20/199b; 23/203a. 100 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p.30/204b; 23/203a. 101 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p.167/283a. 102 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p.20/199b; 176/288a. 103 Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi VIII, p.244-250/326a-329b. 98 99 122 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Ioannina, Aydonat, Margariti (Marglic), Parga within the borders of today's Greece; Tarnovi (Tirnova) within the borders of Bulgaria; Elbasan, Delvinye (Delvine), Ergiri, Tepedelen (Tepelene), Albanian Belgrade (Berat), Avlonya (Vlore), Elbasan (Ilbasan), Draç/Dıraç (Durres), Peking (Peqin), Usturmaca (Strumica) within the borders of Albania; Demirhisar, Ohri (Ohrid), Manastir (Bitola), Tikves (Kavadarci) within the borders of Macedonia; Yanbolu within the borders of Bulgaria. Conclusion The Travels of Evliya Celebi is one of the main historical sources that should be examined in order to recognize and understand the 17th century Eastern Europe. It has a peculiarity of being a good guide book especially for Eastern European cities at that time. As in many other geographies, it is an important resource for understanding the spatial texture of the cities of the time and the historical buildings such as churches, bridges, mosques, fountains, inns, baths and madrasas in Eastern Europe. In addition to this, it is of great value to determine the current status of the ruined or destroyed architectural buildings and to maintain the cultural heritage. The work reveals the different languages used in Eastern Europe in the 17th century and the ways in which these languages were used at that time. From the spoken language to the literary language, it carries the past to the present with fine details from dialects to accents. In addition to this, it describes the food culture of Eastern Europe. The traveler, who in every detail describes the geography he travels in as a geographer, offers a very detailed expression from the climate of the region to the vegetation. In this sense, the work carries the characteristics of being both an anthology and a geography book. In the historical context, what he describes is fairly valuable. It is a source of history, showing the historical background of the developments in East and Central Europe, which have not yet become clear in terms of the political boundaries as of today, and the background of the recent developments in this geography. It provides very interesting and valuable information about the similarities, differences, past and present characteristics of the people living in Eastern Europe. In the light of all this information, the travelogue must be well-evaluated and examined in terms of Eastern European History. BIBLIOGRAPHY ALBAYRAK, Muzaffer, “Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi’nin Baskı Serüveni”, Evliya Celebi Konuşmaları/Yazılar, YKY, Istanbul 2011, p.14-37. 123 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies BILGE, Sadık Mufit, “Macaristan’da Osmanlı Hakimiyetinin ve İdari Teşkilatının Kuruluşu ve Gelişmesi”, Journal of The Center for Ottoman Studies Ankara University (OTAM), No:11, Ankara 2000, p.33-81. CELIK, Senol, “Evliya Çelebi’nin, Sultan IV. Mehmed İle Birlikte Katıldığı Bursa ve Çanakkale Boğazı Gezisi”, Balıkesir University Journal of Institute of Social Sciences, Vol.15, No. 28 (December), Balıkesir 2012, p.139-197. DANKOFF, Robert, “Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi Işığında Osmanlı Toplum Hayatı”, www.tarihtarih.com. DANKOFF, Robert, Seyyah-ı Alem Evliya Çelebi’nin Dünyaya Bakışı, Translator: Mufit Gunay, YKY, Istanbul 2010. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi, Vol. I, pre. Robert Dankoff, Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, YKY, Istanbul 1996, XLVII+446 p. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. II, pre. Zekeriya Kurşun, Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, YKY, Istanbul 1998, XXXI+283 p. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. III, pre. Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, YKY, Istanbul 1999, XXXIII+320 p. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi, Vol. IV, pre. Yucel Dagli, Seyit Ali Kahraman, YKY, Istanbul 2000, XLVI+413 p. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. V, pre. Yucel Dagli, Seyit Ali Kahraman, İbrahim Sezgin, YKY, Istanbul 2001, XL+363 p. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. VI, pre. Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, YKY, Istanbul 2002, XXXVII+362 p. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. VII, pre. Yucel Dagli, Seyit Ali Kahraman, Robert Dankoff, YKY, Istanbul 2003, XXXVIII+388 p. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. VIII, pre. Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, Robert Dankoff, YKY, Istanbul 2003, XLVI+413 p. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. IX, pre. Yucel Dagli, Seyit Ali Kahraman, Robert Dankoff, YKY, Istanbul 2005, XLVIII+490 p. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol. X, pre. Seyit Ali Kahraman, Yucel Dagli, Robert Dankoff, YKY, Istanbul 2007, LXXVIII+531 p. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi’nin Kaynakları, prepared by. Hakan Karateke, Hatice Aynur, TTK, Ankara 2012. EMECEN, Feridun, “İsmâil”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 23, İstanbul 2001, p.8284. 124 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE EYICE, Semavi, “Bender”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 5, İstanbul 1992, p. 431432. http://www.ttk.gov.tr/tarihveegitim/evliya-celebi-1611-1685. ILGUREL, Mucteba, “Evliya Çelebi”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 11, Istanbul 1995, p.529-533. IZ, Fahir, “Evliya Çelebi ve Seyahatnamesi”, Boğaziçi University Journal of Humanities, No. 7, Istanbul 1979, s. 61-79. KOLODZIEJCZYK, Dariusz, “Hotin”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 18, Istanbul 1998, p. 253-254. LEONTIC, Mariya, “Evliya Çelebi’nin “Seyahatnamesi”nde Makedon Şehirleri ve Onların Tasviri”, Bal-Tam Turkluk Bilgisi, Vol. 19 (September), Prizren 2013, p. 83-94. TEZCAN, Nuran, “Seyahatnâme”, TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.37, Istanbul 2009, p.16-19. YERASIMOS, Marianna, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi’nde Yemek Kültürü Yorumlar ve Sistematik Dizin, Istanbul 2014. 125 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 126 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Some Points on Scientific Work, Methodology, Practice and Experiences Entela MUÇO* The methodology of scientific work, the practice and experience represent three important moments in the work of a scholarly researcher because as much as closely the three of them are related to each other in the research process as independent they are in their own peculiarities. Indeed, we are dealing with terms and concepts of various fields of social sciences and with the philosophy of science itself; are important components that have occupied special place in the studies of researchers of various fields of knowledge, in the studies on psychosocial sciences and on exact sciences. The research1, the discovery and understanding of its meaning and what it represents, the role it plays in the psycho-social development of mankind makes it possible answering to many the questions that concern the researchers of these fields to improve and increase the social level of humanity and indirectly of the superstructure 2 of their respective countries and their intellectual and cultural development. Research on finding what is the best which in fact stays hidden behind the historical unknown, has been born with the will of the human being for his civilization, for his mentally and intellectually evolution, as part of his character. The addressing of phenomena according to a fair and accurate methodology based on the practice and the scientific experience of the great previous scholars would ensure the achievement of accurate scientific results These components of scientific research work witness the main moments of the development of the intellect and the social and cultural civilization of man and society in general. They have played an important role in discovering the historical unknowns of ancient, medieval and modern civilization of human society, have followed the path of dialectic development3 of society by improving, reforming, and constituting a rich heritage of the development of what I have undertaken to highlight in my work on "Methodology of Scientific Work". As seen under a bi-dimensional approach to the problem, the time and space where the phenomena are developed and the practical application * entelatirana@yahoo.com, Chairwoman of the “Albanian-Azerbaijan Friendship, Scientific and Cultural Association”, Dr., 00355 68 63 15 657, Tirana- Albania. 1 https://sq.wikipedia.org/wiki/Filozofia_e_shkenc%C3%ABs, “Filozofia e Shkencës” (Philosophy of Science), 21.12.2015 2 Fjalor i Filozofisë, “Superstruktura”, (Tirana: 8 Nëntori, 1981), 115. 3 Ibid“Dialektika e Natyrës”. 71.. 127 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies of those principles and experiences that will provide the appropriate methodology for scientific work and sub-topics that derive from it. The development of human society has passed through various stages of development in time and space, in civil society systems in general and in various groups in particular. This has made it possible to divide, classify and determine the degree of their civilization, the impact on experiences between different countries, at different time periods, the understanding of the meaning of these developments in society is made possible only through a fair scientific guide, in our case of "methodology of scientific study." Various objective and subjective factors have changed the features, the character and meaning of the methodology of scientific research work and the implementation of its rules in practice in different countries. In order for a scientific researcher to be successful in his work he/she should rely on the principles that would lead him to carry out a work based on scientific and qualitative basis in his content. They can be classified into 1- moral and 2-professional principles which consequently include a-) moral and b-) professional directions: Moral principle 1. Honesty at work a-) person's integrity, b-) professional Honesty at work or integrity of the person relates to the basic principles from starting to work on the subject, to whom would serve the study, the consequences, the results, honesty in choosing the theme and the goal of developing it; the person who serves to which part of society, the social group, the homeland and the country, the negative expectations or the positive ones. Accountability, and ownership of high moral values is a full guarantee fort he sucess of the study as it insures the originality of the work. Possession of high moral and virtual qualities is a complete guarantee of the success of the work as it ensures the originality of the its work. This can be insured by obtaining principles of ethics4. 1. Originality Originality in the study work is needed to bring a new scientific element, to create a work that is thought to bring new positive or negative novelties. The success of the work ensures inclusion of the novelties, and not being a copy of another work in both form and content. Expectations, whether are positive or negative, depend on the purpose and objective of the author of the work. Professional Principles: https://www.slideshare.net/KristianaPapa/etika-e-punes , Kristiana Papa, Etika e punes ne Instıtucionet Publike (Ethics of Work in Public Institutions), UT, Fakulteti I Ekonomise, Departamenti Menaxhimit, p. 4-9. 4 128 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 1. Professionalism at work 1/1-) Objectivity 1/2-) Motivation 1/3) Purpose 1/4-) Expectation 1/5-) Correctness Accuracy in; a-) writing, b-) setting of dates and c-) references 1/6-) Accountability 1. Methodology. 2. Work, 3. Science, 4. Man Common among these four abstract and concrete elements: there are an inseparable squares of the complexity of the abstract and concrete elements that fulfill the proper functioning of the subject of our theme: "SCIENTIFIC METHODOLOGY" and have a single purpose: to perfect the existing and bring the resource into service as fast as possible to "KNOWLEDGE" in its full meaning. Methodology of scientific research work is determined by its own denomination. Its closely related to social Sciences such as. History and Psychology. But, Albania is one of the countries where the affirmation, development and application of the principles of the methodology of scientific research work has gone through a long series of obstacles ; many sufferings and problems in which the political factor played a dominant role especially over the period 1970s - 1990's of the 20th century. The methodology of scientific research work in Albania was adapted to the dialectical development of Albanian society. The theory of methodology of scientific work in Albania has begun in the first half of the 18 century in 1750 at the New Academy of Voskopoja5. The Academy of Voskopoja is known differently by the famous Balkan Academy. In its academic performance it was supported by the methodology of the most advanced European countries - it gained a new spirit with Borgyese traits with marked patriotic elements and democratic symptoms, with pronounced foreign influences and illuministic influence. It had great influence not only in Albania but also in neighboring countries. Its progressive character is noticed in its content. Suffice is to mention that the educational program of this academy was equal to that of advanced European high schools. 5 http://www.njekomb.com/?p=18321, /konica.al/, “Çfarë studiohej në “Akademinë e Re të Voskopojës, shkollën më të famshme të Ballkanit në shekullin XVIII?” , (What was studied in The New Academy of Voskopoja, the most famous Balkan school in the 18th century?), March 11.2018 129 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The academic program of the Academy included subjects of social-literary sciences, linguistics, philosophy, theology and the exact sciences such as: old and new Greek , grammar, literature, philosophy, logic, metaphysics6, mercology, physics, mathematics and astronomy7. The obstacles were created by the Patriarchate of Istanbul who struggled with all the means the development of every national culture. Certainly the staff of the Academy was also battled by Greek chauvinist clerics who aimed at spreading their religion within a short time of fame throughout the country and the Balkans8. The pedagogues were distinguished personalities in the field of education, culture and science. The most of them were authors of the textbooks of the Academy, who turned Voskopoja in a short time into the center of science, culture and education, at the most advanced cultural and educational center of the Balkans and beyond throughout the eighteenth century9. We can say that the methodology of research and study in Albania is the forerunner of the scientific research and study methodology applied in the following centuries. The development and implementation in practice the scientific methodology in practice in our country has followed the dialectical development of the Albanian society in general and education in particular, passing through four stages of development from the 18th century to 21st century.. We can classify it according to the periods: I.1750-1760- New Academy of Voskopoja10. This period, for its own characteristics and particulars and the Ottoman administrative system in which it took place acquires a long arc that would be fair to evaluate until 1912 when Albania gained independence. The shortcomings that were noted in the education system before the victory of Albania's Independence were inherited for a relatively long time. The educational system, both secular and religious from the organizational and methodological point of view was not at a good level. Also the deficiencies were noted in terms of: 1 - the geographic extent of the religious education system. 6 Fjalor i Gjuhës Shqipe (Dictionary of Albanian Language), “metafizika”, (Instituti i Skencave , Tiranë 1954). 307. 7 Ibid, “astronomia”20. 8 http://www.njekomb.com/?p=18321, Ibid 9 http://www.njekomb.com/?p=18321, Ibid 10http://www.njekomb.com/?p=18321,Ibid; Albanian Republic, The General Directorate Of State Archives (AQSH), F. 200, Y. 1940, D. 1; Y. 1940, D. 10; Y. 1940, D. 11; Y. 1940, D. 12; Y. 1940, D. 15; Y.. 1940, D. 32; Y. 1941, D. 4; Y. 1942, D. 23; Y. 1942, D. 37; Y. 1943, D. 29; Y. 1944, D. 32 alınan https://sq.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akademia_e_Shkencave_e_Shqip%C3%ABris%C3%AB ,“Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë” (Academy of Sciences of Albania), 02.07.2018 130 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The spread of Muslim religious schools: meytepeve, madrasas etc. was modest and left much room for expansionThey were in limited numbers and scattered in a few cities, mainly in those that were developed centers of the country. The geographical spread of the Islamic educational-educational system in Albania with the establishment of educational-religious institutions of nearly all levels of religious schools such as meyteps, medresets etc11., followed the course from Middle Albania to the South of the Albanian territories. It is worth mentioning cultural educational centers such as Shkodra, Berat, Elbasan, Gjirokastra (Ergeri), Korça, Pırmet, Tirana etc. 2- The methodical teaching system The methodical teaching system did not respond to the requirements of the period from the methodical organizational and national point of view. It was important to solve important problems in social and the exact sciences as the use of the Albanian language and its formalization12 Already Albanian religious intellectuals emerged as the primary task, the disappearance of backwardness in religious education. This task was taken over by patriots of the national movement, enlightened Muslim scholars, theologians and politicians, some of whom studied at overseas universities such as Pakistan, India or Egypt. Here is worth mentioning some of the intellectuals who provided valuable assistance to religious education and especially for the Medrese school such as Haxhi Vehbi Dibra, who led for many years the Medrese, Hafiz Ali Korça, Hafiz Ibrahim Dalliu, Sali Vuçiterni, Kamil Bala, Ismet Dibra, Haki Sharofi, Sheriff Putra etc. They taught their knowledge in the service of the religious-national education of Albanian youth. Even Sali Vuciterni says that: "The issue of madrasas is the most important point for us ..."13. II. 1940-1944- the establishment of the Albanian Studies Institute14. The purpose of creation was to spur and co-ordinate the Albanian intellectual movement in the field of science, literature and arts. Caring for the enrichment of national culture, by 11 https://edmondsharka.al/arsimi-fetar-dhe-pergatitja-e-kuadrove-gjate-viteve-1912-1930/ , Edmond Sharka, “Arsimi Fetar Dhe Përgatitja E Kuadrove Gjatë Viteve 1912-1930” (Religious Education and the Preparation of Cadets During the Years 1912-1930), 11 01, 2013 12 AQSH. F. 482 Komuniteti Myslyman ((Muslim community)), Y. 1961, D. 51, p. 1. 13 Ramiz Zekaj, PERLA, “Kaligrafia Islame Dhe Komunikimi I Saj Me Kulturën Materiale Shqiptare" ("Islamic calligraphy and its communication with Albanian material culture"), Tirana: Foundation Kulturor Saadi Shirazi, IX (2004) No. 1. Tirana: Fondacioni Kulturor "Saadi Shirazi”), IX (2004) Nr. 1. (32) p. 121-133. 14 https://sq.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akademia_e_Shkencave_e_Shqip%C3%ABris%C3%AB ,ibid. 131 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies following the examples of the advanced nations of Europe, but at the same time maintaining the national character according to the best national mentalities and traditions15. III. 1946- Institute of Sciences16 IV. 1972- Academic of Albanian17 sciences until nowadays. The period of 1944-1967 we can consider as a sub-period. In 1972, in Albania was established and took shape the most important scientific institution in the country: Albanian Science Academy. In this period, the specialty of the development of the theory of research work in Albania is its coupling with the religious one. Albanian cleric intellectuals taught in the madrasas of Albania the subjects of secular sciences. The year 1967 marked the victory of atheism in Albania and the destruction of foundations of everything related to the religion. The common feature of these stages of development of scientific methodology is the existence of an educational system influenced by the historical circumstances of the country in that specific period. Marxist theory had its impacts on the scientific methodology. Already the ideology defined the theory of scientific methodology by placing it entirely/ in the service of the "Party", wearing a political party character. Everything changed, in terms, concepts and practice. The rich experience of Albanian scientists and scholars was destroyed and a new method was set up that limited the dissemination of the full knowledge especially in the field of social, literature, philosophical and historical sciences, by influencing in a significant mode on the psycho-social development of its people with a new Party mentality. In schools, the lessons were tainted or lying by dis-informing intelligence and the people themselves. After the '90s political developments, the character to the form and content of the theory of the methodology of the scientific works changed. Its importance was emphasized in the highest state bodies in its own laws for its development and the details of its application by scientific researchers. A new democratic spirit with the orientation of discovering the historical truth, which was denied for many years, began in the country; importance was given to discovering the values of the Albanian people in the culture, science and its role in history. A new effort is being made by Albanian intellectuals and relevant institutions to open it out of the country's frame to learn about countries and cultures that we do not know. We mention the efforts of Albanian intellectuals to uncover historical truth and the general recognition of 15 https://sq.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akademia_e_Shkencave_e_Shqip%C3%ABris%C3%AB. ibid 16https://sq.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akademia_e_Shkencave_e_Shqip%C3%ABris%C3%AB. ibid 17https://sq.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akademia_e_Shkencave_e_Shqip%C3%ABris%C3%AB. ibid 132 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Azerbaijani’s Republic by teaching in high schools more specifically on that which has not been the case before, as it has been addressed within the order of the Russian republics. BIBLIOGRAPHY ARCHIVE Albanian Republic, The General Directorate Of State Archives AQSH. F. 482 Komuniteti Myslyman, (Muslim community) Y. 1961, D. 51, p. 1. DICTIONARIES Fjalor i Gjuhës Shqipe, (Dictionary of Albanian Language) (Tiranë: Instituti i Skencave 1954). Fjalor Enciklopedik Shqiptar (Albanian Encyclopedia Dictionary). Vol I. Akademia e Shkencave të Shqipërisë. Tiranë.2008 Fjalor i Filozofisë, (Dictionary of Philosophy) (Tirana: 8 Nëntori, 1981). MAGAZINE Scientific Magazine - Quarterly Culture Zekaj Ramiz, PERLA, “Kaligrafia Islame Dhe Komunikimi I Saj Me Kulturën Materiale Shqiptare", ("Islamic calligraphy and its communication with Albanian material culture"), Tirana: Foundation Kulturor Saadi Shirazi, IX (2004) No. 1. p. 121-133. LINK https://sq.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akademia_e_Shkencave_e_Shqip%C3%ABris%C3%AB. “Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë” (Academy of Sciences of Albania), 02.07.2018 http://www.njekomb.com/?p=18321, /konica.al/, “Çfarë studiohej në “Akademinë e Re të Voskopojës, shkollën më të famshme të Ballkanit në shekullin XVIII?”(What was studied in The New Academy of Voskopoja, the most famous Balkan school in the 18th century?), March 11.2018. https://www.slideshare.net/KristianaPapa/etika-e-punes , Papa Kristiana, Etika e punes ne Instıtucionet Publike (Ethics of Work in Public Institutions), UT, Fakulteti I Ekonomise, Departamenti Menaxhimit 133 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies https://sq.wikipedia.org/wiki/Filozofia_e_shkenc%C3%ABs “Filozofia e shkencës” (Philosophy of Science), 21.12.2015. https://fjalaime.ch/arti-islam-trojet-shqiptare/, MUSTAFI Skënder, çev.. Fjala ime,, “Arti Islam” (My Word, "Islamic Art"), 26.09.2010 . https://edmondsharka.al/arsimi-fetar-dhe-pergatitja-e-kuadrove-gjate-viteve-1912-1930/ , SHARKA Edmond, “Arsimi Fetar Dhe Përgatitja E Kuadrove Gjatë Viteve 1912-1930” 134 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 135 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 136 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Reflection of the History of the Crimean Ulus in the CrimeanTatar and Turkish written sources and Historiography Ferhad TURANLY* There are a lot of written sources in terms of the History of the Crimean Ulus Існує, the contents of which is of great importance for studying the Ulus history and culture. A special attention out of all such documents, written in the Crimean-Tatar, Kypchak and TurkishOttoman languages, should be paid to scientific work “The organisation of the Crimean Khanate and its development and strengthening under the Ottoman protectorate” by the present-day Turkish historian Muzafer Urekli, who classifies the above said set of sources in the following way: 1) historical books and chronicles (Tarih Kıtapları ve Vakayi-nâme) written in – the Crimean and Deshta-Kypchak; – books on the History of the Crimea written within the Ottoman Turky; – books on the Ottoman History, as well as the general historical works written in the Sublime Porte; 2) genealogic works (Şecere ve Ensâb Kitapları); 3) travelling diaries (Seyahatnâmeler), memoirs (Muhtırlar) and messages (Raporlar); 4) yarlyks, orders, letters with different information (including the diplomatic one), register-books, prosaic texts (Yarlıklar, Bitikler ve Münşeat Mecmuâları); 5) books of laws (Kanûnâmeler); 6) bank notes, coins (Meskûkât), etc.1. For instance, one of outstanding chronicles “Khan Sagib Giray’s History” written in the Crimea in the 16th century. If to consider thoroughly this written source, we cannot but note, that the Crimean Khanate, that was then under the protectorate of the Sublime Porte, a powerful military force in the Northern Black-Sera Area, particularly in Eastern Europe. Anyway, while making military actions primarily in the interests of the Sublime Porte, Crimean khans attacked foreign territories to get some trophies for themselves too. However, when such governors, relying on their own military forces, crossed the set up rules, the Ottoman government * Doctor of Historical Sciences, professor, National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”, Ukraine, ferhadturanly@gmail.com 1 Muzaffer Ürekli, Kırım Hanlğının Kurluşu ve Osmanlı himayesinde yükselişi (1441–1569), Ankara, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü : 98, 1989, s. ХІ–ХVIII. 137 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies undertook serious measures for restoring the violated order. So, Khan Sagib GirayІ (ruling: 1532–1551), despite his great achievements (for example, in overcoming the danger from Muscovy), was executed following the order of Sultan Suleiman І Каnuni for for excessing his authorities2. Then, while considering the problems we have formulated above in regard of the main kinds of written sources, like yarlyks, orders, letters with information of different sorts, including the diplomatic one too, we have to mention the collection of documents prepared in 1858 by the Tartar language Instructor at the Emperor’s St. Petersburg University – the Spiritual Master Gusein Feizhanoglu. The documents, titled as “The Yarlyks and Hattas (identified texts and official documents) relating to the Crimean Yurt and the Other Party”3 highlight primarily the diplomatic relations of the Crimean Ulus with Muscovy and Poland; the said documents were written within the territory of Deshta-Kypchak in the Crimean-Tatar language with Oguz elements. The documents were ranked due to their chronology. The oldest document – “A Shertname of Mehmed Giray [І Uklug (ruling: 1515–1523]” to King Sigismund”, written in 926 AH (1520 A.D.), refers the needs to observe the terms and conditions of the treaty, аnd namely the following points: to send annually presents and gifts, not to trespass the borders, to set up unimpeded trade relations and to obligatory compensate for possibly brought losses, as well as the observation of the swear not to bring any harm4. The latest in respect of the time of its preparation, in the said collection of works if “The Yarlyk of Selamet Giray ІІ (ruling: 1740– 1744) to the King of Poland and the Grand Lithuanian Prince, Saxon Elector Frederic August ІІ”, written in 1155 AH (1742 A.D.); it refers the required restoration of friendly relations and peace, and particularly provision of free movement of traders, having those paid the tax, and Nidâî Remmal Hoca Kaysunîzâde, Tarih-i Sahib Giray Han, Nşr. Özalp Gökbilgin, Ankara, 1973, s. 120 vd.; Yücel Öztürk, Kırım Hanlığı, Yeni Türkiye Dergisi, Türkler, Editörler: Hasan Celâl Güzel, Kemal Çiçek, Salim Koca. Ankara, 2002, s. 480–513; Туранли, Фергад. Козацька доба історії України в османсько-турецьких писемних джерелах (друга половина XVI – перша чверть XVIII століття) . К.: Вид. дім «КиєвоМогилянська академія», 2016. С.143–144. – (Тuranly, Ferhad. The Cossacks period in the history of Ukraine in Turkish-Ottoman written sources (the second half of the 16th C. – the first quarter of the 18th C). Кyiv : Publishing House “Kyiv Mohyla Academy”. 2016, pp. 143–144.). 3 Qırım Yurtuna ve Ol Taraflarğa Dair Bolğan Yarlığlar ve Hattlar ‫قريم يورتينه و اول طرفالرغه دار‬ .‫بولغان يرليغ لر و خطلر‬ 4 Документы Крымского ханства из собрания Хусейна Фейзханова / сост. и транслит. Р. Р. Абдужемилев; науч. ред. И Миргалеев. Симферополь: ООО «Константа». 2017. С. 10–11; 16–18. 816 с. – (Documents of the Crimean Khanate from Husein Feizhanov’s collection / Compiled and Transl. by R.R. Abdujemilev; Acad. Edit I. Mirgaleyev. Simferopol: LLC “Konstanta”. 2017. С. 10–11; 16–18. 816 с.); Muzaffer Ürekli, a. g. e., s. ХVI– ХVII. 2 138 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE guaranteeing absence of any pressing those ones, etc.5. The total number of documents in the collection is 378; 139 documents of those ones is related to Crimean-Tatar khans6. As for the issue of the Crimean khanate formation is concerned, it should be noted, that it was a long-lasted process, and the final singling out and declaration of the own independence, resulting from a decay of the Golden Horde, occurred in 845 AH (1441–1442 A.D.), when the Governor was Khan Gadji Giray І (1420–1455), a Giyaseddin’s son, a Tash Timur’s grandson. The Giray’s genealogy begins from Togay Timur, the 13th son of Djudji (the latter one was a son of Khan Djengiz). It were khans from tash Timur’s line, who governed the Crimean Yurt from the 16th century to 17837. The struggle for the separation of the Crimea and formation on the “Green Island” of a state was started yet by Tash Timur, that is Gadji Giray І bin Giyaseddin’s grandfather. Hence, the process of the formation and occurrence of this state form lasted for about 45 years, and it was in the time od ruling of the above said governor, that the independence of the Crimean Khanate was announced (that is proved by some coins coined in 845 AH in honour of the first above said governor8. Gadji Giray І, being on friendly relations with the Lithuanian Principality, in 1456 addresses Sultan Mehmed ІІ Fatih9 with the request for a military support in fighting against Genoese colonies on the southern share of the Crimean Peninsula. But the final unification of the Crimean Yurt with the Ottoman State happened in 147510. Документы Крымского ханства… . С. 324–327. – (Documents of the Crimean Khanate…. pp. 324–327). Вельяминовъ-Зерновъ В. В. Материалы для исторіи Крымскаго ханства (извлеченыя, по распоряженію Императорской Академіи Наукъ, изъ московскаго главнаго архива Министерства Иностранныхъ Делъ) / Издалъ Владиміръ Владиміровичъ Вельяминовъ-Зерновъ. Санктпетербургъ : «Въ типографіи “Императорской Академіи Наукъ”», 1864. 941 с. ( .‫ ص‬٩٤۱). – (Velyaminov-Zernov V.V. Materials for the history of the Crimean Khanate (extracts, due to an order of the Emperor’s Academy of Sciences, from Moscow’s Main Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) / Published by Vladimir Vladimirovich Velyaminov-Zernov. St. Petersburg: “In Publishing House of the Emperor’s Academy of Sciences”, 1864. 941 pp.) 7 Родовід Гіраїв походить від Тоґая Тимура, сина хана Джуджі (останній був сином хана Дженґіза). Саме кримськотарські хани по лінії Таш Тимура, сина Тоґая Тимура, які правили Кримським юртом з кінця XIV ст. до 1783 р. Див.: – (The Giray’s Genealogy begins from Togay Timur, a son of Khan Juji (the later one was Khan Jengiza’s son). It was the Crimean-Tatar Khans from Tash Timur line, a son of Togay Timer, that governed the Crimean Yurt from the end of the 16th C. to 1783. See: …) Hasan Ortekin, Kırım Hanlarının Seceresi, İstanbul, Bürhaneddin Matbaası, 1938, s. 1–10; Muzaffer Ürekli, Kırım Hanlğının Kurluşu ve Osmanlı Himayesinde Ykselişi (1441–1569), Ankara, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü : 98, 1989, s. 1–5, V–XXV s., 109 s.; Halil İnalcık, Giray, İslam Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 14, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Araştırmalar Merkezi, İstanbul 1996, s. 76–78. 8 Muzaffer Ürekli, a. g. e., s. 11. 9 Мехмед ІІ Фатіх / Здобувач ― 1451–1481, 2-ге правління (Туранли, Фергад. Назв. праця. С. 558–559). – (Mеhmed ІІ Fatih / Applicant ― 1451–1481, 2nd (Turanly, Ferhad. Ibidem. pp. 558–559). 10 Yılmaz Öztuna, Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi: Osmanlı Devleti’nin Siyasî, Medenî, Kültür, Teşkilȃt ve San’at Tarihi, 10 Cilt, Birinci Cild, İstanbul, Ötüken Neşriyat A.Ş., 1994, s. 362–365, 479 s.); Muzaffer Ürekli, a. g. e., s. 9–20; Туранли, Фергад. Назв. праця. С. 560 (Turanly Ferhad. Ibidem. p. 560). ‘۳ ‫‘ جدول‬٧-٤ .‫‘ ص‬۱۳۲٧ ‘‫حليم گراى سلطان‘ ُگلب ِن حأنان ياخود قريم تاريخى‘ تابع و ناشرىع‘ جودى استانبول‘ نجم استقبال مطبعه سي‬ .‫ ( ص‬۲۰) ۲۳۲ 5 6 139 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The most powerful Turkic statehood formation, located in the steppe band of the Northern Black-Sea Area and the Azov Area, that is the Crimean Khanate, was finally included under the protectorate of the Sublime Porte in the spring of 1475. Speaking of the military and political situation that set up during the 16th century in the Northern Black-Sea Area, it should be underlined, that the Crimean Khanate was in Eastern Europe an actual powerful military force, which regularly made its permanent military invasions on the lands of Muscovy, Polish and Lithuanian Commonwealth, as well as those of Ukraine. However, the conquer by the Trardom of Muscovy of Kazanian Khanate in 1552 and of Astrakhan Khanate in 1556 happened to become the external cause, which resulted in breaking the said military and political balance. The sources we have studied include data about the military activities of Prince Dmytro Vyshnevetskyi 11: for example, there is said about surrounding in 1559 the fortress of Azov which was then in the Ottoman possessing, about a Cossack troop headed by the above said prince, as well as about the measures aimed at improving the defense of the Ottoman Empire’s borders in the Northern Black-Sea Area, the fortress of Ochakiv including, from attacks from the north12. Particularly, in the document there is said, that the above described situation caused respective measures from the side of the Sublime Porte’s government, aimed at cancelling the siege of the fortress, and specifically – about sending additional detachments of the governmental army and ammunition as an urgent help for the surrounded garrison of the fortress of Azov; besides, the government warned the Crimean Khan Devlet Giray [І] (ruling: 1551–1577) of a probable repetition of those attacks and called the governor of the Crimean Khanate to be cautious and ready to implement the tasks he was supposed to in case of setting up a situation like that one13. 11 Turanly, Ferhad. Development of the Ukrainian Cossacks and Activities of Dmytro Vyshnevetsky according to the Data from Turkish Written Sources and Historiography, Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries), Cilt / Volume: 12, Sayı / Issue: 1, Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü / Türkiye, Yıl / Year: 2017, pp. 59–81. 12 Muzaffer Ürekli, a. g. e., s. 46; Туранли Ф. Турецькі рукописні документи як джерела інформації з історії України другої половини XVI ст. ВІСНИК Київського національного університету імені Тараса Шевченка. Історія. № 2 (133). К. : Видавничо-поліграфічний центр «Київський університет», 2017. С. 73–83 (Turanly F. Turkish documental manuscripts as informational sources from the history of Ukraine related to the second half of the 16th C. BULLETIN of the National Taras Shevchenko of Kyiv. History. # 2 (133). Кyiv : Publishing & Poligraphical Centre “Kyiv University”, 2017, pp. 73–83). 13 Başbakanlık Osmanlı Аrşivi, MD, Nu : 3 (Hicrî : 966–968 / Milâdî : 1558–1560), T. C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, Yayın Nu : 12, Dîvân-ı Humâyûn Sicilleri Dizisi: I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Nezihi Aykut, İdras Bostan, Murat Cebecioğlu, Feridun Emecen, Mücteba İlgürel, Mehmet vb, Ankara, 1993, s. 45–46; Emine Erdoğan Üzünlü, Mühimme Defterlerine Göre XVI. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısında Osmanlı-Kırım Hanlığı İlişkileri, Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisі, 2010, s. 491–492; Туранли, Фергад. Назв. праця. С. 181–186. 140 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Anyway, according to the information we have obtained from the Crimean-Tatar and Turkish historical manuscripts, the most benefited from that situation was for the Sublime Porte, which used the Crimean Khanate’s army in its wars with Austria and Iran. The sources, we have studies, show, that during the governing of Sultan Ahmed І, the Crimean Army took an active part in the Sublime Porte’s war against the above said countries. For the heroism manifested in that war Khan Gazi Giray ІІ (ruling: 1596–1607, 2nd ruling) by the Turkish Sultan was given the title “The Master of Sword”? while, respectively, his kindred were given certain privileges, for example – personal untouchability14. When the said Crimean khan died, representatives from his generation line (sherins, mansurs, siudjivits) announced his son Toktamysh Giray (ruling: 1607/1608–1609) Governor of the Crimean Yurt. But a different decision was made in the Sultan’s palace: to appoint Gazi Giray’s II brother – Selamet Giray І (ruling: 1608–1610), the Khan, while Khan Giray’s II descendants – Mehmed Giray ІІІand Shagin Giray – were given authorities of the Kalgai15 and Nuraddin16, respectively. That event подія became also an internal political factor – a compelling motif for activating of the process of forming a UkrainianCossack-CrimeanTatar Union17. The history of the Black-Sea vector formation in the foreign policy of the Hetman Government originated yet during the formation of the Zaporizhia Sich, when, according to Yaroslav Dashkevych, that vector existed only as “… a new element of the military and political realities having set up on the steppe border between Europe and Asia in the middle of the 16th century. Such a situation seems to be quite understandable: geopolitically the Zaporizhia Sich was located between Lithuania (which at that time was already under the polish domination) and the Crimean Khanate, which was an Istanbul’s vassal of khanate. Therefore, the geopolitical factor required clarification of the nature of the relations between the Sich and Porte”18. In this ‫( صاحب السيف‬Sâhib-üs Seyf) – це особливий титул, який надавався за героїзм, проявлений у битвах. Every Crimean khan appointed his kalgai, that is a deputy. In the Crimean-Tatar ‫“( قالغاى‬kalgai” means “to leave behind”. Before a military campaign a khan left instead of himself a kalgai. According to the data available in Crimean historical sources the word “kalgai” appeared first during the governing of Khan Mengli Giray. The khan had to take part inb the military campaign jointly with the Ottoman Army. His Bays (Commanders) addressed him with a question: “Who are you leaving then instead of yourself”. Hi answered in the Kypchak Turkish, or the Crimean-Tatar, language: (‫ اوغلوم محمد كيراي قالغاى‬/ “Огълум Мехмед Гирай къалгъай” / ”Оğlum Mehmed Giray kalsun”), which means “My son Mehmed is to be the Kalgai”. See: Mehmet Zeki Pakalın, Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü, Cilt II, İstanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1993, s. 150–151; Туранли, Фергад. Назв. праця. С. 217 (Тuranly, Ferhad. Ibidem, p. 217). 16 Nureddin – a blood inheritor, who is the Head in small local courts, and also is the Head during of military campaigns small military cores (See: Yücel Öztürk, aynı eser, s. 368–369). 17 Туранли, Фергад. Назв. праця. С. 216–217 (Тuranly, Ferhad. Ibidem, pp. 216–217). 18 Дашкевич Ярослав. Протурецька орієнтація XVI–XVIII ст. в Україні // Україна – Туреччина: минуле, сучасність та майбутнє : Зб. наук. праць. Київ : Денеб, 2004. С. 61; Туранли, Фергад. Назв. праця. С. 251– 253. (Dashkevych Yaroslav. Pro-Turkish Orientation during 16th–18th CC. in Ukraine // Ukraine – Turkish: 14 15 141 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies context an important is a piece of news from the famous Crimean-Tatar historian and chroniclewriter of the 18th century Gadji Abdulgaffar ibn Gusein Kyrymi, who in his book “The Stronghold of History” stated, that in 1054 AH (10 March 1644 – 27 February 1645) the Khan of the Crimean Yurt Islam Giray III had a visitor – a Cossack-strongman by name Bohdan Khmelnytsky. The purpose of the visit was to ask the Khan for a help and defense for that Cossack and his men. The said governor replied Bohdan Khmenlnytsky’s request in the affirmative, and gave him the title “Hetman” (‫)خطمانليق پايسنى‬. Besides, the khan appointed one of the leading Crimean-Tatar commanders, Argyn Tugay – the Bey of the fortress of Perekop – to implement the decision made by the Khan19. That event was describved in the said chronicle in this way: “…in 1054 the Barabash Cossacks returned their backs to the Muscovites, and their Cossack-Strongman by name Khmelnytsky arrived to Khan Islam Giray and asked the Khan for a refuge. The Cossack was given the hetmanic authorities, and, in this connection, a brave and khan’s й favourite Military Crimean-Tatar Bey of the Fortress of Azov – Argyn Tugay, who jointly with that one in the summer and winter made military campaigns to the countries of kaffirs. A set of non-stop military campaigns during two years brought so much trophies, prisoners, animals and other riches, that the all population of that country became very rich, while Muscovy was ruined to the ground; Tugay’s heroism was told about by common people in narratives and an ode, and national songs –Tuerkues– were sung in different languages. So, Khan Islam Giray was recognised for his personal humanity and as the governor, who defends his preople and helps the ones, that need help… / … 1054 senesinde Berabâş kazağı Moskovlu’dan yüz döndürüb Mineliske nâm bahadır kazak İslâm Giray Han’a gelüp iltica` itdi ve ana hatmanlık payesini virüp ol vakitde Or beği olan guzat-ı Tatarın serfirazı olan bahadıran Kırım ümerâsının mümtazı olan Argın Tugay Beğ’e teslim idüp anın refakatiyle yaz ve kışda ârâm itmezsizin diyar-ı küffarda akınlar etdiler. Birkaç sene münfekk olmazsızın ol kadar ganâim ve esâri ve mevâşi sebî iğtinam itmişlerdi ki, ahali vilayet-ı ser-âpâ ağniyadan oldular ve diyar-ı Moskov hemen harabe yüz tutdu. Tuğay Beğ’in gazevâtın hakkşnda menakıb ve destanlar ve her lisanda türküler söylenir oldu...”20. Hence, the data we have obtained show, that the above said historical event resulted in the implementation within a few years of a set of victorious joint military campaigns against “the kaffirs countries” (‫ديار‬ the past, present and future: Collection of acad. works. Kyiv : Deneb, 2004. p. 61; Turanly Ferhad. Ibidem, pp. 251–253.) ‫عمدت التواريخ‘ مولّفى‘ قريمى الحاج عبد الغفار‘ نجيب عصم بك طرفندن برمدخل و عالوه لرله نشر اولونمشدر‘ (تورك تاريخ انجمنى‬19 .‫ ص‬۲۰٧ ‘۱۲٥-۱۲٤ .‫‘ ص‬۱۳٤٤ ‘ ‫مجموعسى) نك عالوه سى ‘ استانبول مطبعه عامره‬ 20 Derya Derin, Abdülgaffar Kırımî’nin Umdet’ül-Ahbar’ına (Umdet’üt-Tevarih) Göre Kırım Tarihi, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Ankara Üniversitesi, 2003, s. 372, 547 s. 142 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ‫)كفاره‬, that is against Muscovy and the Polish and Lithuanian Commonwealth21. The fact we have found proves, that between Bohdan Khmelnytsky and Islam Giray III in the said period there were political contacts, which accounted for the arise in the 1648 of a military and political union between the Cossack-Hetmanic Ukraine and the Crimean Khanate. Yuriy Kochubey, a Ukrainian orientalist, supposes, that there are quite a lot of stereotypes in the Ukrainian literature in regard of the relations between the Cossack-Hetmanic Ukraine, the Crimean Yurt and the Sublime Porte. This scholar focuses his attention on the point, that it is manuscripts (hand-written documents), particularly chronicles, that are objective sources of authentic information about historical events. In this context it is important to use a corresponding methodology for studying the respective written sources, while observing the following criteria of the scientific approach: adequate perception and understanding of the key notions, we have provided after studying our sources of the Crimean-Tatar and TurkishOttoman literary texts, relating our academic problem having been formulated above, particularly in respect of the history of Ukraine in terms of its Cossack period; proper saving of the wholeness and correctness of transferring the contents of original texts of respective handwritten documents, avoidance of the mio9stakes having been made beforehand. It should be noted, that the method of studying such literary texts has its own specifics: besides attributing such manuscripts, there must be provided their lexical, grammatical and historical interpretation22. We consider, that it is important for making Turkic studies the principle, formulated by the above said scholar, that the Ukrainian Historiography “… should be faced to the Orient, get down to the sources available [in the Turkish-Ottoman] archives, so as to provide reflecting of the objective and authentic images of the respective historical process to have had place in the Ukrainian lands, as well as in the Crimean-Tatar Ulus”23. Derya Derin, aynı eser, s. 55–57; Стороженко І. С. Тугай-бей ‒ побратим Богдана. Додаток. О. Акчокраклі. Татарська поема Джан-Мухамеда // Козацтво. № 1. Дніпропетровськ : Дніпропетровський державний університет, 1993. С. 3‒18 (Storozhenko І. S. Tugay-Bey ‒ Bohdan’s sworn brother. Supplement. О. Akchokrakli. The Tatar poem by Djan-Nuhamed // Cossackdom. # 1. Dnipropetrovsk : Dnipropetrovsk State University. 1993, pp. 3‒18). 22 Туранли, Фергад. Назв. праця. С. 30–49. – (Тuranly, Ferhad. Ibidem, pp. 30–49). 23 BOА, Kırım Hanlarına Nâme-i Hümâyûn, 2 Nuamaralı Name Defteri, (Hicrî : 1143–1190 / Milâdî : 1730–1777), T. C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, Yayın Nu : 123, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Dr. Murat Cebecioğlu, Sinan Satar, Dursun Küçükbaltacıoğlu, Vahdettin Atik, Seher Dilber, Numan Yekeler, Resul Köse, Kemal Kurulkan, Dr. Raşit Gündoğdu, İstanbul, 2013, 288 s. 21 143 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Conclusion One of the most significant written sources for studying the history of the Crimean Khanate is “The Yarlyks and Hattas (identified texts and official documents) relating to the Crimean Yurt and the Other Party” by Gusein Feinzhanoglu. It should be noted, rising of the Crimean Khanate as an independent state was a very long-lasting process. To study more deeply and more objectively the problems associated with the History of the Crimean Yurt and its relations with the Cossack-Hetmanic Ukraine, there must be taken in consideration all the data, available in Turkish-Ottoman and Crimean-Tatar written documents and in Historiography, which contain quite a lot of very interesting data, that is significant for the objective highlighting of the historical events having taken place in Eastern Europe during the respective time period. There is also of importance the information and actual facts of the existence of political contacts between Bohdan Khmelnytsky and Islam Giray ІІІ in 1054 AH. A necessary precondition for attaining the said aim is application of a proper methodology for studying respective informing written sources. BIBLIOGRAPHY Sources and literature 1. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Аrşivi, MD, Nu : 3 (Hicrî : 966–968 / Milâdî : 1558–1560), T. C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, Yayın Nu : 12, Dîvân-ı Humâyûn Sicilleri Dizisi: I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Nezihi Aykut, İdras Bostan, Murat Cebecioğlu, Feridun Emecen, Mücteba İlgürel, Mehmet vb, Ankara, 1993. 2. BOА, Kırım Hanlarına Nâme-i Hümâyûn, 2 Nuamaralı Name Defteri, (Hicrî : 1143– 1190 / Milâdî : 1730–1777), T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, Yayın Nu : 123, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Dr. Murat Cebecioğlu, Sinan Satar, Dursun Küçükbaltacıoğlu, Vahdettin Atik, Seher Dilber, Numan Yekeler, Resul Köse, Kemal Kurulkan, Dr. Raşit Gündoğdu, İstanbul, 2013, 288 s. 3. Derya Derin, Abdülgaffar Kırımî’nin Umdet’ül-Ahbar’ına (Umdet’üt-Tevarih) Göre Kırım Tarihi, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Ankara Üniversitesi, 2003, 547 s. 4. Emine Erdoğan Üzünlü, Mühimme Defterlerine Göre XVI. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısında Osmanlı-Kırım Hanlığı İlişkileri, Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisі, s. 491–492. 5. Öztuna, Yılmaz, Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi: Osmanlı Devleti’nin Siyasî, Medenî, Kültür, Teşkilȃt ve San’at Tarihi, 10 Cilt, Birinci Cild, İstanbul, Ötüken Neşriyat A.Ş., 1994, s. 362–365, 479 s. 144 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 6. Öztürk, Yücel, Kırım Hanlığı, Yeni Türkiye Dergisi, Türkler, Editörler: Hasan Celâl Güzel, Kemal Çiçek, Salim Koca, Ankara 2002, s. 480–513. 7. Pakalın, Mehmet Zeki, Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü, Cilt II, İstanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi, 1993. 8. Turanlı, Ferhad, Development of the Ukrainian Cossacks and Activities of Dmytro Vyshnevetsky According to the Data from Turkish Written Sources and Historiography, Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries), Cilt / Volume: 12, Sayı / Issue: 1, Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü / Türkiye, Yıl / Year: 2017, pp. 59–81. 9. Ürekli, Muzaffer, Kırım Hanlğının Kurluşu ve Osmanlı Himayesinde Ykselişi (1441– 1569), Ankara, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü: 98, 1989, 109 s. 10. Вельяминовъ-Зерновъ В. В. Материалы для исторіи Крымскаго ханства (извлеченыя, по распоряженію Императорской Академіи Наукъ, изъ московскаго главнаго архива Министерства Иностранныхъ Делъ) / Издалъ Владиміръ Владиміровичъ Вельяминовъ-Зерновъ. Санктпетербургъ : «Въ типографіи “Императорской Академіи Наукъ”», 1864. 941 с. ( .‫ص‬ ٩٤۱). 11. Документы Крымского ханства из собрания Хусейна Фейзханова / сост. и транслит. Р. Р. Абдужемилев; науч. ред. И Миргалеев. Симферополь: ООО «Константа». 2017. 816 с. 12. Стороженко І. С. Тугай-бей ‒ побратим Богдана. Додаток. О. Акчокраклі. Татарська поема Джан-Мухамеда // Козацтво. № 1. Дніпропетровськ : Дніпропетровський державний університет, 1993. С. 3‒18. 13. Туранли Ф. Турецькі рукописні документи як джерела інформації з історії України другої половини XVI ст. / ВІСНИК Київського національного університету імені Тараса Шевченка. Історія. № 2 (133). К. : Видавничо-поліграфічний центр «Київський університет», 2017. С. 73–83. 14. Туранли, Фергад. Козацька доба історії України в османсько-турецьких писемних джерелах (друга половина XVI – перша чверть XVIII століття). К.: Вид. дім «КиєвоМогилянська академія», 2016. 606 с. ‘‫مولّفى‘ قريمى الحاج عبد الغفار‘ نجيب عصم بك طرفندن برمدخل و عالوه لرله نشر اولونمشدر‬ ٔ ‘‫ ٔعمدت التواريخ‬.15 .‫ ص‬۲۰٧ ‘۱۳٤٤ ‘ ‫(تورك تاريخ انجمنى مجموعسى) نك عالوه سى ‘ استانبول مطبعهٔ عامره‬ ‘‫ حليم گراى سلطان‘ ُگلب ِن حأنان ياخود قريم تاريخى‘ تابع و ناشرىع‘ جودى استانبول‘ نجم استقبال مطبعه سي‬.16 .‫ ( ص‬۲۰) ۲۳۲ ‘۳ ‫‘ جدول‬٧-٤ .‫‘ ص‬۱۳۲٧ 145 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies References 1. (1993), Başbakanlık Osmanlı Аrşivi, MD, Nu : 3 (Hicrî : 966–968 / Milâdî : 1558– 1560), T. C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, Yayın Nu : 12, Dîvân-ı Humâyûn Sicilleri Dizisi: I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Nezihi Aykut, İdras Bostan, Murat Cebecioğlu, Feridun Emecen, Mücteba İlgürel, Mehmet vb, Ankara. 2. (2013), BOА, Kırım Hanlarına Nâme-i Hümâyûn, 2 Nuamaralı Name Defteri, (Hicrî : 1143–1190 / Milâdî : 1730–1777), T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, Yayın Nu : 123, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Dr. Murat Cebecioğlu, Sinan Satar, Dursun Küçükbaltacıoğlu, Vahdettin Atik, Seher Dilber, Numan Yekeler, Resul Köse, Kemal Kurulkan, Dr. Raşit Gündoğdu, İstanbul. 3. Derya Derin (2003), Abdülgaffar Kırımî’nin Umdet’ül-Ahbar’ına (Umdet’üt-Tevarih) Göre Kırım Tarihi, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Ankara Üniversitesi. 4. Emine Erdoğan Üzünlü (2010), Mühimme Defterlerine Göre XVI. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısında Osmanlı-Kırım Hanlığı İlişkileri, Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisі. 5. Öztuna, Yılmaz (1994), Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi: Osmanlı Devleti’nin Siyasî, Medenî, Kültür, Teşkilȃt ve San’at Tarihi, 10 Cilt, Birinci Cild, İstanbul, Ötüken Neşriyat A.Ş. 6. Öztürk, Yücel (1993), Kırım Hanlığı, Yeni Türkiye Dergisi, Türkler, Editörler: Hasan Celâl Güzel, Kemal Çiçek, Salim Koca, Ankara 2002, s. 480–513. 7. Pakalın, Mehmet Zeki, Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü, Cilt II, İstanbul, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi. 8. Turanlı, Ferhad (2017), Development of the Ukrainian Cossacks and Activities of Dmytro Vyshnevetsky According to the Data from Turkish Written Sources and Historiography, Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries), Cilt / Volume: 12, Sayı / Issue: 1, Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü / Türkiye. 9. Ürekli, Muzaffer (1989), Kırım Hanlğının Kurluşu ve Osmanlı Himayesinde Ykselişi (1441–1569), Ankara, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü. 10.Vel"yamynovъ-Zernovъ V. V. (1864), Materyalы dlya ystoriy Krыmskaho xanstva (yzvlechenыya, po rasporyazheniyu Ymperatorskoj Akademiy Naukъ, yzъ moskovskaho hlavnaho arxyva Mynysterstva Ynostrannыxъ Delъ) / Yzdalъ Vladymirъ Vladymirovychъ Vel"yamynovъ-Zernovъ. Sanktpeterburhъ : «Vъ typohrafiy “Ymperatorskoj Akademiy Naukъ”». 11.(2017), Dokumentы Krыmskoho xanstva yz sobranyya Xusejna Fejzxanova / sost. y translyt. R. R. Abduzhemylev; nauch. red. Y Myrhaleev. Symferopol": OOO «Konstanta». 146 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 12.Storozhenko I. S. (1993), Tuhaj-bej ‒ pobratym Bohdana. Dodatok. O. Akchokrakli. Tatars"ka poema Dzhan-Muxameda // Kozactvo. № 1. Dnipropetrovs"k : Dnipropetrovs"kyj derzhavnyj universytet. 13.Turanly F. (2017), Turec"ki rukopysni dokumenty yak dzherela informaciyi z istoriyi Ukrayiny druhoyi polovyny XVI st. / VISNYK Kyyivs"koho nacional"noho universytetu imeni Tarasa Shevchenka. Istoriya. № 2 (133). K. : Vydavnycho-polihrafichnyj centr «Kyyivs"kyj universytet», 2017. S. 73–83. 14.Turanly, Ferhad, (2016), Kozac"ka doba istoriyi Ukrayiny v osmans"ko-turec"kyx pysemnyx dzherelax (druha polovyna XVI – persha chvert" XVIII stolittya). K.: Vyd. dim «Kyyevo-Mohylyans"ka akademiya». 15. Kırımî Al-Hac Abdal-Kaffar (1343), Umdetü't Tevârih, Necib Asım Beyin tarafından bir medhal ve ilâvelerle neşr olunmuştur, Türk Târih Encümeni, Mecmuası ilâvesi, Hazırlayan: Necib Âsım, İstanbul, Matbaa-i Âmire. 16. Halîm Giray Sultan (1327), Gülbün-i Hânân, Necm-iİstikbal Matbaası, İstanbul. 147 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 148 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE How a Polish Diplomat Describes the Ottoman Balkans in 1780’s? Example of Kajetan Chrzanowski Hacer Topaktaş ÜSTÜNER* Intro Ottoman-Polish diplomatic relations began in the 15th century and continued intensively throughout the centuries.1 After the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699), relations between the two sides continued in peace for centuries. However, many diplomats navigated between the two states not only for treaties or peace talks, but for various other reasons in the 18th century. Also, many Polish people came to the Ottoman lands for different occasions as diplomats, traders, travellers, etc.2 Apart from these, a number of Polish people wrote books, reports or tractates on the Ottoman Empire in the same century. Among those writers, diplomats and travellers, * Assoc. Prof., Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, Istanbul. hacer.topaktas@istanbul.edu.tr Hacer Topaktaş Üstüner is supported by Turkish Academy of Sciences through the Young Scientist Award Programme (TÜBA-GEBİP 2017/35) 1 For some works on the Ottoman-Polish relations see: Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations (15th-18th Century): an annotated edition of ‘ahdnames and other documents, Brill, Leiden-Boston-Köln, 2000; Władysław Konopczyński, Polska a Turcja, 1683-1792, Warszawa: Nakładem Instytutu Wschodnego w Warszawie, 1936; Andrzej Dziubiński, Stosunki Dyplomatyczne polsko-tureckie w latach 1500-1572 w kontekśie międzynaradowym, Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2005; Jan Reychman, Polonya ile Türkiye Arasında Diplomatik Münasebetlerin 550. Yıldönümü, Ankara, 1964; Savaş ve Barış 15-19. Yüzyıl Osmanlı-Lehistan İlişkileri ed. Selmin Kangal, Ankara: MAS Matbaacılık AŞ, 1999; Yoldaki elçi: Osmanlı'dan günümüze Türk-Leh ilişkileri/Poseł w drodze: Stosunki Turecko-Polskie od czasów Osmańskich do dnia dzisiejszego; İstanbul: Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Yay., 2014; Uzak Komşu Yakın Anılar Türkiye-Polonya İlişkilerinin 600 Yılı; ed. Ayşen Anadol, İstanbul: Sakıp Sabancı Müzesi Yay., 2014, Hacer Topaktaş, Osmanlı-Lehistan Diplomatik İlişkileri, Franciszek Piotr Potocki’nin İstanbul Elçiliği (1788-1793), Ankara: TTK, 2014; Türkiye-Polonya İlişkilerinde “Temas Alanları” (1414-2014) Uluslararası Konferansı Bildiriler Kitabı, haz. Hacer Topaktaş, Natalia Królikowska, Ankara: TTK, 2017. 2 For some works on the Polish travelers see: Jan Reychman, Podróżnicy Polscy na Bliskim Wschodzie w XIX w., Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1972; Stefanos Yerasimos, Les voyageurs dans l'Empire Ottoman (XIVe-XVIe siècles), Ankara: TTK Yay., 1991; Hrand der Andreasyan, Polonyalı Simeon’un Seyahatnamesi 1608-1619, İstanbul: İÜ Edebiyat Fakültesi Yay., 1964; Edward Raczyński, Dziennik podróży do Turcyi odbytej w roku MDCCCXIV, Wrocław: Drukiem Grassa Bartha i Kompanii, 1821; Podróże i poselstwa polskie do Turcyi: a mianowicie: podróż E. Otwinowskiego 1557, Jędrzeja Taranowskiego komornika j. k. m. 1569 i poselstwo Piotra Zborowskiego 1568, (ed), Józef Ignacy Kraszewski, Kraków: Nakładem Wydawnictwa Biblioteki Naradowej, 1860; Wielka Legacja Wojciecha Miaskowskiego do Turcji, prep. Adam Przyboś, Warszawa, Kraków, PWN, 1985; Edward Raczyński, İstanbul ve Çanakkale’ye Seyahat, İstanbul: Tercüman Yay. 1980; Orzeł i Półksiężyc, 600 Lat Polskiej Publicystyki Poświęconej Turcji, ed. Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, Warszawa: Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych, 2014; Jerzy S. Łątka, Słownik Polaków w Imperium Osmańskim i Republice Turcji, Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka, 2005. 149 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Franciszek Bohomolec3 Jan Potocki4, Kajetan Chrzanowski5, Józef Mikosza6, Stanisław Małachowski7 are the first ones to come to mind for the last quarter of the 18th century. They described the Ottoman Empire, its state structure, bureaucrats, cultural and religious features of the Turkish society etc according to their own opinions and observations. Some of them gave place to some fragments of their journeys and adventures during their travels in their books. As an example of them, this paper focuses on the book of “Wiadomości o Państwie Tureckim News about the Turkish State, written by Kajetan Chrzanowski and published in 1786. Who was Kajetan Chrzanowski (?-1793) Kajetan Chrzanowski better known for his diplomatic duties in the Ottoman Empire, served as a diplomat in Istanbul for many years. He was a Polish resident in Istanbul between the years 1785-1790 and 1792-1793. According to a prominent Polish historian Konopczyński, he was a member of Bar Confederate and he returned with the Bar Confederate chiefs from Turkey in 1772.8 In 1776-1778, Chrzanowski was a member of legation of the Karol BoscampLasopolski who was an extra-ordinary envoy of the last Polish King Stanislaw August Poniatowski (r. 1764-1795) to the Ottoman Porte. In 1780, he wrote and possibly intended to publish 18 letters about Turkey, which he dedicated to the King Poniatowski. At the encouragement of Antoni Dzieduszycki (the resident of Poland-Lithuania in 1778-1780), he started working at the Eastern Trade Company (1782) and wrote program memorials for the company. In 1785 he made a trip to Kherson with M. Ossowski. After that, he went to Istanbul and became the king's correspondent. Having become a resident between the years 1785-1790 in Istanbul, he was busy with Poland’s trade issues.9 He also tried to obtain Russia’s support for Poland-Lithuania for the possibility of free trade with the East and to obtain the Ottoman permission for Polish free trade. However, the Russian-Turkish war (1787) thwarted his efforts. Franciszek Bohomolec, Opisanie Krótkie Państwa Tureckiego, Warszawa: Kollegium Societatis Jesu, 1770. Jan Potocki, Voyage en Turquie et en Egypte fait en l'année 1784, Varsovie, 1788; For Polish translation see: Jan Potocki, Podróż do Turcyi i Egiptu, Warszawa, 1789. 5 Kajetan Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o Państwie Tureckim: Przez iednego Polaka w Listach do Przyiaciela pisanych przesłane [...], Nadworna Drukarnia Komisji Edukacji Narodowej, Warszawa 1786. 6 Józef Mikosza, Obserwacye Polityczne Państwa Tureckiego Rządu, Religii, Obyczaiow i Narodow, cz. I–II, Michał Gröll, Warszawa 1787. 7 Stanisław Małachowski, Żywod i pamiętniki St. hr. Małachowskiego, wyd. L.S., Kraków: Nakładem Juliusza Wildta księgarza, 1853. For its another publication see: Stanisław Małachowski, Pamiętniki Stanisława hr. Nałęcz Małachowskiego, objaśnił, z manuskryptu francuskiego przełożył i wydał Wincenty hr. Łoś, Nakładem i drukiem A. J. o. Rogosza, Lwów 1876. 8 Władysław Konopczyński, “Chrzanowski, Kajetan”, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, tom III, 1937. 9 Jan Reychman, Ananiasz Zajączkowski, Handbook of Ottoman-Turkish Diplomatics, ed. Tibor Halasi-Kun, Hague, Paris: Mouton, 1968, p. 179. 3 4 150 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE When the Four-Year Sejm (Sejm Czteroletni) in Warsaw took some decisions against Russia and appointed Franciszek Piotr Potocki to ambassadorship in Istanbul and Chrzanowski as a counsellor of the legation, he negotiated with the Ottoman Porte for the preparations of the embassy of Potocki.10 In 1789, Piotr Gołkowski who was sent to Istanbul by Polish Government to gain the ferman from the Sultan for accepting the Potocki as an extra-ordinary envoy and for the preparations of his embassy, spoke highly of him: “Chrzanowski is a man whose opposite physics is morality, a very hard-working man, honest, loving the interest of the country and a good Pole”.11 During the embassy of Potocki, Chrzanowski supported and encouraged him to work vigorously over the covenant and especially on the project of the trade treaty between the Ottoman Empire and Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.12 After May 1791, he sent a great memorial to the king: Sur l'administration de l'économie politique d'Etat, (on the administration of the state political economy) about the need to establish a state trade council (Collège de Commerce). According to some Polish sources, he was to become a permanent deputy in Turkey, but Targowica Confederation dismissed him (October 1792).13 However as Turkish sources demonstrate he was only a semi-official resident of Poland-Lithuania in Istanbul. Since 1792 Chrzanowski had some health problems and died in Istanbul in 1793.14 10 For some registers about the mission of Chrzanowski in Istanbul see: AGAD, ZP, 104, 209, 413, 417, 420; AGAD, AR, Korespondencje: XL/36; AGAD, AR, Korespondencje, XLIII/35. AGAD, AR, AORMP: 164; AGAD, AR, AORMP: 174; AGAD, AR, AORMP: 181; APP, 280. Biblioteka Czartoryskich, rękopisy. 631, 632, 633, 811, 859, 914, 915, 916. TSMA, TKSREÜ: 101. BOA, CH: 38/1854; CH: 158/7890-1/1; BOA, HAT: 227/12623-A; BOA, HAT: 270: 270/15757-C; HAT: 270/15757-D; HAT: 254/14430; HAT: 259/14955; BOA, AE: III. Selim: 336. 11 AGAD, Archiwum Roskie, (AR), Korespondencje: XL/64, pp. 36-43. Also see: Jan Reychman, Życie polskie w Stambule w XVIII wieku, Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1959, pp. 50-52; Hacer Topaktaş, “Bir Leh Diplomatın Raporunda İstanbul Diplomasi Camiası (1789)” in Ötekilerin Peşinde: Ahmet Yaşar Ocak’a Armağan, ed. Mehmet Öz, Fatih Yeşil, İstanbul: TİMAŞ, 2015, pp. 795-805. 12 About the embassy of Franciszek Piotr Potocki and his contacts with Chrzanowski see: Kazimierz Waliszewski, Ostatni poseł polski do Porty Ottomańskiej, akta legacji Stambułskiej Franciszka Piotra Potockiego, Tom I-II, Paris 1894; Józef Dutkiewicz, Polska a Turcja w czasie Sejmu Czteroletniego 1787-1792, Warszawa, 1934; Hacer Topaktaş, Osmanlı-Lehistan Diplomatik İlişkileri, Franciszek Piotr Potocki’nin İstanbul Elçiliği (1788-1793), Ankara: TTK, 2014. 13 Władysław Konopczyński, Polska a Turcja 1683-1792, Warszawa 1936, p. 296; Konopczyński, “Chrzanowski, Kajetan”, http://ipsb.nina.gov.pl/a/biografia/kajetan-chrzanowski?print Jerzy Michalski, “Dyplomacja polska w latach 1764-1795”, in Historia dyplomacji polskiej, red. Z. Wójcik, Tom. II, Warszawa 1982, p. 665. 14 Jerzy Michalski, “Polish Diplomatic Service in 1763-1794”, in The History of Polish Diplomacy X-XX c., eds. Gerald Labuda, Waldemar Michowicz, Warsaw? Sejm Publishing House, 2005, p. 317. 151 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies How Chrzanowski Describes the Ottoman Balkans in His Book Wiadomości o Państwie Tureckim The first time Chrzanowski had been to Turkey, it was as a member of the legation of Karol Boscamp-Lasopolski who was an extra-ordinary envoy of the last Polish King Stanisław August Poniatowski to the Ottoman Porte in 1776-1778. Thanks to his first mission, he was already familiar with the Ottoman Empire and had been able to get information about the country. In 1780, he sent 18 letters about Turkey which were probably intended for publishing. The manuscripts of these letters now are in the Library of Czartoryski in Cracow. 15 It seems that the letters on his journey to Istanbul were written during his travel with Polish envoy Karol Boscamp-Lasopolski in 1776, because in a letter from Aydos he mentions their mihmandar (conductor) and tayinat (daily expenditure given to foreign envoys by Ottoman Porte).16 The letters were written exclusively to the King Poniatowski, and presented to the King with the intention of offering some information about the Ottoman Empire. These letters were published as a book in Warsaw in 1786 with the title Wiadomości o Państwie Tureckim - News about the Turkish State.17 The sub-title of the book reads: NEWS ABOUT THE TURKISH STATE: written (and) sent by one Pole to a friend in letters, it is Travel through the Turkish Provinces, Description of Istanbul, the Seraglio, Government, Condition of the Porte, Religion, Customs, Character of the Turks, etc. There are 18 letters and subsequently 18 chapters in the book. In the preface of the book it is emphasized that Polish nation already know everything now not only about Europe but also “non-European nations”, it means about the Turks, positive and negative sides of the country, its residents, government, traditions, characters, trade with Poland, etc. It is also stated that the book was written by a sane Polish traveller. In the letters of Chrzanowski there was neither a date nor any information about when he wrote these letters. The first letter/chapter was written from Khotyn which was a frontier between Poland-Lithuania and the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century.18 In this letter, Chrzanowski describes his journey to Istanbul beginning from the Turkish border and gives some information about cities, some necessary information for travellers and some Ottoman protocols for accepting Polish embassies. As Chrzanowski quotes, the city fortress is located Biblioteka Czartoryskich w Krakowie, rękopisy, 632, pp. 601-724. Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o Piestwie Tureckim, p. 26. 17 Kajetan Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim: Przez Iednego Polaka w Listach do Przyiaciela pisanych przesłane [...], Nadworna Drukarnia Komisji Edukacji Narodowej, Warszawa 1786. 18 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 1. 15 16 152 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE on the bank of the Dynester River and has some round dungeons and there are 1500 soldiers in the garrison. The houses of the city and city gate were built with timber, there were several mosques and state schools which were surrounded by walls.19 Ottoman Pasha of the city was plenipotentiary of the Porte, also authorized in matters relating to the citizens of the two countries in the territorial affairs of Poland-Lithuania and is responsible for the border safety. As Chrzanowski stated, if someone wanted to cross the border to the Turkish territories for any reason, they must firstly apply to the commander of the fortress with their passport and with the help of a translator and then needed an official permission called “buyruldu”. Besides that, one needed to get one or two janissaries who were Tartars and citizens of the city. These were called Lipka – which is the altered version of “Litwa” (in Polish, Lithuania) – where they used to live. Looking at what Chrzanowski says about the acceptances of Polish envoys by the Ottoman authorities, he mentions that on the frontier, envoys needed to receive an official ferman from Istanbul, from the Ottoman chancellery. At the end, the ferman of the Sultan and an order (emirname) were sent to the governors of the Moldavia and Wallachia. After that, the commander of the Khotyn sent some presents and fruits along with compliments to the envoy and a mihmandar (conductor) was appointed for accompanying the envoy to the fortress. Then, a public ceremony was organized for the envoy’s entrance to and departure from the fortress over the Dniester River. Mihmandar also was responsible for the tayinat (daily allowance) issue given to envoy. When the envoy crossed over the river accompanied by the booming sounds of cannons from both sides, he was transferred from the Polish boat to the other Turkish boat. A variety of treats were offered to him in the tent as a “Misafir” which means “royal gest” and then he went into Khotyn city. Chrzanowski says that among all the Turkish welcoming traditions for envoys, he found Mohemmedans the best which meant that the Turks were very hospitable and had common sense.20 As it is known, in the 18th century Poland, the image of the Muslums and Oriental societies was changed in the course of time with the influence of political and cultural changes and the Oriental culture and its religion began to be seen more positively compared to earlier centuries.21 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 2-3. Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 5-7. 21 Jan Reychman, Mahomet i świat muzułmański, Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza, 1966; Jan Reychman, Orient w Kulturze Polskiego Oświecenia, Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1964; Marian Bałczewski, “Zmiany w ocenie Turcji w opinii polskiej XVIII w.”, Acta Universitatis Lodziensis, 1985, vol. 22, pp. 91–108; Adrianna Masko, “Obraz Islamu w Rzeczpospolitej w XVII wieku, Przegląd Orientalistyczny, 2015, nr. 3-4, pp. 191-206. 19 20 153 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies In his first five letters Chrzanowski gives some information about the towns and cities where he passed in the Balkans on his way to the Ottoman capital. 22 His rote to Istanbul was through Khotyn, Moldavia and Ottoman East Rumelia. His main road was through Larga, Bryndzenia, Costesti (Kaszteszty), Stefanesti (Stefaneszty), Prut, Tabor, Iassy, Galatz, Aydos and some small cities close to Istanbul. Chrzanowski writes the second letter from Iassy.23 He came to Larga after Khotyn from where it takes 6 hours to reach Larga. He says that Muslims lived in Larga and they used Moldovans, Wallachians or other Christians in gardening. In Moldavia and Wallachia there were not less than 500 000 people.24 The surrounding area of the Danube River was very rich in trading and agriculture. Iassy city was the capital of Moldavia and had 30.000 habitants. Chrzanowski gives some information on the local governors and authorities in this region. He says that Voivods of Moldavia were appointed by Ottoman Sultans. According to him the Ottoman government was not a good government and he says “Here, often I think about it, how bad the world governs you, when the government takes away all the methods of industry and freedom from them (habitants), instead of encouraging good and hard-working citizens.”25 He emphasizes that in Moldavia and Wallachia religion of the people were generally “Greek Religion” which means Orthodox and also there were some Catholics. There were certain religious schools in Iassy and Bucharest and they taught Greek and Latin. Voivode of Moldavia paid one and half million piasters (6 millions Polish zloty) to the Ottoman Porte and 1000 kise to the Sultan’s treasure which corresponded to 2 million Polish zloty every year. Voivode also had to compensate for the following expenditures: expeditions of the envoys, tayinats of the all foreign envoys, substantial presents for the vizier and for the other leading bureaucrats and Grand Palace. Chrzanowski gives information about the small towns and cities where he had been during his journey such as how many people lived in the town, how many kilometres there were between two towns or cities, how they looked like and so on. According to him, Ottoman government did not profit by the nature of these lands and did not care for these fertile lands.26 Galatz was on the bank of the Danube River and city was damaged during the last Turkish- 22 The journey of the Chrzanowski from the Ottoman border to Istanbul was also published and translated into Romanian language by Panaitescu. See: Petre P. Panaitescu, Calatori Poloni in Tarile Romane, Bucuresti: Cultura Nationala, 1930, pp. 224-240. 23 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 9. 24 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 11. 25 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 14-18. 26 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 21. 154 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Russian War (1768-1774). In Romania and Bulgaria and East Rumelia he had been in Macin, Babadag, Silistre, Dobruca, Keşan, Kozluca, Constanta, Mangalia, Karapınar, Kırkkilise, Burgas, Karışdıran, Silivri and finally he came to Istanbul. He underlines that in some cities and towns Turks and Bulgarians and Armenians lived together. He sometimes calls Turks “Mohametans” and “Turks” in other places since the two terms have the same meaning for him. In the opinion of the traveller, among the cities in Bulgaria, Provadia is the most beautiful city.27 He also says that the local people lived according to their own culture, and that their dresses were a little different from the European style. People were generally helpful and polite. There were some Greek and Armenian traders. Chrzanowski calls Rumelia “Romania”. 28 In this region houses generally were surrounded by stone walls which had no windows so the houses acquired the lighting from the stoves.29 Gipsies were Muslim in the Ottoman Empire. As he mentions, in Burgas there was a big mosque, a hospital, a public school and a khan where was a trade centre for the region.30 These structures were built by the Ottoman Vizier Köprülü. Traders were rich because the region was rich. In Silivri there was a mosque and several Greek churches. After Silivri, he came to Büyük Çekmece which he spelled as Biuiukczek Medza and then arrived at Kucuk Çekmece (Kiuciuczek Medza), and he emphasized their meanings as Grand Bridge and Small Bridge. As he writes the town Büyük Çekmece reaches to Marmara Sea (he calls as White Sea) and there are two big comfortable khans. These two towns were very beautiful. After that, he stopped in Davud Paşa and Kağıthane and arrived at the Ottoman capital via Pera.31 Istanbul Expression of Chrzanowski Chrzanowski describes the capital of the Ottoman Empire with these words: “Istanbul (Sztambul) is a very beautiful city between Europe and Asia, Black Sea and White Sea. Bosphore has a very impressive view.”32 The traveller likens Istanbul to the amphitheatre because the city is located on the mountains. In the city, a Janissary accompanied him, and he wandered around the city easily. Chrzanowski thinks that in Istanbul streets and homes are not very well-kept. However, mosques were very beautiful and they were “the ornaments of the city”. Muslims (he does not say Turks) were admirable for their religious futures. Near the Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 33-34. Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 39. 29 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 42-43. 30 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 46-47. 31 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 49. 32 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 50-51. 27 28 155 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies mosques there were hospitals and public schools. The most beautiful mosque was Hagia Sofia where the Sultan lead the worship every Friday. He mentions Sultan Ahmet Mosque (Blue Mosque), Süleymaniye Mosque, Valide Sultan Mosque, and their futures. He visited a Bedesten, a trade centre, by which he was impressed and on another day he was in the Seven Towers and dungeons. He also made a visit to Black Sea shore of Istanbul and passed over Bosporus, and described some special futures of Kağıthane, Büyükdere and Tarabya. Chrzanowski became acquainted with an old intellectual Muslim and as he mentions “this honest person” knew a lot about the Turkish history and the Sultan and his palace. Thanks to this person Abdullah Efendi, Chrzanowski gathered quite a lot of information about the Sultan and the Turkish Empire.33 Chrzanowski gives very detailed information about the Ottoman state structure. He obtained extensive information about the seray/palace (Topkapı) from his friend Abdullah Efendi. In his book, he gives place to the Sultan, şehzades, Divan, Harem, Kayıkhane, Bostancı başı, Bagdat Kiosk/Köşk, seray officials (solak, silahtar, imrahor, kapıcıbaşı) etc.34 He characterizes the Sultan’s administration as “despotism”, and states that “it is a typical monarchy, however, according to Kuran (Holy Book of Islam) he should govern the country and he has some rights”. It is also possible to encounter extensive information in his letters about the power and the authority of the grand vizier, Kahya Bey, Reis Efendi, Çavuş Başı, Beylikci, Amedi, Kesedar, Defterdar, Teşrifatçıbaşı, Nişancı, Defter Emini, Gümrük Emini etc.35 He also gives information on Ottoman Clergy/ulema (Şeyhülislam, Kadıasker, Müftü, Molla), and their duties in detail and he compares Şeyhülislam with Pope/Papież.36 Chrzanowski also gives places in his letters to the Ottoman Army, dealings with Europe, religious and traditions of the Turks, and other communities in the Ottoman Empire and so on. However, the information provided by Chrzanowski is large enough and deserves the subject of another study. Conclusion Chrzanowski describes the Ottoman Balkans and Istanbul in great detail. He tries to introduce his King to the Ottoman country and its people. His approaches generally do not contain counter-statements against the Ottoman Empire, although sometimes he reflects Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 65. Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 70-80. 35 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 92. 36 Chrzanowski, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim, p. 93-105. 33 34 156 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE negatively on some issues. When we compare the letters and observations of Chrzanowski with the other contemporary Polish travellers to the Ottoman Empire, they don't have exactly the same approaches. Narratives of the same period are similar to each other but not identical. Chrzanowski does not judge the Turks, but he sees Turks as “Mohametans” since according to him both words are the same. It is possible to see in the description of the Polish diplomat that, the Polish view of the Orient was different when compared with the earlier times. After the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699) between the Ottoman Empire and Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth there was no conflict or war, and there were many occasions that allowed both sides to get to know the society and religion of the other. At the same century, in PolandLithuania oriental materials were in use of many people and they became more familiar with the Eastern culture. It is also possible to say that Chrzanowski criticizes the Ottoman government for their politics on the Balkan territories as seen above. As it is understood from this, he not only gives information, but also expresses his views in a positive manner at times and in a negative way at others. It is a fact that there was a change in the earlier opinion of the Polish people about the Turks. It is also clear that the books written by travellers like Kajetan Chrzanowski are also highly influential on the matter. Besides, considering that he died in Istanbul many years later, it is possible to think that he came to know the city of Istanbul and the Ottoman Empire much more closely in the subsequent years and he opted to be sent off to his eternal life from Istanbul. Although mentioned only briefly in this paper, the letters of Chrzanowski deserve a closer examination. The paper only focuses on Chrzanowski's narratives about the Ottoman Balkans and Istanbul. BIBLIOGRAPHY Archives: Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych-AGAD (Warsaw) Archiwum Roskie, (AR) AR: Korespondencje: XL/36; XL/64; XLIII/35. AR: AORMP, 164; 174; 181. APP: 280. ZP: 104, 209, 413, 417, 420. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi -BOA (Istanbul) AE: III. Selim: 336. CH: 38/1854; 158/7890-1/1. 157 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies HAT: 227/12623-A; 254/14430; 259/14955; 270: 270/15757-C; 270/15757-D. Biblioteka Czartoryskich w Krakowie, (Cracow) Rękopisy: 631, 632, 633, 811, 859, 914, 915, 916. Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi – TSMA (Istanbul) TSMA, TKSREÜ: 101. Literatures ANDREASYAN, Hrand der, Polonyalı Simeon’un Seyahatnamesi 1608-1619, İstanbul: İÜ Edebiyat Fakültesi Yay., 1964. BAŁCZEWSKI, Marian, “Zmiany w ocenie Turcji w opinii polskiej XVIII w.”, Acta Universitatis Lodziensis, 1985, vol. 22, pp. 91–108. BOHOMOLEC, Franciszek, Opisanie Krótkie Państwa Tureckiego, Kollegium Societatis Jesu, Warszawa, 1770. CHRZANOWSKI, Kajetan, Wiadomości o państwie Tureckim: Przez Iednego Polaka w Listach do Przyiaciela pisanych przesłane [...], Nadworna Drukarnia Komisji Edukacji Narodowej, Warszawa 1786. DUTKIEWICZ, Józef, Polska a Turcja w czasie Sejmu Czteroletniego 1787-1792, Warszawa, 1934. DZIUBIŃSKI, Andrzej, Stosunki Dyplomatyczne polsko-tureckie w latach 1500-1572 w kontekśie międzynaradowym, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Wrocław, 2005. Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz, Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations (15th-18th Century): an annotated edition of ‘ahdnames and other documents, Brill, Leiden-Boston-Köln, 2000. KONOPCZYŃSKI, Władysław, Polska a Turcja 1683-1792, Warszawa: Nakładem Instytutu Wschodnego w Warszawie, 1936. KONOPCZYŃSKI, Władysław, “Chrzanowski, Kajetan”, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, tom III, 1937. http://ipsb.nina.gov.pl/a/biografia/kajetan-chrzanowski?print ŁĄTKA, Jerzy S., Słownik Polaków w Imperium Osmańskim i Republice Turcji, Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka, 2005. MAŁACHOWSKI, Stanisław, Żywod i pamiętniki St. hr. Małachowskiego, wyd. L.S., Kraków: Nakładem Juliusza Wildta księgarza, 1853. MAŁACHOWSKI, Stanisław, Pamiętniki Stanisława hr. Nałęcz Małachowskiego, objaśnił, z manuskryptu francuskiego przełożył i wydał Wincenty hr. Łoś, Nakładem i drukiem A. J. o. Rogosza, Lwów 1876. 158 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE MASKO, Adrianna, “Obraz Islamu w Rzeczpospolitej w XVII wieku, Przegląd Orientalistyczny, 2015, nr. 3-4, pp. 191-206. MICHALSKI, Jerzy, “Dyplomacja polska w latach 1764-1795”, in Historia dyplomacji polskiej, red. Z. Wójcik, Tom. II, Warszawa, 1982. MICHALSKI, Jerzy, “Polish Diplomatic Service in 1763-1794”, in The History of Polish Diplomacy X-XX c., eds. Gerald Labuda, Waldemar Michowicz, Warsaw: Sejm Publishing House, 2005, pp. 268-319. MIKOSZA, Józef, Obserwacye Polityczne Państwa Tureckiego Rządu, Religii, Obyczaiow i Narodow, cz. I–II, Warszawa: Michał Gröll, 1787. Orzeł i Półksiężyc, 600 Lat Polskiej Publicystyki Poświęconej Turcji, ed. Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, Warszawa: Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych, 2014. PANAITESCU, Petre P., Calatori Poloni in Tarile Romane, Bucuresti: Cultura Nationala, 1930. Podróże i poselstwa polskie do Turcyi: a mianowicie: podróż E. Otwinowskiego 1557, Jędrzeja Taranowskiego komornika j. k. m. 1569 i poselstwo Piotra Zborowskiego 1568, (ed), Józef, Ignacy Kraszewski, Kraków: Nakładem Wydawnictwa Biblioteki Naradowej, 1860. POTOCKI, Jan, Voyage en Turquie et en Egypte fait en l'année 1784, Varsovie, 1788. POTOCKI, Jan, Podróż do Turcyi i Egiptu, Warszawa, 1789. RACZYŃSKI, Edward, Dziennik podróży do Turcyi odbytej w roku MDCCCXIV, Wrocław: Drukiem Grassa Bartha i Kompanii, 1821. RACZYŃSKI, Edward, İstanbul ve Çanakkale’ye Seyahat, İstanbul: Tercüman Yay. 1980. REYCHMAN, Jan, Życie polskie w Stambule w XVIII wieku, Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1959. REYCHMAN, Jan, Polonya ile Türkiye Arasında Diplomatik Münasebetlerin 550. Yıldönümü, Ankara, 1964. REYCHMAN, Jan, Orient w Kulturze Polskiego Oświecenia, Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1964. REYCHMAN, Jan, Zajączkowski, Ananiasz, Handbook of Ottoman-Turkish Diplomatics, ed. Tibor Halasi-Kun, Hague, Paris: Mouton, 1968. REYCHMAN, Jan, Mahomet i świat muzułmański, Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza, 1966. REYCHMAN, Jan, Podróżnicy Polscy na Bliskim Wschodzie w XIX w., Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1972. 159 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Savaş ve Barış 15-19. Yüzyıl Osmanlı-Lehistan İlişkileri ed. Selmin Kangal, Ankara: MAS Matbaacılık AŞ, 1999. TOPAKTAŞ, Hacer, Osmanlı-Lehistan Diplomatik İlişkileri, Franciszek Piotr Potocki’nin İstanbul Elçiliği (1788-1793), Ankara: TTK, 2014. TOPAKTAŞ, Hacer, “Bir Leh Diplomatın Raporunda İstanbul Diplomasi Camiası (1789)” in Ötekilerin Peşinde: Ahmet Yaşar Ocak’a Armağan, ed. Mehmet Öz, Fatih Yeşil, İstanbul: TİMAŞ, 2015, pp. 795-805. Türkiye-Polonya İlişkilerinde “Temas Alanları” (1414-2014) Uluslararası Konferansı Bildiriler Kitabı, haz. Hacer Topaktaş, Natalia Królikowska, Ankara: TTK, 2017. Uzak Komşu Yakın Anılar, Türkiye-Polonya İlişkilerinin 600 Yılı, ed. Ayşen Anadol, İstanbul: Sakıp Sabancı Müzesi Yay., 2014. YERASIMOS, Stefanos, Les voyageurs dans l'Empire Ottoman (XIVe-XVIe siècles), Ankara: TTK Yay., 1991. Yoldaki elçi: Osmanlı'dan günümüze Türk-Leh ilişkileri/Poseł w drodze: Stosunki Turecko-Polskie od czasów Osmańskich do dnia dzisiejszego; İstanbul: Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Yay., 2014. WALISZEWSKI, Kazimierz, Ostatni poseł polski do Porty Ottomańskiej, akta legacji Stambułskiej Franciszka Piotra Potockiego, Tom I-II, Paris 1894. Wielka Legacja Wojciecha Miaskowskiego do Turcji, prep. Adam Przyboś, Warszawa, Kraków, PWN, 1985. 160 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 161 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 162 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Some Discussions About The Existence Of The Eastern European Turks İbrahim TELLİOĞLU* There has been no second community in the history that gained ground in different communities and geographies like Turks. According to the available archaeological findings the Turks, whose homeland is considered the northwest of Altay-Sayan Mountains, left the region even before the Christian era and spread through different regions of the world. Consequently, from the first age to the present Turks have had an important role in the history of many communities and documents written in different languages. Furthermore, one of the most important immigration points of the Turks has been the north of the Black Sea and the Eastern Europe plains. As is obviously seen in the exploration of Khuns in 395, this area was highly suitable for Turkish nomadic life style and also was a wetland consisting of endless grassland. These geographical features connected the Turks to the region. When Turks immigrated from their homeland to the west, they had to use different routes. Of these routes since the south of the Caspian Sea was dominated by powerful states it couldn’t be taken. However, the area from the north of the Caspian Sea to Volga-Ural district enabled Turks to spread to the west.1 After Cimmerians this area was used so intensely that it is widely thought that the homeland of Turks should be searched for here.2 The historical depth of the Turks’ interaction with the Eastern Europe dates back to the Cimmerian age. However as the identity issue of Cimmerians is controversial today, the ones basing Eastern European Turkish existence on these are not given credit. As a matter of fact there were many conflicts regarding the origin of the Cimmerians until 1990s.3 Yet, documents and the findings obtained after this period had the quality to change the existing views. Especially archaeological data found in the centres such as Olbia4 in the Eastern Europe pointed Professor Dr., Ondokuz Mayıs University Department of History of Science and Literature, SAMSUN. telliogluibrahim@gmail.com 1 Doğu Avrupa Türk Tarihi (published by O. Karatay-S. Acar), İstanbul 2013. 2 Osman Karatay, Türklerin Kökeni, Ankara 2012, p. 251. 3 Hermann Sauter, Studien zum Kimmerierproblem, Bonn 2000; Anne Katrine Gade Kristensen, Who Were the Cimmerians and Where did They Come From? (published by J. Laessøe), Copenhagen 1988; Raymond F. McNair, Key to Northwest European Origins, Bloomington 2012; Barry Cunliffe, By Steppe, Desert and Ocean, The Birth of Eurasia, Oxford 2015. 4 Classical Olbia and the Scythian World ( published by D. Braund-S. D. Kryzhitskiĭ),Oxford 2007. * 163 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies out that there have been some similarities and a strong bond between the Cimmerian culture and the Middle Asia culture.5 Although the European history authors remain distant against these developments, information and documents increasing day by day revealed the necessity of appearance of the Turkish existence in the Eastern Europe with Cimmerians. Archaeological materials found in Ukraine and Crimea have supported this idea as well. Scythians who came to the Eastern Europe by following Cimmerians should be regarded as the second representative of Turkish culture in the region. This community was mainly regarded as Iranian origin until the last quarter of 20th century. 6 However, information and documents gained in the last 50 years showed that this community had strong relations with the Turks.7 Although interaction of the Scythians with Turkish culture is kept out in Europe and the USA, archaeological materials found in the Black Sea basin obviously shows their connection with Turkish existence.8 Thus, contrary to the common belief, it is now revealed that Turkish immigration to the Eastern Europe started long before the Khuns. The existence of Khuns in Europe had been too difficult to be understood by the historians for a long time. They found it difficult to understand why a community who appeared in Volga came to the region. The European historians considered them as a separate group from the Asia Khuns without thinking such a crowded community might have immigrated to such a distant place after their country was invaded by Chinese in 216.9 This tendency continued for a long time. However, it is now a necessity that Attila and Khun names not be called separately and be considered as a part of the Asia Khuns.10 René Grousset, Bozkır İmparatorluğu (published by M. R. Uzmen), İstanbul 1980, p. 22 vd; Greeks and Natives in the Cimmerian Bosphorus 7th-1st Centuries BC (Proceedings of the International Conference, October 2000, Taman Russia) (published by S. L. Solovyov), Oxford 2007; North Pontic Archaeology (published by G. R. Tsetskhladze), Leiden 2001; M. Taner Tarhan, “Eskiçağ’da Kimmerler Problemi”, VII. Türk Tarih Kongresi (Ankara 11-15 Ekim 1976) Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler, III, Ankara 1979, pp. 355-369; “Eski Anadolu Tarihinde Kimmerler”, Eski Eserler ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüğü I. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı (İstanbul 23-26 Mayıs 1983) Bildirileri, Ankara 1984, pp. 109-120; “Ön Asya Dünyasında İlk Türkler Kimmer ve İskitler”, Türkler, 1, Ankara 2002, pp. 598-611; Jan Bouzek, Cimmerians and Early Scythians: The Tradition from Geometric to Orientalising Style in the Pontic Area”, North Pontic Archaeology, pp. 33-44. 6 John Pinkerton, A Dissertation on the Origin and Progres of the Scythians or Goths, London 1787; F. R. Grahame, The Archer and the Steppe or The Empires of Scythia, London 1860; Tamara Talbot Rice, The Scythians, London 1961; A. K. Narain, The Earliest Sakas of South Asia, 1998; Renate Rolle, The World of the Scthians (published by F. G. Walls), Berkeley 1989; David Braund, Scythians and Greeks, Exeter 2005; E. H. Minns, “The Scythians and Northern Nomads”, The Cambridge Ancient History, III, Cambridge 1970, p. 187-205. 7 M. Taner Tarhan, “İskitler’in Dini İnanç ve Adetleri”, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, XXIII (1969), pp. 145-180; Ekrem Memiş, İskit’lerin Tarihi, Konya 1987; İlhami Durmuş, İskitler (Sakalar), Ankara 1993. 8 O. Lordkipanidzé-P. Lévêque, Le Pont-Euxin vu par les Grecs Sources écrites et Archéologie: Symposium de Vani (Colchide), Paris1990; G. R. Tsetskhladze, North Pontic Archaeology, Leiden 2001. 9 Gyula Nemeth; Attila ve Hunları (published by. Ş. Baştav), Ankara 1982. 10 L. N. Gumilëv, Hunlar (published by A. Batur), İstanbul 2003; Ali Ahmetbeyoğlu, Avrupa Hun İmparatorluğu, Ankara 2001. 5 164 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The question of the origin of Khazars kept historians busy like the European Khuns. Arthur Koestler’s Thirteenth Tribe theory had a broad repercussion in the world and Khazars were supposed Thirteenth Tribe of Hebrews due to their Jewishness.11 Saban Kuzgun’s Khazars and Karai Turks study was the first refutation against this historical view and with the little evidence the claim appeared to be groundless.12 It has also been understood that Khazars were the west section of Gokturks. In the studies having lasted up to now it has been understood that develop in the origin of the Eastern Europe Jewishness exist the Khazars. Khazars who engraved the Eastern Europe history between 7th and 10th century was the first state which embraced three monotheistic religions. The remains of the Khazar community has been continuing its existence even today as sprinkles in the Eastern Europe.13 Avars are the least known Turkish communities in the Eastern Europe history. Although this community seen in the north of Black Sea in the 7th century took a place in the Eastern Rome resources, where they came from and who they were had been a secret. Thanks to the cautious researchers who combined the notes of messengers to Gokturks with the Chinese sources it was realized that Avars were the groups who were named Juan-Juan by the Chinese. One of the most powerful tribes of Toles, Avars had to immigrate from the Central Asia because of Gokturks. Following the path of early immigrants to the Eastern Europe, Avars had been one of the representatives of Turkish existence in Hungary.14 Kipchaks and Pechenegs were the Turkish tribes who had left deep traces in the history of the countries in which they had lived. However, they were difficult to trace them back. As historians rank these tribes according to their interaction with some countries and states, it is impossible to follow the existence of those two tribes chronologically. However, it is understood from what the Russian and the Eastern Roman historians wrote about Pechenegs and Kipchaks that they were influential in the Eastern Europe and the Black Sea. That Arabic geographers name the north of Black Sea as “Kipchak steppes” might have been the indication Arthur Koestler, On Üçüncü Kabile (published by B. Çorakçı), İstanbul 2010. Şaban Kuzgun, Hazar ve Karay Türkleri, Ankara 1985. 13 Peter B. Golden, Hazar Çalışmaları (published by E. Ç. Mızrak), İstanbul 2006; Erdoğan Altınkaynak, Tozlu Zaman Perdesinde Kırım Karayları, Haarlem 2006; Jacques Piatigorsky-Jacques Sapir, Hazar İmparatorluğu (published by H. Güreli), İstanbul 2007; D. M. Dunlop, Hazar Yahudi Tarihi ((published by Z. Ay), İstanbul 2008; Osman Karatay, Hazarlar, İstanbul 2014. 14 Ahmet Taşağıl, Kök Tengri’nin Çocukları, İstanbul 2013, pp.262-270; Fatih Şengül, Sabir, Sekel, Avar ve Bulgar Etnik Meselelerinin Çözümü, İstanbul 2013. 11 12 165 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies of this power. However, the place of Kipchaks in the ethnical pattern of the Eastern European communities needs to be enlightened.15 In the end when the Turkish existence in the Eastern Europe is evaluated generally, it seems that there have been so many questions to be discussed about. On the basis of the dissensus standing of the European history writing, especially Anglo-Saxons’ against the Turkish history plays an important role. This history writing which remained distant to all the findings relating to the Turks in the first age civilization history ignores the first Turkish traces in the Eastern Europe. These historians who are in the habit of identifying Turks as the barbarian nation of the first age acknowledges the domination era of Turks in Europe as era of destruction. In fact, the historical documents and the archaeological findings show the important contribution of Turks to the European civilisation. This psychological background refuses the Central Asian elements like Turks, especially in the First Age. The available information and documents about Cimmerians and Scythians made it necessary to acknowledge them as the pioneers of Eastern European Turkish existence. Today it is also obvious that the European Khuns were one of the tribes of the Asian Khuns. Similarly, Khazars were the founder of a state, which equalled themselves with the Roman Empire as the representatives of Turkish existence. With Khazars’s adoption of Jewishness in the 8th century, the Jewish society started to appear in the Eastern Europe. Moreover, Khazars’ having monotheistic religions in Europe became an example. Archaeological studies about the Khazars civilisation in the Eastern Europe will not only cast a new light but it will also enlighten many dark questions about the past of the region by tracing the Khazars remains. Studies on Karaims, Krymchaks, Krymkays are the evidences of this. Studies which will focus on the existence of Kipchaks and Pechenegs in the region are of great importance about the ethnological structure of the region. Xavier Hommaire de Hell, Les Steppes de la Mer Caspienne Le Caucase La Crimée et la Russie Méridionale, Paris 1843; L. N. Gumilëv, Eski Ruslar ve Büyük Bozkır Halkları, I (published by A. Batur), İstanbul 2003; Akdes Nimet Kurat, Peçenek Tarihi, İstanbul 1937; IV-XVIII. Yüzyıllarda Karadeniz Kuzeyindeki Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri, Ankara 1992; Laszlo Rásonyi, Tuna Köprüleri (published by H. Akın), Ankara 1984; Murat Adji, Kıpçaklar (published by Z. B. Özer), Ankara 2002; Mustafa Safran, Yaşadıkları Sahalarda Yazılan Lugatlara Göre Kuman/Kıpçaklarda Siyasi, İktisadi, Sosyal ve Kültürel Yaşayış, Ankara 1993; L.N. Gumilëv, Eski Ruslar ve Büyük Bozkır Halkları, I, (published by A. Batur), İstanbul 2003. 15 166 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE BIBLIOGRAPHY Adji, Murat, Kıpçaklar (published by Z. B. Özer), Ankara 2002. Ahmetbeyoğlu, Ali, Avrupa Hun İmparatorluğu, Ankara 2001. Altınkaynak, Erdoğan, Tozlu Zaman Perdesinde Kırım Karayları, Haarlem 2006. Bouzek, Jan, “Cimmerians and Early Scythians: The Tradition from Geometric to Orientalising Style in the Pontic Area”, North Pontic Archaeology, pp. 33-44. Braund, David, Scythians and Greeks, Exeter 2005. Classical Olbia and the Scythian World ( published by D. Braund-S. D. Kryzhitskiĭ),Oxford 2007. Cunliffe, Barry, By Steppe, Desert and Ocean, The Birth of Eurasia, Oxford 2015. de Hell, Xavier Hommaire, Les Steppes de la Mer Caspienne Le Caucase La Crimée et la Russie Méridionale, Paris 1843. Doğu Avrupa Türk Tarihi (published by O. Karatay-S. Acar), İstanbul 2013. Dunlop, D. M., Hazar Yahudi Tarihi ((published by Z. Ay), İstanbul 2008. Durmuş, İlhami, İskitler (Sakalar), Ankara 1993. Golden, Peter B., Hazar Çalışmaları (published by E. Ç. Mızrak), İstanbul 2006. Grahame, F. R., The Archer and the Steppe or The Empires of Scythia, London 1860. Greeks and Natives in the Cimmerian Bosphorus 7th-1st Centuries BC (Proceedings of the International Conference, October 2000, Taman Russia) (published by S. L. Solovyov), Oxford 2007. Grousset, René, Bozkır İmparatorluğu (published by M. R. Uzmen), İstanbul 1980. Gumilëv, L. N., Eski Ruslar ve Büyük Bozkır Halkları, I (published by A. Batur), İstanbul 2003. ------------------, Hunlar (published by A. Batur), İstanbul 2003. Karatay, Osman, Hazarlar, İstanbul 2014. -------------------, Türklerin Kökeni, Ankara 2012. Koestler, Arthur, On Üçüncü Kabile (published by B. Çorakçı), İstanbul 2010. Kristensen, Anne Katrine, Gade Who Were the Cimmerians and Where did They Come From? (published by J. Laessøe), Copenhagen 1988. Kurat, Akdes Nimet, IV-XVIII. Yüzyıllarda Karadeniz Kuzeyindeki Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri, Ankara 1992. -----------------------, Peçenek Tarihi, İstanbul 1937. Kuzgun, Şaban, Hazar ve Karay Türkleri, Ankara 1985. 167 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Lordkipanidzé O., P. Lévêque, Le Pont-Euxin vu par les Grecs Sources écrites et Archéologie: Symposium de Vani (Colchide), Paris1990. McNair, Raymond F., Key to Northwest European Origins, Bloomington 2012. Memiş, Ekrem, İskit’lerin Tarihi, Konya 1987. Minns, E. H., “The Scythians and Northern Nomads”, The Cambridge Ancient History, III, Cambridge 1970, pp. 187-205. Narain, A. K., The Earliest Sakas of South Asia, 1998. Nemeth, Gyula, Attila ve Hunları (published by. Ş. Baştav), Ankara 1982. North Pontic Archaeology (published by G. R. Tsetskhladze), Leiden 2001. Piatigorsky Jacques, Jacques Sapir, Hazar İmparatorluğu (published by H. Güreli), İstanbul 2007. Pinkerton, John, A Dissertation on the Origin and Progres of the Scythians or Goths, London 1787. Rásonyi, Laszlo, Tuna Köprüleri (published by H. Akın), Ankara 1984. Rice, Tamara Talbot, The Scythians, London 1961. Rolle, Renate, The World of the Scthians (published by F. G. Walls), Berkeley 1989. Safran, Mustafa, Yaşadıkları Sahalarda Yazılan Lugatlara Göre Kuman/Kıpçaklarda Siyasi, İktisadi, Sosyal ve Kültürel Yaşayış, Ankara 1993. Sauter, Hermann, Studien zum Kimmerierproblem, Bonn 2000. Şengül, Fatih, Sabir, Sekel, Avar ve Bulgar Etnik Meselelerinin Çözümü, İstanbul 2013. Tarhan, M. Taner, “Eski Anadolu Tarihinde Kimmerler”, Eski Eserler ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüğü I. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı (İstanbul 23-26 Mayıs 1983) Bildirileri, Ankara 1984, pp. 109-120. --------------------, “Eskiçağ’da Kimmerler Problemi”, VII. Türk Tarih Kongresi (Ankara 11-15 Ekim 1976) Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler, III, Ankara 1979, pp. 355-369. --------------------, “İskitler’in Dini İnanç ve Adetleri”, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, XXIII (1969), pp. 145-180. --------------------, “Ön Asya Dünyasında İlk Türkler Kimmer ve İskitler”, Türkler, 1, Ankara 2002, pp. 598-611. Taşağıl, Ahmet, Kök Tengri’nin Çocukları, İstanbul 2013. Tsetskhladze, G. R., North Pontic Archaeology, Leiden 2001. 168 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 169 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 170 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Price Of The Dream: Losses Of The Ukrainian Population And The Liberation Movement During 1939–1950 Ivan PATRYLIAK* In the Ukrainian Historiography there is a set-up argument that from the beginning of the World War 1 till the end of the World War II on the territory of the present Ukraine every other man and every fourth woman died. And no European people (except the European Jews) suffered in the 20th century so serious biological losses, as the Ukrainians did.1 This point must be on the whole correct. Even western scholars, who are traditionally modest in their assessments of the number of Ukrainian victims, admit the following: “The present Ukraine’s territory was in the centre of both Stalin’s, and the German Nazis’ killing policy during the era of the people mass destruction. About three and a half million people became victims of Stalin’s killing policy between 1933 and 1938. Then other three and a half million people were killed resulting from the Nazis’ killing policy during 1941–1944. Besides, about three million citizens of Ukraine were killed in military battles or resulting from the indirect consequences of the war”2. Due to the data from the national demographic scholars, if on 1 September 1939 on the Territory of the present Ukraine 41,508,000 people lived, then on 8 May 1945 this figure was drastically lower – it reached 32m people.3 Though, unlike many other European countries, after the end of the World War II, as Bohdan Kravchenko commented very correctly, “Ukraine *Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University, e-mail: i_patrilyak@ukr.net, Ukraine 1 Грицак Я. Тези до дискусії про УПА // Грицак Я. Страсті за націоналізмом. Історичні есеї. − К.: Критика. – 2004. − С. 93. – (Ya. Hrytsak. Tezy do diskusiyi pro UPA // Ya. Hrytsak. Strasti za natsionalizmom. Istorychni eseyi. – Kyiv: Krytyka. − 2004.− S. 93 (Ukr.). – Ya. Hrytsak. Proceedings for a discussion about the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA = UPA) // Ya. Hrytsak. Ardour for nationalism. Historical essays. ̶ Kyiv: Krytyka. – 2004. – P. 93 (Ukr.).) 2 Снайдер Т. Кровавые земли: Европа между Гитлером и Сталиным. К.: Дуліби, 2015. С. 518. – (Sneider T. Krovavyye zemli: Evropa mezhdu Gitlerom i Stalinym. – Kyiv: Duliby. – 2015. – S. 518 (Rus.). – Sneider T. Blood-drenched lands: Europe between Hitler and Stalin. – Kyiv: Duliby. – 2015. – P. 518 (Rus.).) 3 Оцінка демографічних втрат України у період Другої світової війни. // українська Друга світова: Матеріали міжнародної наукової конференції до 70-ї річниці перемоги над нацизмом у Другій світовій війні (5 травня 2015 р., м. Київ). К.: К.І.С. - С. 206. – (Otsinka demohrafichnyh vtrat Ukrayiny u period Druhoyi svitovoyi viyny. // Ukrayinska Druha Svitova: Materialy mizhnarodnoyi naukovoyi konferentsiyi do 70-yi richnytsi peremohy and natsyzmom u Druhiy svitoviy viyni (5 travnia 2015 r., m. Kyiv). - К.: К.І.S. - S. 206 (Ukr.) – Assessment of demographic losses of Ukraine during World War II. // Ukrainian World War: Digests of the International Scientific Conference dedicated to the 70th Anniversary of the victory over the Natsism in World War II (5 May 201, city of kyiv). – Kyiv: К.І.S. - P. 206 (Ukr.).) 171 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies had not received any rest”4 in terms of its demographic losses. The famine of 1946−1947, mass murders and deportations, “exchanges with the populations” labour mobilisations made their own shares in the sad “treasury” of the demographic losses the present Ukraine’s population suffered from. The largest burden was on Ukraine’s regions that were included in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic as the result of respective agreements made up while the last world war was being completed and after its end. So, if at the end of the 1950s on the whole Ukraine the population rise resulting from the natural and mechanical increase was by 3.5 % (comparing that figure with the one for 1939), in the western regions that indicator decreased: for Chernivtsi Oblast by 5%, for Rivne Oblast – by 12%, for Volyn and Lviv Oblasts – by 14%, for Stanislav Oblast – by 15%, for Ternopil Oblast – by 23%.5 It is generally known those were the regions, that were the centre of the Ukrainian Liberation Movement during 1939–1950, therefore the inhabitants of the western regions of Ukraine “paid” most for the try to embody the dream about Ukraine’s independence. As the Ukrainian Liberation Movement during 1939–1950 was against three main enemies: the Soviet state (including here also the Soviet Guerilla Movement); the Polish Underground Forces (and the Polish Socialist state after 1944); the Third Reich (including its satellites), it seems most logic to single out losses of the liberation movement (and those of the civil population punished for supporting that Movement) due to the above said segments. At first sight, Assessment of the losses resulting from the struggle against the Soviet regime seems to be the easiest task. Although this easiness is quite deceitful. Unfortunately, we can operate only with the Soviet statistical data in regard of the activities against the Ukrainian Sabotage struggling during 1944–1956. These statistics data stun by their scales, though, unfortunately, they are not compete, for there were not taken in account victims during 1939–1941, nor those of “the war” with the Soviet guerillas during 1942–1944. Therefore, due to calculations of specialists of the Fourth Office of the Ministry for the State Security of the Кравченко Б. Соціальні зміни і національна свідомість в Україні ХХ століття. К.: Основи, 1997. С. 221. С. 221. – (Kravchenko B. Sotsialni zminy I natsionalna svidomist v Ukrayini ХХ stolittia. – Kyiv: Osnovy, 1997. - S. 221 (Ukr.). - Kravchenko B. Social changes and the national consciousness in Ukraine in the 20th century. – Kyiv: Osnovy, 1997– P. 221 (Ukr.).) 5 Сорока Ю. Населення Західноукраїнських земель: депортації, переселення, мобілізації, міграції (1939 – 1950-ті рр.). К.: ВПЦ «Київський університет», 2007. - С. 249. – Soroka Yu. Naselelnnia Zahidnoukrayinskyh zemel: deportatsiyi, pereselennia, mobolozatsiyi, migratsiyi (1939 – 1950-ti rr.). – Kyiv : VPTs “Kyivskyi Universytet”, 2007. - S. 249 (Ukr.). – Soroka Yu. Population on the Western Ukraine lands: deportations, resettlements, mobilisations, migrations (1939 – 1950). – Kyiv: VPTs “Kyivskyi Universytet”, 2007. - P. 249 ( Ukr.).) 4 172 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic made in April 1957 – the Ukrainian Underground Forces and the Rebellions lost during 1944–1956, while fighting against the Soviet regime, 155,108 people. During the same period 76,753 people (members of the underground organisation, people who supported the liberation movement, rebels); 103,866 persons were arrested (87,756 people of those were convicted)*. During 1944–1952 203,000 persons6 were deported for supporting the liberation movement. If to consider the above said statistics data are correct **, then one should place on record over 155,000 people lost forever and about 290,000 persons taken away beyond Ukraine territory, most of the later ones did never come back to their Motherland (they settled in the east of the USSR or died in the places of their imprisonment or Цікаво зазначити, що від січня 1944 до травня 1945 р.. за радянськими даними, органи держбезпеки вбили 25 тисяч повстанців та підпільників і полонили 15 тисяч (Див.: Никитченко В.Ф. Чекисты Украины в период Великой Отечественной войны // Труды высшей школы КГБ СССР. Вып. 2. М., 1971. С.72.). Тобто, основна кількість убитих і поранених припадала на повоєнний період. – (It is interesting to note, that between January 1944 and May 1945, according to the Soviets data, the State Security Organs killed 25,000 rebels and members of the underground liberation movement and took prisoners 15,000 persons. (See: Nikitchenko V.F. Chekisty Ukrainy v period Velikoy Otechestvennoy voiny // Trudy Vysshey Shkoly KGB SSSR. - Vyp. 2. - Moskva, 1971. - S.72 (Rus.).) That is, most of the killed and wounded were associated with the post-war period. –- It is interesting to note, that between January 1944 and May 1945, according to the Soviets data, the State Security Organs killed 25,000 rebels and members of the underground liberation movement and took prisoners 15,000 persons. (See: Nikitchenko V.F. Ukraine’s KGB servicemen during the Great patriotic War // Works of the USSR’s KGB Higher School. – Issue 2. - Moscow, 1971. - S.72 (Rus.).). That is, most of the killed and wounded was associated with the post-war period. 6 Вєдєнєєв Д.В., Лисенко О.Є. Прояви терору і тероризму в протистоянні радянської влади та ОНУ і УПА в західноукраїнському регіоні післявоєнної доби // Політичний терор і тероризм в Україні. ХІХ – ХХ ст. Історичні нариси. К.: Наукова думка, 2002. С. 770. – (Vedeneyev D.V., Lysenko О.Ye. Proyavy teroru i teroryzmu v protystoyanni radianskoyi vlady ta OUN і UPA v zahidnoukrayinskomu regioni pisliavoyennoyi doby // Politychnyi terror i teroryzm v Ukrayini. ХІХ – ХХ st. Istorychni narysy. – Kyiv : Naurova dumka, 2002. - S. 770 (Ukr.). – Vedeneyev D.V. Lysenko O.Ye. Manifestations of terror and terrorism in the opposition of the Soviet Power and the Organisation of the Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) in the Western Ukraine’s region during the post-war period // Political terror and terrorism in Ukraine. 19th C. – 20th C. Historical essays. - Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 2002. - P. 770 (Ukr.).) ** The problem of the Soviet statistics is its “multidiversity”, which makes it complicated to found out, which of the statistics data shall be supposed precise. For example, the Certificate about the struggle with the OUN and UPA dated from 28 May 1946, which was signed by the Minister for Internal Affairs Mr. T. Strokach and the Deputy to the Head of the Office for struggling against banditism, within the Ministry for Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic Mr. L. Patelniak, reads, that between February 1944 and 25 May 1946 the KGB organs killed 110,835 “bandits” and arrested 250,676 “bandits”, while 114,859 “bandits” turned themselves in and acknowledged their guilt. Totally, these figures produce a colossal number – 476,360 persons. (See: Сергійчук В. ОУН-УПА в роки війни. Нові документи і матеріали. К. : Дніпро, 1996. С. 171 – (Serhiychuk V. OUN-UPA v roky viyny. Novi dokumenty I materialy. – Кyiv : Dnipro, 1996. - S. 171 (Ukr.) – Serhiychuk V. The OUN-UPA during the war. New documents and materials. – Kyiv : Dnipro, 1996. - P. 171 (Ukr.). This certificate, like similar to that one, do not correlate with the “summing up” data for 1957, which we give in the text. One question remains with no answer – which of the data are the most correct? At the present time, the majority of scholars are inclines to consider the most correct figures to be the ones in the Summing Up Report for 1957, using as the argument for their position the fact, that the figures of the UPA and OUN better correlate with the quantity of the caught weaponry. Although this method does not guarantee any методика 100% of the precision either (not all members of the underground liberation movement were caught by the Special Services with weaponry in their hands, Plainclothes men often found underground arms dumps without arresting or killing at the same time members of the underground liberation movement). * 173 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies special settlements)**. We think, that it is surely possible to speak about a non-compensated demographic loss of 390,000–400,000 persons, who were directly killed in skirmishes, died in imprisonment or never came back on the territory of Ukraine (or they were exiled from Ukraine’s territory for the second time during 1950–1960). It is also important to state, that one of the most efficient method of struggling of the Soviet Authorities against the Ukrainian liberation movement was a complete mobilisation of men from the population to the Red Army, about which the respective Order of March 1944 of the State Committee of Defense of the Ukrainian SSR “On special methods to be taken to the western regions of Ukraine” proclaimed the following: “Aiming at the liquidation of the acting gangs and provision of the respective state order in the western regions of Ukraine, the State Defense Committee has resolved: To make the National Defense Committee (NKO) (Mr. Smorodinov) in charge for the mobilization till 20.03.1944 all the men of the population being of conscriptional age, that were liberated in Rivne Oblast and in Volyn Oblast, primarily mobilising men under 30 years old and further, while liberating areas of the Western Ukraine oblasts, and form recruiting contingents. All the mobilized men at once will be sent to the rear areas, and after filtrating and training them, the best ones shall be sent to combatting units, while the other ones shall be used in military units located in the rear (construction units, roadmaking units, etc.), as well as for renewal works”7. Victims of such barbaric mobilisations in the region amounted to about 800,000 persons, about 230 of which were killed on fronts of the World War II8. If to take in account the point, that Western Ukrainian regions “provided” the mobilizational contingent for the Red Army for the shortest period of time, then the intensity and specific weight of the losses from the people who originated from that region were the ** Party organs informed of returning till 1950s on the territory of Ukraine of about 40,000 former rebels and members of the underground liberation movement, after which the alike practices began to stop (Central State Archive of Public Organisations of Ukraine (TsDAHO of Ukraine – ЦДАГО України), F. 1, Op. 24, Spr. 4,297, Ark. 4 (Ukr.) – TsDAHO, Fund 1, Description 24, File 4, 297, Sheets 4 (Ukr.). Almost 90,000 political transported criminals from Western Ukrainian regions at the turn of the 1950s–1960s still were in special settlements under the supervision of the organs of the Ministry for Internal Affairs (TsDAHO Ukrayiny, F. 1, Op. 24, Apr. 4,734, Ark. 10–12 (Ukr.) - TsDAHO of Ukraine, Fund 1, Description 24, File 4,734, Sheets 10–12 (Ukr.).). Some of those ones, who returned, were arrested and convicted or exiled beyond the borders of Ukraine for the second time, which makes more complicated establishment of the actual number of “people who returned to their Motherland and managed to “get a toehold” there. 7 Сергійчук В. Десять буремних літ. Західноукраїнські землі у 1944 – 1953 рр. Нові документи і матеріали. – К. : Дніпро, 1998. - С. 53. – Serhiychuk V. Deciat buremnyh lit. Zahidnoukrayinski zemli u 1944–1953 rr. Novi document i materialy. – Kyiv : Dnipro, 1998. – S. 53 (Ukr.). – Serhiychuk V. Ten stormy years. Western Ukrainian lands during 1944–1953. The new documents and materials. – Kyiv : Dnipro, 1998. – P. 53 (Ukr.).) 8 Сорока Ю. Населення Західноукраїнських земель: депортації, переселення, мобілізації, міграції (1939 – 1950-ті рр.). С. 127, 129. – (Soroka Yu. Naselennia Zahidnoukrayinskyh zemel: deportatsiyi, pereselennia, mobilizatsiyi, migratsiyi (1939–1950-ti rr.). – S. 127, 129 (Ukr.). – Soroka Yu. Population of Western-Ukraine’s lands: deportations, resettlements, mobilisations, migrations (1939–1950). – P. 127, 129 (Ukr.).) 174 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE largest in the USSR, which prompts the idea of a purposeful “disposal” on the front of the world war of citizens potentially dangerous for the Stalin’s regime. Obviously, that at least a part of the fallen inhabitants of Volyn, Polishia, Galicians and Bukovinians who wore the Red-Army uniform paid their lives for potential dreams of living in an independent Ukrai9nian state. To get the final losses of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the struggle against the Soviet Power, it is also important to determine the number of the fallen and deported participants of and supporters of the independent struggle during 1939–194. The statistics set up in the academic sources states, that in 1939 on the land of Western Ukraine there were arrested for political motifs 2,779 Ukrainians (this is not taking into account Jews and Poles), in 1940 – 15,024 Ukrainians, till May 1941 – 5,418 Ukrainians9. In total – 23,221 persons, of who above 7,600 people were arrested for their belonging to the OUN10. Besides, the Soviet Power deported from the region during 1939–1941 over 180,000 inhabitants. For instance, due to the data of the National Commissariat of the Internal Affairs (NCVS) of the UkrSSR, in February 1940 there were deported from Western Ukraine’s oblasts 17,200 families or 89,100 persons, among those the dominating majority were Poles (families of the former Polish government employees, servicemen, policemen, foresters, settlers, land owners, etc.); the same year in April there were deported 10,500 families (32,100 people) of the “Anti-Soviet persons”, and among those Ukrainians were 6,300 persons, while the rest were Polish and Jewish inhabitants of the region; in June 1940 24,700 Jewish families were taken to the North of the USSR (57,800 persons); in May 1941 from the Western Ukraine’s region there were deported almost 12,000 persons, among those, according to the Soviet documents,11 11,329 persons were so called “family members of the OUN participants”12. Most of these people will never later see their Motherland. Hrytsiuk. G. Przemiany narodowościowe i ludnościowe w Galicji Wschodniej i na Wołyniu w latach 1931 – 1948. Toruń, 2005. S. 179. – Hrytsiuk G. National changes and changes in the population in Western Galicia and on Volyn during 1931–1948. – Toruń, 2005. – P. 179 (Pol.). 10 Баран В., Даниленко В. Пекуча правда історії: документи ГДА СБ України про діяльність радянських органів державної безпеки у 1939 – 1940 рр. // Радянські органи державної безпеки у 1939 – червні 1941 р. Документи ГДА СБ України. К. – 2009. С. 25. – Baran V., Danylenko V. Pekucha Pravda istoiyi: dokumenty HDA SB Ukrayiny pro diyalnist raqdianskyh organiv derzhavnoyi bezpeky u 1939–1940 rr. // Radianski organy derzhavnoyi bezpeky u 1939– chervni 1941 r. Dokumenty HDA SB Ukrayiny. – Kyiv, 2009. – S. 25 (Ukr.). – Baran V., Danylenko V. Bitter truth of History: Documents of the Main State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine about the activity of the Soviet organs of the State Security Service during 1939–1940. // Soviet organs of the State Security Service during 1939– June 1941. Documents of the Main State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine/ – Kyiv, 2009. – P. 25 (Ukr.).) 11 Ibidem (Ukr.). 12 НКВД – МВД СССР в борьбе с бандитизмом и вооруженным националистическим подпольем на Западной Украине, в Западной Белоруссии и Прибалтике (1939 – 1956). / [Составители Н.И. Владимирцев, А.И. Кокурин]. М., 2008. С. 39. НКВД – МВД СССР в борьбе с бандитизмом и вооруженным националистическим подпольем на Западной Украине, в Западной Белоруссии и Прибалтике (1939 – 1956). 9 175 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Simultaneously with the 1941 spring deportation the forces of the National Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NCIA=NKVS) carried out a massive operation against the OUN underground fighters, during which 1,171 persons involved in the OUN system were killed13. One should also remember, that among the minimum of 22,000 imprisons shot by the Soviet Punitive Agencies in Western Ukraine’s cities and towns in the summer of 194114, at least 15,000 were members or supporters of the Ukrainian nationalistic organisations. And finally, in June –July 1941 during uprisings against the Soviet power, according to our assessments, the OUN fighters lost about 1,054 persons, who were killed.15 That is in the first phase of the / [Составители Н.И. Владимирцев, А.И. Кокурин]. М., 2008. С. 39. – (NKVD–MVD SSSR v ,borbe s banditizmom I vooruzhionnym natsionalisticheskim podpolyem na Zapadnoy Ukraine, v Zapadnoy Belorussii n Pribaltike (1939– 1956). / [Sotaviteli N.I. Vladimirtsev, A.I. Kokurin]. – Moskva, 2008. – S. 39 (Rus.). – (NKVD – MVD of the USSR in the struggle with the banditism and armed nationalistic underground movement in Western Ukraine, Western Belorussia and the Baltic-Sea Area (1939 – 1956). / [Complied by N.I. Vladimirtsev, A.I. Kokurin]. – Moscow, 2008. – P. 39 (Rus.).) 13 Радянські органи державної безпеки у 1939 – червні 1941 р. Документи ГДА СБ України. К. 2009. С. 354-355. – (Radianski organy derzhavnoyi bezpeky u 1939–chervni 1941 rr. Dokumenty GDA SB Ukrayiny. – Kyiv, 2009. – S. 354-355 (Ukr.). – (Soviet State Security Organs during 1939–June 1941. Documents of the Main State Archaive of the Security Service of Ukraine. – Kyiv, 2009. – P. 354-355 (Ukr.).) 14 Романів О. Федущак І. Західноукраїнська трагедія 1941. Друге видання. Львів – Нью-Йорк, 2003. С. 63. – (Romanic О., Fedusсhak І. Zahidnoukrayinska trahedia 1941. Druhe vydannia. – Lviv, Nyiu-York, 2003. – S. 63 (Ukr.). – (Romaniv O., Fedusсhak І. 1941 tragedy of Western Ukraine. Second edition. – Lviv – New-York, 2003. – P. 63. (Ukr.).) 15 The data were generalised according to the following sources: ГДА СБУ, ф. 13, спр. 372, т. 11, арк. 33-45 (Main State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine, Fund 13, File 372, Vol. 11, Sheets 33-45); ГДА СБУ, ф. 13. спр. 376, т. 24, арк. 30-48 (Main State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine, Fund 13, File 376, Vol. 24, Sheets 30-48); ЦДАВОВУ України, ф. КМФ-8, оп. 2, спр. 146, арк. 26-27; (Central State Archive of the Highest Government Organs and Administration of Ukraine, Fund KMF-8, Descr. 2, File 146, Sheets 26-27); ГДА СБУ, ф. 13, спр. 398, т. 18, арк. 136 (Main State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine, Fund 13, File 398, Vol. 18, Sheets 136); ЦДАВО України, ф. 3833, оп. 1, спр. 14, арк. 31,32, 74 (Central State Archive of the Highest Government Organs and Administration of Ukraine, Fund 3833, Descr. 1, File 14, Sheets 31, 32, 74); ГДА СБУ, ф. 13, спр. 398, т. 18, арк. 146-о (Main State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine, Fund 13, File 398, Vol. 18, Sheets 146-о); ЦДАВОВУ України, ф. 4620, оп. 3, спр. 378, арк. 53 (Central State Archive of the Highest Government Organs and Administration of Ukraine, Fund 4620, Descr. 3, File 378, Sheets 53), or they were published in the following collections of documents and study works: Українське державотворення. Акт 30 червня 1941 р. С. 112-115 (Setting-up of the Ukrainian statehood. Act of 30 June 1941. PP. 112-115); Сергійчук В. Акт 30 червня, як символ українського самостійництва // Відновлення Української Держави в 1941 році. Нові документи та матеріали. С. 5. – (Serhiychuk V. Act of 30 June as the symbol of the Ukrainian independence // Restoration of the Ukrainian State in 1941. New documents and materials. P. 5.); Дерев’яний І. Масові розстріли у в’язниці № 1 м. Львова в кінці червня 1941 року // Український визвольний рух. Зб 13. Л., 2009. С. 101–105 (Derevyanyi І. Mass shootings in Prison # 1 in the city of Lviv at the end of June 1941 // Ukrainian Liberation Movement. Collection 13. – Lviv, 2009. – PP. 101–105); Hryciuk G. Polacy we Lwowie 1939–1944. Życie codzienne. Warszawa, 2000. S. 183–189 (Hrytsiuk G. Poles in Lviv 1939–1944. Everyday life. – Warsaw, 2000. – PP. 183–189); Солонин М. 22 июня. Анатомия катастрофы. М., 2008. С. 244–245 (Solonin M. June 22. Anatomy of a catastrophy.– Moscow, 2008. – PP. 244–245); Попель Н.К. В тяжкую пору. М.: АСТ, 2001. С. 17 (Popel N.K. In the hard time. – Moscow : АСТ, 2001. – P. 17); Кук В. Степан Бандера. – Лілея-НВ, 2013. С. 39. – 63 с. (Kuk V. Stepan Bandera. – Lileya-NV, 2013. – P. 39. – 63 pp.); Купчишин С. Свято української державності // Золотий Тризуб. Калуш, 10 липня 1941, № 1. С. 3 (Kupchyshyn S., The holiday of the Ukrainian statehood // Zolotyi Tryzub. – Kalush, 10 July 1941, # 1. – P. 3); Андрухів І., Француз А. Станіславщина: двадцять буремних літ (1939 – 1959). С. 57–58 (Andruhiv I., Frantsuz A. Stanislav Town area: twenty stormy years (1939–1959). – PP. 57–58); Сорока П. Вишкіл ДУН на фільварку Квель у 1941 році // Визвольний шлях. 1993. Кн. 5. С. 614–615 (Soroka P. Training of the Army of Ukrainian Nationalists at Kvel Villa in 1941 // “Vyzvolnyi Shliakh”, 1993. Book 5. – PP. 614–615 (Ukr.).) 176 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE counteracting the Soviet power during 1939–1941 the Ukrainian liberation movement and the population supporting that lost about another 35,000 people (killed or deported). Still a more complicated task is to determine the number of victims of the Ukrainian Liberation Movement and its supporters in their opposing the Soviet Guerillas during the occupation of Ukraine by the Germans. As the statistical data, fixed by both parties of the conflict, were very irregular, and taking in account the fact that there was inclination to exaggerate that16, one can speak of only very approximate assessments of the demographic losses among the supporters of the Ukrainian independence. At the present time the academic sources give us only one figure related to the loses of the OUN underground movement and UPA units in their struggle against the Soviet guerillas. This figure is from the April (1944) Report of V. Behma about the resistance movement on the territory of Rivne Region during 1943–April 1944 р. The document informs us of 2,275 “nationalists” having been killed by guerillas from formations of Behma, Fiodorov, Satanovskiy, Brinskyi, Miedviediev17. Since the most intensive battles between the Red-Army guerillas and the Ukrainian rebels were on Rivne Region area, less intensive in Volyn Region and in the Carpathian area, and episodic in Lviv and Ternopil Regions18, it can be supposed In this context it is very evident “Message #3” of the Ukrainian Headquarters of the Guerilla Movement dated оf 28 March 1944, that read that “four detachments from Odukha’s Formation on 21 March 1944 near the village of Velyka Moschanytsia, Rivne Region, got into action “against a detachment of nationalists numbering to 70 persons”. Then “220 nationalists” were killed” and “21 persons were taken prisoners”. (See: Сергійчук В. ОУН – УПА в роки війни. Нові документи і матеріали. К.: Дніпро, 1996. С. 147). – (Serhiychuk V. OUN–UPA during the war time. New documents and materials. – Kyiv, Dnipro, 1996. – P. 147 (Ukr.).). 17 Марчук І. Боротьба групи УПА «Заграва» проти червоних партизанів (1943 – 1944) // Визвольний шлях. – № 8. 2001. – С. 52 – (Marchuk І. Struggle of “ZAHRAVA” UPA group against the Red-Army Guerilllas (1943– 1944) // Vyzvolnyi Shliakh. – # 8, 2001. – P. 52); Motyka G. Ukraińska partyzantka 1942 – 1960. Dyiłalność Organizacji Ukraińskich Nacjonalistów i Ukraińskiej Powstanskiej Armii. Warszawa: Rytm, 2006. S. 260-270 (Motyka G. Ukrainian Guerilla War of 1942–1960. Activities of the Organisation of the Ukrainian nationalists and of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. – Warsaw: Rytm, 2006. – PP. 260-270 (Pol.); Гогун А. Сталинские коммандос. Украинские партизанские формирования 1941 – 1944 гг. М., 2012. С. 156 – (Hohun A. Stalin’s Commandos. Ukrainian Guerilla Formations in 1941–1944. – Moscow, 2012. – P. 156 (Rus.).) 18 For details on this problem see: Сергійчук В. Радянські партизани проти ОУН – УПА. К.: Українська видавнича спілка, 2000. – (Serhiychuk V. Soviet guerillas against OUN–UPA. – Kyiv: Ukrayinska Vydavnycha Spilka, 2000 (Ukr.).); Марчук І. Боротьба групи УПА «Заграва» проти червоних партизанів (1943 – 1944) // Визвольний шлях. № 8. 2001; Літопис УПА. Нова серія. Т. 4. Боротьба проти УПА і націоналістичного підпілля: інформаційні документи ЦК КП(б)У, обкомів партії. НКВС-МВС, МДБ-КДБ. 1943-1959. Книга перша: 1943 – 1945. Київ – Торонто, 2002. – (Marchuk І. The struggle of ZAHRAVA UPA group against the Red-Army guerillas (1943 – 1944) // Vyzvolnyi Shliakh, # 8, 2001. – The UPA Chronicle. New series. Vol. 4. Struggling against the UPA Бand the nationalistic underground movement: Informational documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (of Bolsheviks) of Ukraine, of the Regional Committees of the Party. NKVS-MVD, MGB-KDB. 1943-1959. Book 1: 1943–1945. Kyiv–Toronto, 2002 (Ukr.).); Гогун А. Сталинские коммандос. Украинские партизанские формирования 1941 – 1944 гг. М., 2012 (Hohun A. Stalin’s Commandos. Ukrainian Guerilla Formations in 1941–1944. – Moscow, 2012 (Rus.).); Motyka G. Ukraińska patryzantka 1942-1960. Dyiłalność Organizacji Ukraińskich Nacjonalistów i Ukraińskiej Powstanskiej Armii. Warszawa: Rytm, 2006 – (Motyka G. Ukrainian Guerilla War of 1942–1960. Activities of the Organisation of the Ukrainian nationalists and of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. – Warsaw: Rytm, 2006. – PP. 260-270 (Pol.); Кентій 16 177 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies with a high probability degree, that in the above said opposition the Ukrainian liberation forces and their supporters lost at least 5,000 persons (killed). In other words, even according to the most conservative estimates, the permanent demographic losses (killed people and those who died in exiles and in prisons, resettled forever from the territory of Ukraine) of the Ukrainian people in its struggle for independence against the Soviet regime during 1939–1956 amounted to 430,000–440,000 persons. Calculation of the demographic losses of the Ukrainian population in its opposition of the Ukrainian Liberation Movement against the Polish State and the Underground Movement during 1939–1947 is yet a more problematic task. The first Ukrainian victims in the struggle for its independence against Poland during World War Second were participants and supporters of the OUN rebellion in 1939. Due to incomplete data* from a summing-up report “Results of rebellions in Western Ukraine in September 1939”, prepared by the OUN Local Executives, on Western Ukraine’s lands showed, that the rebellious actions involved 183 inhabited settlements in 22 counties (povits) in the present Western Ukraine.* Rebellion departments consisted of 7,729 persons (OUN members) and thousands of villagers who supported the ideas of an independent Ukraine. OUN reports and related reminiscences show, that in the process of punitive expeditions there were completely burnt 10 Ukrainian villages, while in other villages there were destroyed 280–300 Ukrainian economies, “Prosvita” buildings, cooperatives, churches. The OUN fighters in response completely burnt 4 Polish colonies, and in other Polish villages and colonies there were destroyed about 120–150 economies. Losses of the guerilla OUN departments amounted to 160 killed persons and 57 wounded persons. The Polish losses were 796 killed people, 37 wounded people and 3,610 persons were taken prisoners. The Ukrainian civil population lost minimum 84 persons (killed), while the Polish civil population lost minimum 123 persons А., Лозицький В. Війна без пощади і милосердя: партизанський фронт в тилу вермахту в Україні (1941 – 1944). К.: Генеза, 2005 – (Kentiy A., Lozytskyi V. A merciless war: the guerilla front in the rear of the Wehrmacht in Ukraine (1941–1944). – Кyiv, Geneza 2005 (Ukr.).); Патриляк І. «Встань і борись! Слухай і вір…»: українське націоналістичне підпілля та повстанський рух 1939 – 1960 рр. Львів: Часопис, 2012 – (Patryliak I. “Get up and fight! Listen and believe…”: Ukrainian nationalistic underground movement and the rebellious movement during 1939–1960. Lviv: Magazine, 2012), and others. * The Report included data only from 16 organisational districts, though the total number of those was 18. * Our calculations based on documents and evidence of witnesses demonstrate that actual military attacks tool place in 31 counties (in total, in Lviv, Ternopil, Stanislav, Volyn and Polishia Voivodships there were 86 counties, but Ukrainians lived in 75 counties): 11 – in Lviv Voivodship (out of 22 counties inhabited by Ukrainians), 4 – in Ternopil Voivodship (out of 18), 6 – in Stanislav Voivodship (out of 16), 7 – in Volyn Voivodship (out of 12), 3 – in Polishia (out of 7 inhabited by Ukrainians). 178 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE (killed)19. Hence, the first losses of the Ukrainian Liberation Movement in their counteracting Poles in September 1939 amounted to 244 killed persons. Unfortunately, the further statistics of the losses in fighting against the Polish underground movement is not that large in data and still less reliable, than the data for September 1939. Particularly, according to the data of the Ukrainian Central Committee (UCC = UTsK), in 1940 at Cholm Area the relations between Ukrainians and Poles started to turn into growing animosity*, which produced later initially separate, and then mass murders of Ukrainians by the Polish underground movement. By the end of 1941 at least 13 Ukrainians (villagers, magistrates of villages, policemen, сonfidants) fell victims of the soldiers of the Polish underground movement20. From the beginning of 1942 the contradiction intensity with Polish underground groups, Poles who supported the Soviet guerillas-paratroopers, and the Poles who worked in the German Police Service, grew very much, and, that is why the level of the Ukrainian losses in Cholm Region and in Pidliashia Area grew upwards.21. The UPTs documents show, that the number of victims in 1942 was about 400 persons (the killed ones)22. The alike results of the assessments of losses of the Ukrainian population in 1942 (mainly “the most socially conscious and culturally educated active people) were received by the OUN members23. An important problem for scholars is the point, that of the UPTs and OUN documents put the blame for murders of Ukrainians to the door of the Polish underground movement (the proРуккас А. Збройні виступи членів ОУН на початку Другої світової війни // Воєнна історія. № 5. – 2008. С. 49-50. (Руккас А. Збройні виступи членів ОУН на початку Другої світової війни // Воєнна історія. № 5. – 2008. С. 49-50. (Ukr.) – (Rukkas А. Military actions of the OUP members in the beginning of World War II // Military Encyclopedia. # 5. – 2008. – P. 49-50 (Ukr.).) * On October 1940 messages of the Ukrainian Additional Committee commented on the situation in Zamistskyi and Bilhorodskyi Counties this way: “… living between the Ukrainian and Polish populations is extremally antagonistic… Poles in any way try to bring harm to Ukrainians in front of the German Power at any moment” (Макар Ю., Горний М., Макар В., Салюк А. Від депортації до депортації. Суспільно-політичне життя холмсько-підляських українців (1915 – 1947). Дослідження. Спогади. Документи. – Чернівці: Букрек, 2011. – С. 475). – (Makar Yu., Horny М., Makar V., Saliuk A. From deportation to deportation. The socio-political life of the Cholm-Pidliashia Ukrainians (1915–1947). Studies. Reminiscences. Documents. – Chernivtsi: Bukrek, 2011. – P. 475 (Ukr.).) 20 Макар Ю., Горний М., Макар В., Салюк А. Від депортації до депортації. Суспільно-політичне життя холмсько-підляських українців (1915 – 1947). Дослідження. Спогади. Документи. – Чернівці: Букрек, 2011. – С. 475–476. – (Makar Yu., Hornyi М., Makar V., Saliuk А. Vid deportatsiyi do deportatsiyi. Suspilno-politycgne zhyttia Holmsko-Pidlaskyh ukrayintsiv (1915–1947). Doslidzhenniz. Spohady. Dokumenty. – Chernivtsi: Bukrek, 2011. – PP. 475–476 (Ukr.). – Makar Yu., Horny М., Makar V., Saliuk A. From deportation to deportation. The socio-political life of the Cholm-Pidliashia Ukrainians (1915–1947). Studies. Reminiscences. Documents. – Chernivtsi: Bukrek, 2011. – P. 475 (Ukr.).) 21 Ibidem, pp. 476–478. 22 ЦДАВОВУ України, ф. 3833, оп. 3, спр. 2, арк. 164. – (– TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3,833, op. 3, spr. 2, ark. 164 (Ukr.). – (Central State Archive of the Highest Government Organs and Administration of Ukraine, Fund 3,833, Desc. 3, File 2, Sheets 164 (Ukr.).) 23 Zajączkowski M. Ukraińskie podziemie na Lubelszczyźnie w okresie okupacji niemeickiej 1939 - 1944. Lublin – Warszawa, 2015. S. 100. – (Zajączkowski M. Ukrainian underground movement in Lublin Voivodship during the German occupation of 1939–1944. – Lublin–Warsaw, 2015. – P. 100 (Pol.).) 19 179 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies London and Communist one) and the Polish police serving the Germans, while the Polish scholars put the responsibility for the above said murders, mainly, on the Germans, who carried out typical pacific actions against the Soviet guerillas-paratroopers and their supporters in the region24. In the cases if Polish scholars admit involvement of a Polish underground member in murdering Ukrainians in the region, then they stand the grounds that such a liquidation was connected not with the trends to independency, but with the work for German services or a German administration25. According to some UPTs documents, Ukrainians from Cholm and Pidliashia Areas during the first five months of 1943 lost another 500 persons (killed by the Polish underground movement and by the Polish-German police.26 That is till the moment when separate facts of murders had grown in a massive Ukrainian-Polish local war for the devastation of the “hostile” civil population, in Cholm and Pidliashia Areas up to 900 Ukrainian activists (of most various kinds) could be killed by Poles. Our calculations, made five years ago on a base of the Ukrainian, Polish, Soviet and German sources, showed that from the middle of August 1943 till the end of 1944 loses of the Ukrainian population, OUN underground fighters and the UPA soldiers in their opposition to the Polish pro-London underground structures, Polish police at servicing the Germans and the Polish Soviet guerillas all over the territory of the inter-ethnical conflict, amount to 13,000–16,000 killed people, and out of that number up to 4,000 Ukrainian people were killed in Cholm and Pidliashia Areas27. In addition, 12,000 – 13,000 civil Ukrainians, both underground movement participants and rebels, died , were executed or imprisoned for long terms while opposing the Polish Communist Authorities during 1945– 24 Ibidem, p. 98 Ясяк М. Становище та доля українців у Генеральному губернаторстві (без Галичини) в роки німецької окупації. // Україна – Польща: важкі питання. Т. 4. – Варшава, 1999. С. 211. (Yasiak М. Stanovysche ta dolia urrayintsiv u Heberalnomu hubernatorstvi (bez Halychiny) v roky nimetskoyi okupatsiyi. // Ukrayina – Polscha: vazhki pytannia. T. 4. – Varshava, 1999. – S. 211 (Ukr.) – Yasiak М. The situation and destiny of Ukrainians in the General Galician Governorate (without Galicia) during the years of the German occupation. // Ukraine – Poland: difficult issues. Vol. 4. – Warsaw, 1999. – P. 211 (Ukr.).) 25 Zajączkowski M. Ukraińskie podziemie na Lubelszczyźnie w okresie okupacji niemeickiej 1939 - 1944. S. 103. – (Zajączkowski M. Ukrainian underground movement in Lublin Voivodship during the German occupation of 1939–1944. – Lublin–Warsaw, 2015. – P. 103 (Pol.).) 27 Патриляк І. «Встань і борись! Слухай і вір…»: українське націоналістичне підпілля та повстанський рух 1939 – 1960 рр. Львів: Часопис, 2012. С. 425. – (Patryliak І. “Vstan i borys! Sluhai i vir…”: ukrayinske natsionalistychne pidpillia ta povstanskyi ruh 1939 – 1960 rr. – Lviv: Chasopys, 2012. – S. 425 (Ukr.). – Patryliak І. “Vstan i borys! Listen and believe…”: the Ukrainian nationalistic underground and the rebellious movement during 1939–1960/ – Lviv: Magazine, 2012. – P. 425 (Ukr.). 26 180 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 1947.28 In other words, permanent losses of the Ukrainian population and structures of the Ukrainian Liberation Movement in struggling against the Poles between September 1939 till the end of 1947, due to our estimations, amount to 26,000 – 30,000 killed people. This figure should be added with at least above 140,000 Ukrainians, who, under the pretext of fighting the UPA29, were deported from their lands by the Communist Polish Authorities during the “Vistula” Operation, while their descendants almost completely assimilated during the further decades. Therefore, total demographic losses of the Ukrainian people and that resulting from the Ukrainian Liberation Movement in their struggle for independence at the anti-Polish “front” is at the level of 166,000 – 170,000 killed and deported forever persons. Speaking of the demographic losses of the Ukrainian population, that supported the Ukrainian Liberation Movement in conditions of the German occupation, one should note, that we shall take into account only losses directly of the members of the Ukrainian Underground Movement and those of the Insurgent Army as well as the executed hostages and villagers killed for their supporting the UPA participants. Unfortunately, the German statistics data about the executed people are irregular and often are not exact enough (you only think of the so called “importance” of the decree of the Nazi security services dated from 25 November 1941 to execute the OUN members under the pretext of their being “thieves”30); on the other hand, the OUN sand UPA statistics data are quite often very conditional due to its reliability. It is known, that the conflict between Bandera’s OUN and the German occupational authorities started to grow at once after the independently declared in Lviv Act of independence of 30 June 1941. On 5 September 1941 the German state security organs already arrested up to 200 representatives of the management members of Bandera’s OUN, and every forth of those soon turned out in concentration camps31. The following massive arrests shocked Bandera’s 28 Ibidem, p. 437. See.: Акція «Вісла». Документи / Упоряд. Євген Місило. Львів – Нью-Йорк, 1997. – (Aktsiya “Vistula”. Dokumenty / Uporiad. Yevhen Misylo. – Lviv–Nyu-York, 1997 (Ukr.) – “Vistula” Operation. Documents / Compiled by Yevhen Misylo. – Lviv–New-York, 1997 (Ukr).) 30 Україна і Німеччина в Другій світовій війні. Збірник німецьких архівних матеріалів. Зібрав і впорядкував В. Косик. – Том 1. – Львів, 1997. – С. 365. – (Ukrayina i Nimechina u Druhiy svitoviy viyni u dokumentah. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyh materialiv. Zibrav i vporiadkuvav V. Kosyk. – Lviv, 1997. – S. 365 (Ukr.) – Ukraine in World War Second in documents. A collection of German archival materials. Collected and compiled by V. Kosyk. – Vol 1, Lviv, 1997. – P. 365 (Ukr.).) 31 Горбань А.В. Процес переходу до підпільних форм боротьби з метою реалізації державотворчої програми ОУН(б) у світлі репресивних заходів нацистської влади // Сторінки воєннoї історії України. Зб. наук. праць. Вип. 10. Ч. 2. К., 2006. С. 39. – (Horban А.V. Protses perehodu do pidpilnyh form borotby z metoyu realizatsiyi derzhavotvorhoyi programy OUN(b) u svitli represyvnyh zahodiv natsistskoyi vlady // Storinky voyennoyi istoriyi Ukrayiny. Zb. Nauk, prats. – Vyp. 10, Ch. 2. – Kyiv 2006. – S. 39 (Ukr). – Horban А.V. Process of the transition to underground form of struggling with the purpose to implement the state-creative programme of the OUN(b) in the light of repressive measures of the Nazi Power // Pages of the Military History of Ukraine. A collection of academic papers – Issue 10, Chap. 2. – Кyiv, 2006. – P. 39 (Ukr).) 29 181 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Organisation, when only on 15 September 1941 the Gestapo, Gendarmery and Criminal Police put behind bars on the territory of the Reih , occupied Europe and occupied area of Ukraine almost 1,500 activists of the OUN- and Bandera’s organisations32. On 19 September 1941 an OUN member, while being arrested, shot the SD-officer (Security Service of German during the WWII) Michael Serdeha. In response Nazi executed 50 members of Bandera’s organization that had been arrested before.33. After the said Decree of 25 November 1941 ordering to execute, as if the respective Ukrainians were criminals, it is practically impossible to find out the exact number of the killed or murdered Ukrainian activists and the people who supported them (particularly this is true concerning members of hiking groups that acted in the near-front area). However, keeping to stick to the same principle of indiscriminated slaughtering, the Nazi arrested on 30 September 1941 and shot in Zhytomyr 72 members and about 50 supporters (mainly from Melnyk’s OUN), who were organisers on 21 November of massive celebration of the Bazar Tragedy34. In December 1941 the Hestapo also arrested a few dozens of the OUN supporters both in Ukraine and in Europe on the area being under control of the Nazi35. Dozens police documents related to the first months of 1942 mention names of arrested “Bandera’s movement activists”, not that often – “Melnyk’s movement ones”. Obviously, that a significant number of the arrested Ukrainians might have been executed, even as if those were not only criminals, but also Communists (the Hestapo at that period very seriously pledged, that the OUN and NKVS had “deep connections”36). To prove that arrests and executions of the OUN members could be Косик В. УПА в німецьких документах // Український визвольний рух. № 1. Львів, 2003. С. 60. – Kosyk V. UPA v nimetskyh dokumentah // Ukrayinskyi Vyzvolnyi Ruh. № 1. – Lviv, 2003. – S. 60 (Ukr.) – Kosyk V. UPA in German documents // Ukrainian Liberation Movement. # 1. – Lviv, 2003. – P. 60 (Ukr).) 33 ЦДАВОВУ України, ф. 3,833, оп. 1, спр. 3, арк. 22. – (TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3,833, op. 1, spr. 3, ark. 22 (Ukr). – Central State Archive of the Highest Government Organs and Administration of Ukraine, Fund 3,833, Descr. 1, File 3, Sheets 22 (Ukr).) 34 Киричук Ю. Український національний рух 40–50-х років ХХ століття: ідеологія і практика. – Л.: Добрі справи, 2003. – С. 86; Русначенко А. Народ збурений. Національно-визвольний рух в Україні й національні рухи опору в Білорусії, Литві, Латвії, Естонії у 1940-50-х роках. – К.: Пульсари, 2002. – С. 33. – (Kyrychuk Yu. Ukrayinskyi national ruh 40–50-h rokiv ХХ stolittia: ideologiya i praktyka. – Lviv: Dobri Spravy, 2003. – S. 86; Rusnachenko А. narod zburenyi. Natsionalno-vyzvolnyi ruh v Ukrayini yi natsionaslni ruhy oporu v Bilorusiyi, Lytvi, Latbiyi, Estoniyi u 1940-50-h rokah. – Кyiv: Pulsary, 2002. – S. 33 (Ukr). – Kyrychuk Yu. Ukrainian Nationalistic Movement in 40–50s of the 20th century: ideology and practice. – Lviv : Dobri Spravy, 2003. – P. 86; Rusnachenko А. The people is outraged. The National Liberation Resistance Movement in Ukraine, Belorussia, Lythuania, Latvia, Estonia in 1940-50s. – Kyiv : Pulsary, 2002. – P. 33 (Ukr).) 35 Україна в Другій світовій війні у документах. Збірник німецьких архівних матеріалів. Зібрав і впорядкував В. Косик. – Т. 2. Львів, 1998. – С. 71–75. – (Ukrayina u Druhiy svitoviy viyni u dokumentah. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyh materialiv. Zibrav i vporiadkuvav V. Kosyk. – Т. 2, Lviv, 1998. – S. 71–75 (Ukr.) – Ukraine in World War Second in documents. A collection of German archival materials. Collected and compiled by V. Kosyk. – Vol 2, Lviv, 1998. – PP. 71–75) (Ukr.).) 36 See the doc. “Донесення про події в СРСР № 164 від 4 лютого 1942 р”. Україна в Другій світовій війні у документах. Збірник німецьких архівних матеріалів. Зібрав і впорядкував В. Косик. – Т. 2. Львів, 1998. – 32 182 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE very biting, as we think, can be supported the fact of a conflict inside the underground movement provoked by the accusation of the organization leaders of an ill-advised using the pool people, resulting in large losses.37. Though it is practically impossible to find out at least approximately the number of the Ukrainians killed by Germans during that period for lacking any summing-up statistical data. It is after 20 march 1942, when the data from the German security organs became more informative about the Ukrainian Liberation Movement; at that time the information about the events on the territory of the USSR there was introduced the column “Ukrainian Resistance Movement”38. According to the German reports concerning the first half of 1942, аs well as on the documents of the underground movement, we can quite surely state, that from January 1942 the German, Romanian and Hungarian Occupational Authorities managed to arrest and convict (and partially to executer) at least 2,000 participants of the Ukrainian Liberation Movement and its supporters.39 In their reports for June 1942 the Nazi for the first time characterized the Ukrainian Liberation Movement as “an insurgent one”40, which effected the scale and nature of the opposition. Regardless a lot of arrests and a powerful operation of secret agency, the Hestapo managed only to liquidate in July 1942 the Head of the Underground movement of Bandera’s OUN acting on the Eastern and Central Ukrainian lands L. Myron (“Orlyk”)41, and in August С. 119. – (“Donessennia pro podiyi v SRSR # 164 vid 4 liutoho 1942 r”. Ukrayina u Druhiy svitoviy viyni u dokumentah. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyh materialiv. Zibrav i vporiadkuvav V. Kosyk. – Т. 2, Lviv, 1998. – S. 119 (Ukr.) – “Report # 164 dated from 4 February 1942 on the events in the USSR”. (Ukraine in World War Second in documents. A collection of German archival materials. Collected and compiled by V/ Kosyk. – Vol 2, Lviv, 1998. – P. 119) (Ukr.).) 37 See: Щеглюк В. «Як роса на сонці…»: Політичний роман-хроніка, написаний на основі спогадів колишнього діяча ОУН-УПА Л.С. Павлишина. Львів, 1992. С. 76-77. - (Schehliuk V. “Yak rosa na sontsi…”: Politychnyi roman-hronika, napysanyi na osnovi spohadiv kolyshnioho diyacha OUN-UPA L.S. Pavlyshyna. – Lviv, 1992. – S. 76-77 (Ukr.) – Schehliuk V. “Like dew in the sun…”: A political novel-chronicle written on a base of reminiscences of L.S. Pavlyshyn – a former OUN-UPA figure. – Lviv, 1992. – PP. 76-77 (Ukr.).) 38 Україна в Другій світовій війні у документах. Збірник німецьких архівних матеріалів. Зібрав і впорядкував В. Косик. – Т. 2. Львів, 1998. – С. 119. – (Ukrayina u Druhiy svitoviy viyni u dokumentah. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyh materialiv. Zibrav i vporiadkuvav V. Kosyk. – Т. 2, Lviv, 1998. – S. 145 (Ukr.) – Ukraine in World War Second in documents. A collection of German archival materials. Collected and compiled by V. Kosyk. – Vol 2, Lviv, 1998. – P. 145) (Ukr.).) 39 Патриляк І. «Встань і борись! Слухай і вір…»: українське націоналістичне підпілля та повстанський рух 1939 – 1960 рр. С. 157 – 178. – Patryliak I. “Vstan i borys! Sluhai i vir…”: ukrayinske natsionalistychne pidpillia ta povstanskyi ruh 1939–1960 rr. – S. 157–178 (Ukr.) – Partyliak I. “Get up and fight! Listen and believe…”: Ukrainian nationalistic underground and rebellious movement during 1939–1960. – PP. 157–178 (Ukr.).) 40 ЦДАВОВУ України, ф. 3,676, оп. 4, спр. 317, арк. 37-38. (Ukr.). – Central State Archive of the Highest Government Organs and Administration of Ukraine, Fund 3,676, Descr. 4, File 317, Sheets 37-38 (Ukr.).) 41 , Ibidem, Fund 4,328, Descr. 1, File 2, Sheets 78 (Ukr.). 183 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 1942 р. – a head of Banderas’ underground movement in Volyn – H. Maxymchuk (“Kaidash”)42. In autumn 1942 the occupational authorities prohibited existence of Ukrainian cultural organisations (the reason was accusation of those of having become a cover for activities of the underground movement of both OUN). In parallel to prohibitions all Ukrainian cities, as well as in Reih cities and in the European cities occupied by the Hitler’s Army, went through a wave of mass arrests, that, judging by the data from the documents, up to 150 shot persons43. For instance, on 21 November 1942, while being in an ambush at a safe apartment of the OUN in Lviv, D. Mayivskyi (“Scyther”) shot Herhard Scharff – SS-sturmfuerer and the Criminal-Secretary44. In response to that shooting Nazis executed 27 arrested OUN-participants in Lviv and 52 persons – in Chortkiv Prison45. Besides, then the Hestapo arrested 38 OUNmembers in Sumy (and executed those ones on 20 February 1943 before the returning in Sumy of the Red Army)46. On the turn of 1942–1943, the Hestapo “cleaned” from the OUN underground movement Kirovograd Oblast by executing 120 arrested people47. Just at that period there became victims Український здвиг: Волинь. 1939 – 1955 / Зібрав і упорядкував В. Сергійчук. К., 2005. С. 126-127. – (Ukrayinskyi zdvyh: Volyn. 1939–1955 / Zibrav i uporiadkuvav V. Serhiychuk. – Kyiv, 2005. – S. 126-127 (Ukr.) – Ukrainian uphealer: Volyn. 1939–1955 / Collected and compiled by V. Serhiychuk. – Kyiv, 2005. – PP. 126-127 (Ukr).). 43 ЦДАВОВУ України, ф. 3,676, оп. 4, спр. 308, арк. 198–219; спр. 475, арк. 657–668. – (TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3,676, op. 4, spr. 308, ark. 198–219; spr. 475, ark. 657–668 (Ukr.). – Central State Archive of the Highest Government Organs and Administration of Ukraine, Fund 3,676, Descr. 4, File 317, Sheets 37-38; File 475, Sheets 657–668 (Ukr.).) Патриляк І. «Встань і борись! Слухай і вір…»: українське націоналістичне підпілля та повстанський рух 1939 – 1960 рр. Львів: Часопис, 2012. – C. 183, 192, 193. – (Partyliak І. “Vstan I borys! Sluhai i vir …”: ukrayinske natsionalistychne pidpillia ta povstanskyi ruh 1939–1960 рр. – S. 183, 192, 193 (Ukr.) – Patryliak I. “Get up and fight! Listen and believe…”: Ukrainian nationalistic underground movement and the rebellious movement during 1939–1960. Lviv: Magazine, 2012. – PP. 183, 192, 193 (Ukr.).) 44 ЦДАВОВУ України, ф. 3,676, оп. 4, спр. 308, арк. 238–239. – (TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3,676, op. 4, spr. 308, ark. 238–239 (Ukr.). – Central State Archive of the Highest Government Organs and Administration of Ukraine, Fund 3,676, Descr. 4, File 308, Sheets 238–239 (Ukr.).) 42 Україна і Німеччина в Другій світовій війні. Збірник німецьких архівних матеріалів. Зібрав і впорядкував В.Косик. – Львів, 1992. – С. 238. – (Ukrayina i Nimechina u Druhiy svitoviy viyni u dokumentah. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyh materialiv. Zibrav i vporiadkuvav V. Kosyk. – Lviv, 1992. – S. 238 (Ukr.) – Ukraine in World War Second in documents. A collection of German archival materials. Collected and compiled by V. Kosyk. – Vol 3, Lviv, 1999. – PP. 211–212) (Ukr.).) 46 ОУН – УПА на Сумщині / Упорядник Г. М. Іванущенко. Т. 1. – Суми, 2006. С. 30; Т. 2. Суми, 2008. С. 16. – (OUN–UPA na Sumschyni / Uporiadnyk H. M. Ivanuschenko. T. 1. – Sumy, 2006. – S. 30; Т. 2. – Sumy, 2008. – S. 16 (Ukr.) – OUN–UPA in Sumy Oblast / Compiled by H. M. Ivanuschenko. Vol. 1. – Sumy, 2006. – P. 30; Vol 2. – Sumy, 2008. – P. 16 (Ukr.).) 47 Щур Ю. Діяльність ОУН на Наддніпрянщині (1942 - 1943) // Український визвольний рух. № 12. Львів, 2008. С. 59. – (Schur Yu. Diyalnist OUN na Naddniprianschyni (1942–1943) // Ukrayinskyi Vyzvolnyi Ruh. № 12. – Lviv, 2008. – S. 59 (Ukr.) – Schur Yu. Activities of the OUN in the Near-Dnieper Area (1942 - 1943) // Ukrainian Liberation Movement. # 12. – Lviv, 2008. – P. 59. (Ukr.).) 45 184 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE of Nazis heads Bandera’s underground movement in Kyiv, Dnipropetrovsk, Kirovograd, Vinnytsia, Poltava, Zaporizhia, Kamyanets-Podislkyi Regions48. The flywheel of destruction started to increase its rotations from February 1943, when the first units of the future UPA began to attack German administrative centres and prisons. For example, on 10 February 1943 in Rivne there were shot 1,000 prisoners, who, having been incited by the OUN members tried to make a uprising and escape49. On 28 February in Berezne, in response to the killing by underground fighters of an SD-officer, 25 Ukrainian families (about 100 persons) were executed)50. On 23 February 1943 6 Ukrainian hostages were shot in Kremenets, on 8 March 1943 in Rivne another 485 Ukrainian hostages were executed51 as a revenge for attacks of the OUN hit-men on German security service forces. During spring 1943 – autumn 1944 between the UPA units and German occupational authorities a massive armed war was taking place. According to the minimal assessments the rebels lost in battles with Germans and their allies above 2,200 killed people and over 500 prisoners, another about 5,000 killed and executed persons were lost by the UNS units, security services, OUN, local self-defense forces, a network of the nationalistic underground movement. The permanent losses of the civil population (execution of hostages, killing villagers in pacific actions) amounts to 2,000 – 30,000 persons52. Considering the above said, with a high probability it can be stated, that the demographic losses of the Ukrainian people (including the OUN activists and the UPA hit-men) born in the struggle against Nazis longing for establishing the formation of an own independent state reach 40,000 – 45,000 persons, the absolute majority of those died. *** 48 Ibidem, p. 60. Україна в Другій світовій війні у документах. Збірник німецьких архівних матеріалів. Зібрав і впорядкував В.Косик. – Т. 3. – Львів, 1999. – С. 71–75. – (Ukrayina u Druhiy svitoviy viyni u dokumentah. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyh materialiv. Zibrav i vporiadkuvav V. Kosyk. – Т. 3, Lviv, 1998. – S. 71–75 (Ukr.) – Ukraine in World War Second in documents. A collection of German archival materials. Collected and compiled by V. Kosyk. – Vol 3, Lviv, 1999. – PP. 211–212) (Ukr.).) 50 Ibidem. 51 Данилюк М. Повстанський записник. – К., 1993. С. 82. – (Danyliuk М. Povstanskyi zapysnyk.– Кyiv, 1993. – S. 82 (Ukr.). – Danyliuk М. A pad from a rebellion. – Kyiv, 1993. – P. 82 (Ukr.).) 52 For more details see: Патриляк І. «Встань і борись! Слухай і вір…»: українське націоналістичне підпілля та повстанський рух 1939 – 1960 рр. Львів: Часопис, 2012. – C. 286–349. – (Partyliak І. “Vstan I borys! Sluhai i vir …”: ukrayinske natsionalistychne pidpillia ta povstanskyi ruh 1939–1960 рр. – S. 286–349 (Ukr.) – Patryliak I. “Get up and fight! Listen and believe…”: Ukrainian nationalistic underground movement and the rebellious movement during 1939–1960. Lviv: Magazine, 2012. – PP. 286–349 (Ukr.).) 49 185 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Summing-up what has been said, we state, that the Ukrainian people during 1939 – 1950s paid a collosal price for trying of the structures of the Ukrainian Liberation Movement to gain independence for their Motherland. Total demographic losses amount to 636,000 – 655,000 killed and executed persons at least 245,000 persons. Was not the price of the dream about independence too high? This question will always remain discussible and open for its consideration. A similar high price in the struggle for the right for independent states to exist was paid by almost all peoples of ‘the blood-covered lands” from Finland in the north to Chroatia or Serbia in the south. In all these states serious social and academic discussions are kept on about the ratio of “losses to gains” resulting from a desperate struggle. For some (Finland) losses in standing for independence provided the state’s survival, for the majority – they remained only a base for setting national myths. BIBLIOGRAPHY SOURCES HDA SBU, f. 13, spr. 372, t. 11, ark. 33–45. HDA SBU, f. 13, spr. 398, t. 18, ark. 136. HDA SBU, f. 13, spr. 398, t. 18, ark. 146-o. HDA SBU, f. 13. spr. 376, t. 24, ark. 30–48. (1998) Donesennia pro podiyi v SRSR № 164 vid 4 liutoho 1942 r. // Ukrayina v Druhiy svitoviy viyni u dokumentah. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyh materialiv. – Zibrav i vporyadkuvav V. Kosyk. – T. 2, Lviv. (2002) Litopys UPA. Nova seriya. – T. 4. Borotba proty UPA i nacionalistychnoho pidpillia: informatsiyni dokumenty TsK KP(b)U, obkomiv partiyi. NKVS–MVS, MDB–KDB. 1943–1959. Knyha persha: 1943 – 1945. Kyyiv–Toronto. NKVD – MVD SSSR v borbe s bandytyzmom y vooruzhennym natsionalystycheskym podpolyem na Zapadnoy Ukraine, v Zapadnoy Belorussii i (2008) Pribaltike (1939 – 1956). / [Sostaviteli: N.Y. Vladymyrtsev, A.Y. Kokuryn. – Moskva. (2006) OUN – UPA na Sumshhyni / Uporyadnyk H. M. Ivanushhenko. – T. 1. – Sumy. (2008) OUN – UPA na Sumshhyni / Uporyadnyk H. M. Ivanushhenko. T. 2. – Sumy. (2009) Radyanski orhany derzhavnoyi bezpeky u 1939 – chervni 1941 r. Dokumenty HDA SB Ukrayiny. – Kyiv. 186 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Serhiychuk V. (1996) Akt 30 chervnia, yak symvol ukrayinskoho samostijnytstva // Vidnovlennya Ukrayinskoyi Derzhavy v 1941 rotsi. Novi dokumenty ta materialy. – Kyiv : Dnipro. (2005) Ukrayinskyy zdvyh: Volyn. 1939 – 1955 / Zibrav i uporyadkuvav V. Serhiychuk. – Kyiv. (1997) Ukrayina v Druhij svitoviy viyni u dokumentax. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyh materialiv .–– Zibrav i vporyadkuvav V. Kosyk. – T. 1. – Lviv. (1998) Ukrayina v Druhiy svitoviy viyni u dokumentah. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyh materialiv. – Zibrav i vporyadkuvav V. Kosyk. – T. 2. – Lviv. (1999) Ukrayina v Druhiy svitoviy viyni u dokumentah. Zbirnyk nimetskyh arhivnyx materialiv. – Zibrav i vporyadkuvav V. Kosyk. – T. 3. – Lviv. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 14, ark. 31, 32, 74. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 4620, op. 3, spr. 378, ark. 53. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. KMF-8, op. 2, spr. 146, ark. 26–27. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3676, op. 4, spr. 308, ark. 198–219; spr. 475, ark. 657–668. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3676, op. 4, spr. 308, ark. 238–239. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3676, op. 4, spr. 317, ark. 37–38, 78. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3833, op. 1, spr. 3, ark. 22. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 3833, op. 3, spr. 2, ark. 164. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 1, op. 24, spr. 4297, ark. 4. TsDAVOVU Ukrayiny, f. 1, op. 24, spr. 4734, ark. 10–12. REFERENCE Hrytsiuk G. (2005) Polacy we Lwowie 1939–1944. Życie codzienne. – Warszawa. Hrytsiuk G. (2005) Przemiany narodowościowe i ludnościowe w Galicji Wschodniej i na Wołyniu w latach 1931 – 1948. – Toruń. Motyka G. (2006) Ukraińska partyzantka 1942–1960. Dyiłalność Organizacji Ukraińskich Nacjonalistów i Ukraińskiej Powstanskiej Armii. – Warszawa: Rytm. Motyka G. (2006) Ukraińska partyzantka 1942–1960. Dyiłalność Organizacji Ukraińskich Nacjonalistów i Ukraińskiej Powstanskiej Armii. – Warszawa: Rytm. Zajączkowski M. (2015) Ukraińskie podziemie na Lubelszczyźnie w okresie okupacji niemeickiej 1939 – 1944, Lublin – Warszawa. (1997) Akciya «Visla». Dokumenty / Uporyad. Yevhen Misylo. – Lviv – Nyu-Jork. Andruhiv I., Frantsuz A. Stanislavshhyna: dvadtsiat buremnyh lit (1939 – 1959). 187 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Baran V., Danylenko V. (2009) Pekucha pravda istoriyi: dokumenty HDA SB Ukrayiny pro diyalnist radyanskyx orhaniv derzhavnoyi bezpeky u 1939 – 1940 rr. // Radyanski orhany derzhavnoyi bezpeky u 1939 – chervni 1941 r. Dokumenty HDA SB Ukrayiny. – K. Vyedyenyeyev D.V., Lysenko O.Ye. (2002) Proyavy teroru i teroryzmu v protystoyanni radyanskoyi vlady ta ONU i UPA v zahidnoukrayinskomu rehioni pislyavoyennoyi doby // Politychnyj teror i teroryzm v Ukrayini. XIX – XX st. Istorychni narysy. – Kyiv : Naukova dumka. Hohun A. (2012) Stalynskye kommandos. Ukraynskye partyzanskye formyrovanyya 1941 – 1944 hh. – Moscow. Horban A.V. (2006) Protses perehodu do pidpilnyx form borotby z metoyu realizatsiyi derzhavotvorchoyi prohramy OUN(b) u svitli represyvnyh zahodiv nacystskoyi vlady // Storinky voyennlyi istoriyi Ukrayiny. – Zb. nauk. prac. Vyp. 10. Ch. 2. – Kyiv. Hrytsak Ya. (2004) Tezy do dyskusiyi pro UPA // Hrytsak Ya. Strasti za natsionalizmom. Istorychni eseyi. – Kyiv : Krytyka. Danylyuk M. (1993) Povstanskyj zapysnyk. – Kyiv. Derev’yanyj I. (2009) Masovi rozstrily u vyaznytsi № 1 m. Lvova v kintsi chervnya 1941 roku // Ukrayinskyj vyzvolnyj rux. Zb 13. – L. Kentiy A., Lozytskyi V. (2005) Viyna bez poshhady i myloserdya: partyzanskyi front v tylu Vermahtu v Ukrayini (1941 – 1944). – Kyiv : Geneza. Kyrychuk Yu. (2003) Ukrayinskyi natsionalnyi ruh 40–50-x rokiv XX stolittia: ideolohiya i praktyka. – Lviv : Dobri spravy. Kosyk V. (2003) UPA v nimetskyh dokumentah // Ukrayinskyi vyzvolnyi ruh. № 1. – Lviv. Kravchenko B. (1997) Socialni zminy i natsionalna svidomist v Ukrayini XX stolittya. – Kyiv : Osnovy. Kosyk V. (1992) Ukrayina i Nimechchyna v Druhiy svitoviy viyni. – Lviv. Kuk V. (2013.) Stepan Bandera. – Lileya-NV. Kupchyshyn S. (1941) Svyato ukrayinskoyi derzhavnosti // Zolotyi Tryzub. – Kalush, № 1. Makar Yu., Hornyj M., Makar V., Salyuk A. (2011) Vid deportatsiyi do deportatsiyi. Suspilno-politychne zhyttya Holmsko-Pidliashia Ukrayintsiv (1915–1947). Doslidzhennya. Spohady. Dokumenty. – Chernivtsi: Bukrek. Marchuk I. (2001) Borotba hrupy UPA “Zahrava” proty chervonyx partyzaniv (1943 – 1944) // Vyzvolnyi Shlyax. – # 8. 188 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Nykytchenko V.F. (1971) Chekysty Ukrayny v peryod Velykoy Otechestvennoy voiny // Trudy vysshey shkoly KGB SSSR. – Vyp. 2. – M. (2015) Otsinka demohrafichnyh vtrat Ukrayiny u period Druhoyi svitovoyi viyny. // Ukrayinska Druha Svitova: Materialy mizhnarodnoyi naukovoyi konferentsiyi do 70-richnytsi peremohy nad natsyzmom u Druhiy svitoviy viyni.) – Kyiv : K.I.S. Patrylyak I. (2012) “Vstan i borys! Sluhai i vir…»: ukrayinske natsionalistychne pidpillia ta povstanskyi ruh 1939 – 1960 rr. – Lviv : Chasopys. Popel N.K. (2001). – V tiazhkuyu poru. – Moskva, AST. Romaniv O. Fedushhak I. (2003) Zahidnoukrayinska trahediya 1941. Druhe vydannya. – Lviv–Nyu-York. Rukkas A. (2008) Zbroini vystupy chleniv OUN na pochatku Druhoyi svitovoyi viyny // Voyenna istoriya. # 5. Rusnachenko A. (2002) Narod zburenyj. Nacionalno-vyzvolnyj ruh v Ukrayini i natsionalni ruhy oporu v Bilorusiyi, Lytvi, Latviyi, Estoniyi u 1940–50-x rokax. – Kyiv : Pulsary. Serhiychuk V. (1998) Desyat buremnyh lit. Zahidnoukrayinski zemli u 1944 – 1953 rr. Novi dokumenty i materialy. – Kyiv : Dnipro. Serhijchuk V. Radyanski partyzany proty OUN – UPA. – Kyiv: Ukrayinska vydavnycha spilka, 2000. Marchuk I. (2001) Borotba hrupy UPA “Zahrava” proty chervonyh partyzaniv (1943 – 1944) // Vyzvolnyi Shlyah. # 8. Snaider T. (2015) Krovavyye zemly: Yevropa mezhdu Hytlerom y Stalinym. – Kyiv : Duliby. Solonyn M. (2008) 22 iyunia. Anatomyya katastrofу. – Moskva. Soroka P. (1993) Vyshkil DUN na filvarku Kveliu u 1941 rots // Vyzvolnyi Shliah. Kn. 5. Soroka Yu. (2007) Naselennia Zahidnoukrayinskyh zemel: deportatsiyi, pereselennia, mobilizatsiyi, mihratsiyi (1939 – 1950-ti rr.). – Kyiv : VPTs “Kyivskyi universytet”. Schehliuk V. (1992) “Yak rosa na sontsi…”: Politychnyi roman-hronika, napysani na osnovi spohadiv kolyshnioho diyacha OUN–UPA L.S. Pavlyshyna. – Lviv. Shhur Yu. (2008) Diyalnist OUN na Naddnipryanshhyni (1942 – 1943) // Ukrayinskyi vyzvolnyi ruh. # 12. – Lviv. 189 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Yasiak M. (1999) Stanovyshhe ta dolya ukrayintsiv u Heneralnomu hubernatorstvi (bez Halychyny) v roky nimetskoyi okupatsiyi. // Ukrayina – Polscha: vazhki pytannia. T. 4. – Varshava. 190 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 191 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 192 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Ukrainian-Turkic Frontier Under the Conditions State Borders Formation: New vs Old Models of Everyday Life of the Population (18 – Beginning of the 19 cc.) Svitlana KAIUK * Modern scholars frequently refer to Zaporozhian Cossacks as to a typical frontier community.1 Individualism, absence of boundaries (spatial, social, mental etc.), mobility, quick adaptation to new environment, independence in choosing behavior patterns and in decisionmaking represent typical traits of a frontier person. In the course of time, borderline people build their own community and identity, whereby the self/other does not sound like an opposition. From a classical perspective, frontier can be briefly defined as a self-sufficient borderline. Borderline communities possess such traits as polymorphy, tolerance, acceptance and at the same time “improvement” of different, “strange” cultural values and willingness to share own ones. This value-based complex of attributes, which become models for actions, deeds, attitudes, emotions etc. of an individual, constructs a behavior pattern. As a result, we have an interesting community with its own life standards, which over time gain the nature of traditions that are to be kept and represent the meaning of life and, consequently, turn into legal standards. They lean on the community’s effort to survive in conditions where no protection from the state and its institutions is ever possible, where vast and boundless territories (of the Eurasian Steppe, in the case of Ukraine) have for a while been poorly-populated, yet rich in natural resources, and military conflicts have been a routine. Spatial boundlessness generates respective freedom (unlimitedness) of choosing a behavior pattern. However, the conditions of a vast borderline and a life-threatening environment make people adjust; they become essential for the emergence of traditions which secure the survival of the whole group neglecting the life of an individual. Being in the area of influence of the Ottoman Empire, Rzeczpospolita Polska, and later of the Russian Empire, the population of the South-Ukrainian frontier developed its * Ph. D. (History), Associate Professor, Dnipro Oles Honchar National University – Department for History of Ukraine, skaiuk22@gmail.com 1 В. Брехуненко, Козаки на степовому кордоні Європи: Типологія козацьких спільнот XVI – першої половини XVII ст., К., 2011; С. Леп’явко, Великий Кордон Європи як фактор становлення українського козацтва (XVI ст.), Запоріжжя: РА «Тандем-У», 2001; В. В. Грибовський, «Поняття “фронтир” і “азійський кордон” як інструменти дослідження українського степового порубіжжя ХVI–ХVIII ст.», Наукові записки. Збірник праць молодих вчених та аспірантів, Т. 25, К.: Інститут української археографії та джерелознавства ім. М. Грушевського НАН України, 2012, с. 109–136. 193 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies own behavior patterns. A frontier person is able to quickly adapt to new living environment, to be comfortable with neighbor language and culture, which are often different, but not strange. The second half of the 18th century was marked with significant geopolitical challenges and changes in the region. Frequent Russo-Turkish wars, establishment of state borders and their constant change led to the reduction of the territory which had for a while been considered a frontier. In such conditions, borderline communities either had to vanish, or to be transformed via developing new behavior patterns. The rise of state bodies – Russian ones in SouthUkrainian case (borderline institutions, customs, quarantine outposts) – at first induced migration to other states, where frontier conditions had still been preserved.2 Zaporozhian Cossacks of the 18th century experienced that from the Crimean Khanate and Ottoman Empire. Political alliances existing between Crimean khan, Ottoman sultan, Zaporizhian Sich kosh otamans, Left-bank Ukraine hetmans were not surprising for contemporaries. The history of Kamyanka and Oleshkivka Sich, the first political emigration on the Danube should have somewhat transformed a traditional historiographical image of Cossacks as defenders of the Orthodox world, respectively, as “dedicated fighters against hostile Muslims”. However, political and military victories of the Russian Empire of the late 18th – early 19th century ensured stability of historical myths that had been reinforced by the Soviet Union with respective antiMuslim rhetoric and moved to the level of everyday-life intolerance. And such myths, as it is known, are hard to destroy. Yet, historical sources document the Crimean and Ottoman migration routes of the SouthUkrainian population as the most desirable in the late 18th – early 19th century. Thus, Turkic Muslim world with respective cultural values and lifestyle was not strange for Zaporizhian Cossacks. Regularly being at the intersection of two (sometimes three) worlds and cultural dimensions – Muslim and Christian (in the form of Catholic Rzeczpospolita Polska and Orthodox, primarily, the Tsardom of Muscovy, and later the Russian Empire), Zaporozhian Cossacks developed their own lifestyle where frontier standards predominated and neighbor cultural values did not cause trouble. So, the Cossacks felt comfortable with and did not С. С. Андрєєва, «Організація боротьби з чумою на запорозько-татарському прикордонні за часів Нової Січі», Південна Україна XVIII–XIX ст. Записки науково-дослідної лабораторії історії Південної України ЗДУ, Запоріжжя, 1999, Вип. 4(5), с. 143–151; Ю. І. Головко, Впровадження та розвиток митної мережі на півдні України (остання чверть XVIII – перша половина ХІХ ст.), Дніпропетровськ, 2002; Джерела з історії Південної України, Т. 8, Формування митної мережі Південної України (1775–1819) / Упоряд. Ю. Головко, Запоріжжя: «Тандем-У», 2007; С. Каюк, «Карантинні установи як інституції, або фронтирне населення в нових державних умовах», Чорноморська минувшина: Записки Відділу історії козацтва на півдні України, Одеса, Вип. 11, 2016, с. 24–38. 2 194 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE consider strange and other totally opposite dimensions, which at an immediate encounter are seen as hostile and create a respective image of a foe (Christians to Muslims and vice versa). The documents of the New Sich Kosh (1734-1775) give evidence of a typical neighbor routine mostly determined by frontier life conditions. In the case of early drought or hot spring, the Tatars would come to the Kosh and receive a positive response as to cattle grazing on the lands of the Zaporizhian Host. Poor Cossacks would often hire out to work for the Tatars. Single investigative committees would resolve various disputes as to robberies committed both by the Cossacks, and the Tatars on both sides of a conventional border.3 Since 1775, the situation for the South-Ukrainian population became more complicated, as the Zaporizhian Sich had been liquidated. Yet, forward-looking (another essential trait of a frontier person who is used to surviving in various conditions) Cossacks, who actively participated in the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774 in favor of the Russian Army, stayed in the Ottoman Empire. The Danube expeditions of the Russian Army more clearly indicated the territories where it was easier to preserve Cossack lifestyle. Natural environment and a possibility of fishing perfectly matched conditions typical for Zaporozhian Cossacks. Even now, the mouth of the Danube can hide fishermen looking for isolation. In the late 18th century, these outskirts of the Ottoman Empire were not only poorly-populated, but also poorlycontrolled by the local Ottoman government, not to mention the central government. The crisis of the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century exerted impact, first of all, on the government system, as local Ayans confronted the central government.4 The Danube region was fevered in the same way. So the Cossacks had to prove useful as military power. In 1774, the Zadunaisky Kosh of Zaporizhians appeared, and a part of the Cossacks did not return from the Danube expedition.5 It is important to emphasize that it was the expedition of the Russian Army, and the Cossacks were fighting under the military leadership of Russian commanders against the Turks. But in Архів Коша Нової Запорозької Січі. Корпус документів 1734–1775, Т. 2 / Упоряд.: Гісцова Л. З., Автономов Д. Л., Демченко Л. Я., Дрозд Є. І. та ін. К., 2000. 4 А. Д. Бачинський, Січ Задунайська. 1775–1828. Історико-документальний нарис, Одеса: «Гермес», 1994; О. Бачинська, Козацтво в “післякозацьку” добу української історії (кінець XVІІІ – ХІХ ст.), К.: Вища школа, 2011; О. Бачинська, О. А. Бачинська, «Запорозька Січ в Османській імперії на межі ХVІІІ і ХІХ ст.: трансформація військово-політичного устрою і завдань (за документами османської та російської адміністрацій)», Україна в Центрально-Східній Європі, Вип. 17: Ювілейний збірник на пошану доктора історичних наук, професора Валерія Степанкова, К., 2017, с. 243–253; С. Каюк, «Османські провінційні урядовці і задунайські запорожці в кінці XVIII – на початку XIX ст.», Чорноморська минувшина, Одеса, Вип. 4, 2009, с. 52–54; С. Каюк, «Задунайська Січ: участь запорожців у політичних подіях Османської імперії кінця XVIII–початку XІХ ст.», Uluslararası Türkiye-Ukrayna İlişkileri Sempozyumu: Kazak Dönemi (1500–1800) Bildiriler (Взаємини між Україною та Туреччиною: козацька доба (1500–1800 рр.), Збірник матеріалів Міжнародної наукової конференції, İstanbul «Çamlıca», 2015, s. 803–812. 5 О. Рябінін-Скляревський, «Запорізькі бунти дунайців 1771–1774 рр. і початок Задунайського Коша», Науковий збірник УАН, К., Т. 26, 1927, с. 65–83. 3 195 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies the course of their military victory, they decided to stay under the Turks. The Russian headquarter noticed Mazepa’s spirit (this very expression is found in appropriate documents) during the Cossacks’ uprisings against the position of authoritative scribes who sought to accumulate power, received food supplies, money and took care of procurement in their campaigns.6 Although the Cossacks’ uprisings against such unusual control would often end in victory, a part of them anyway stayed at the Danube and did not return to the New Sich Kosh. Thus, a foe-Turk, who is more than a stranger, but has just been fought with, immediately turned into a friend, who partners in the war. This, again, was not hindered by language or religion. Since 1775, the population that had put the most effort into preserving Cossack lifestyle (indeed, the poorest one) and occupying the lands of the Zaporizhian Host located on the Dnieper, moved to the Danube neglecting the fact that new lands would be patroned and protected by the Ottoman sultan. The archives record the examples of Zaporozhian and Black Sea Cossacks’ conversion to Islam, which may testify to relative indifference towards religion and personal faith.7 Interestingly, the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainarji, which dates back to 1774 and is primarily known as a treaty that established new borders and Crimean Khanate’s independence from the Ottoman Empire, contained crucial conditions for frontier population. Thus, article 2 of the Treaty applied to criminals, betrayers and similar people from the other side of the border, who by no means should have been accepted. On the contrary, according to the Treaty, it was an obligation to bring such people back. There was only one exception for those “who accepted the Christian Law in the Russian Empire and Mohammed’s Law in the Ottoman Empire”.8 Otherwise, such people were declared criminals; respectively, the state that was hiding them had to be referred to as the one that violated the treaty and triggered the aggravation of diplomatic situation. So, since 1775, Zaporizhian Cossacks, who had joined the Ottoman Empire and soon formed the Zadunais’ka Sich, became criminals. Conversion was still the major opportunity to avoid misunderstanding when changing citizenship. Obviously, such cases were not rare. О. Рябінін-Скляревський, «Запорізькі бунти дунайців 1771–1774 рр. і початок Задунайського Коша», с. 65–83. 7 Д. Сень, «Фронтирные элиты и проблема стабилизации границ Российской и Османской империй в первой трети XVIII в.: деятельность кубанского сераскера Бахты-Гирея», Україна в Центрально-Східній Європі, Вип. 9–10, К., 2010, с. 193–226; Д. Сень, «Российско-османские пограничные отношения на Северо-Западном Кавказе рубежа XVIII–XIX вв.: “притяжение” Анапы», Покликання. Збірник праць на пошану професора о. Юрія Мицика / Редкол. П. Сохань, А. Бойко, В. Брехуненко та ін., К., 2011, с. 124– 133; Д. Сень, «Казаки-перелеты», Родина – Российский иллюстрированный журнал, 2010, с. 63–65. 8 Полное собрание законов Российской империи, Т. XIX, № 141641830, СПб., с. 958. Полное собрание законов Российской империи. – СПб., 1830. – Т. XIX. - № 14164. – С. 958. 6 196 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The documents of the New Sich Kosh archive record the example of frontier population behavior pattern, whereby the population somewhat changes its actions as the state borders approach. A rapid change of citizenship remains an old constituent of such pattern, while a new one lies in the need (at first, voluntary) to record it in borderline institutions primarily of the Russian Government as well as to use vocabulary and clichés appropriate for local government officials. At that very time, the Russian Empire started to introduce itself in the global arena as “a defender of all Orthodox Christians from Muslims”, thus asserting the right to invade the Ottoman lands. In order to get an official status (which had not existed before, either), the Zaporozhians (or those who called themselves this way) had to explain their actions in a way the Russian government officials wanted to hear. The New Sich Kosh archive contains examples of Zaporozhians’ behavior, whereby they would, first of all, hire out in the Crimean Khanate, and convert to Islam to make their lives easier. Having committed a crime against their owner, they would return to the lands of the Zaporizhian Host and claim that they had been forcefully converted to Islam.9 Under the Russo-Turkish opposition, this explanation would be an immediate justification. We can also assume that a criminal always seeks to be unnoticed, to be like everybody else. So, the behavior pattern implying a frequent change of religion (not beliefs) was typical. In the last quarter of 18th – early 19th century, the Russo-Turkish wars took place almost every ten years, and the situation in the region was tense as never before. The wars were accompanied not just by the emergence of state borders where they had never been found, but by their rapid change. Actual frontier conditions decreased and would quickly disappear. Respectively, migration flows to both sides accelerated. The Cossacks were looking for homelike places. Thus, under the emergence of state, the frontier population started to demonstrate non-typical traits, such as traditionalism, unwillingness to change, as those changes meant the acceptance of a new lifestyle. Through frequent replacement of state owners, the frontier population demonstrated its connection to their home, which is associated with customary law and own understanding of lifestyle surrounded by the Cossack spirit. An encounter with state that had an aggressive and conservative, retarded (as to the late 18th – early 19th century and comparing to frontier that was ahead of historical time) administrative model, yet impressive magnitude and a powerful military government system, had to push the frontier population, which was mobile enough, to look for the ways to survive. 9 Архів Коша Нової Запорозької Січі. Корпус документів 1734–1775, Т. 2, с. 227–248. 197 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Under these conditions, the meaning of self and other changes very frequently. Interestingly, the war, which always produces a clear image of an enemy, shows a potential ally to a frontier person. So, a Turk quickly turns into friend, the same about everything Ottoman and Muslim. Minor military “misunderstandings”, borderline conflicts, robberies were a routine for the frontier. A full-scale war involving regular military units generated a big hope for the continuation of a traditional lifestyle in a form of Cossack units. The frontier elite – the former Cossack officials – took advantage of such opportunities to achieve their desires, i.e. to find their place in the new environment, to preserve property advantage, to stay on their lands. They had something to lose; consequently, a search for the unknown destiny under coexistence with a radically different state system – the Ottoman – was risky and did not meet the requirements of numerous representatives of the former Cossack officials. The Russian government officials provoke their ideas allowing them, and sometimes even encouraging them through own military needs, to create new Cossack units. Over the past decades, modern Ukrainian historians have done enough research into Cossack units, which emerged in the South-Ukrainian region in the late 18th – early 19th century.10 They mean Cossack units like Buh unit (1785-1798, 1803-1817), Katerinoslav unit (1787-1796), Ust-Dunaisk unit (1807), Dunaisk unit (1828-1869), etc., which did not exist for a long time. The years of their emergence are often associated with the onset of the subsequent Russo-Turkish war, that is, they testify to the Russian government officials’ efforts to sort of solve the “Cossack issue” in order to encourage them to join the Russian Army. The years of liquidation of such armies clearly emphasize their genuine intentions. Obviously, the quality and the quantity of the frontier population’s contacts with the representatives of state institutions become more compacted. Previously “shy” population starts to “speak” a language of official documents, as it is forced to do so. From the very beginning, the sufficiently mobile frontier population has started to move even faster, despite the fact that the emergences of borderline institutions challenged this process. Relevant reports from quarantine outposts, customs, and borderline guards testify to a two-sided migration of the same individuals.11 Those who used to not waste their time on limiting the choice of residence now wanted to go through state institutions (which, indeed, could be easily avoided) in order to receive a legal status. А. Д. Бачинський, О. А. Бачинська, Козацтво на Півдні України. 1775–1869, Одеса: Маяк, 1995; О. А. Бачинська, Дунайське козацьке військо. 1828–1868 рр. (До 170-річчя заснування), Одеса: Астропринт, 1998; Р. Шиян, Козацтво Південної України в останній чверті ХVІІІ cт., Запоріжжя, 1998. 11 State Archives of Odessa Region (hereinafter – SAOR), H. 1, Ser. 218, Rec. 4 from 1805; SAOR, H. 1, Ser. 214, Rec. 5 from 1824; SAOR, H. 1, Ser. 214, Rec. 23 from 1816; Russian State Archive of Military History (hereinafter – RSAMH), H. 14209, Ser. 5/165, L. 32, Rec. 41., P. 2; RSAMH, H. AMS, Rec. 997. 10 198 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE In the late 18th century, the Ottoman line was predominating as the most desirable for the population of the former lands of the Zaporizhian Host. The center of gravity fell on Ochakiv, later Anapa, and Danube lands. The early 19th century was marked with a more intensive reemigration from the Ottoman lands to the Russian Empire. It was particularly noticeable in Pridunaisky region. A successful policy of the Russian government officials, who dealt with several internal matters (first of all, region population), was implemented in a numerous increase of “Zadunaisky emigrants” with respective benefits, and thus promoted migration in both directions. In this regard, a highlight is the history of the Zadunais’ka Sich, which would often become a sort of a “staging” area. The people who called themselves Cossacks had to first of all cross the Danube, stay there for a bit in order to return to Russia, but at this time as a “Zadunaisky emigrant” with respective benefits.12 A part of Zadunaisky Cossacks, who were tempted by the promises of the Russian government officials and returned to Russia in spring 1807 (mostly because of the onset of the subsequent Russo-Turkish war) in order to become the basis for Ust-Dunaisk Budja Host formation, had Galatz and Kiliya as their destinations. A kosh major Podlesetskiy, newlyappointed by the Russian military authorities (and not selected by the community!), sent a letter to the Kiliya fortress custodian (a newly-reconquered Turkish fortress) with a request to help an Orthodox priest who accompanied the Cossacks to sanctify the mosque to perform “sacred rituals of the Russian church” in honor of “the Holy Cross”.13 In this new church, all Cossacks were supposed to be brought to Christian rituals and repentance, while betrayers were brought to an oath. These requirements and related consequences had to radically change the behavior pattern. Examples could be found anywhere: the need to follow the orders of appointed people who were possibly absolutely strange for the Cossack community; strict control from the side of the Russian officials; the need to find excuses for previously regular actions that would presently evoke a hostile response (impossibility to accept to the Host all those approved by the community, especially when it came to former serfs, Russian army deserters etc.), and similar things that testify to one fact only: indeed, the South-Ukrainian region of the late 18th – early 19th century no longer lived in the frontier conditions. The “transparency” and conventionality of state borders as well as a possibility to be unnoticed in the region that was poorly controlled by the authorities produced a feeling and a 12 Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (hereinafter – AFP RF), H. 312, Rec. 191; AFP RF, H. 312, Rec. 2; RSAMH, H. AMS, Rec. 348. 13 RSAMH, H. 14209, Ser.5/165, L. 32, Rec. 41, P. 2, Sh. 6. 199 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies hope for the possibility to continue with a traditional lifestyle of the frontier population. Consequently, the archives are full of the Cossacks’ expectations and respective Russian officials’ promises to preserve “the previous law”, “our Zaporozhye”, which no one planned to fulfill.14 Obviously, the Cossacks were fully aware of that as they suggested in the document that they were “natural Russians”. The people, who got used to manipulating through words to gain a short-term advantage, quickly realized that the need to record their “tricks” on paper actually meant a complete change of the situation. Another example lies in the fact that, as Russia gained access to the Danube with respective claims to the Balkans and the Orthodox population of the Ottoman Empire, religious rhetoric in the documents increased: the Cossacks, who came from the Danube depicted themselves as fighters for the Christian faith against a common enemy.15 The “closing” of the South-Ukrainian part of the frontier was simultaneously accompanied by the resolution of the Turk population issue, which, under the seizure of the former lands of the Crimean Khanate and Ottoman Empire and a rapid, powerful emergence of the Russian government, was also forced to look for new lands and seek new fate. It is significant that, when dealing with Crimean Tatars and their military groups, the Russian officials chose the frontier model: in 1784, Catherine II signed a personalized decree (based on G. Potyomkin’s project) on the establishment of Crimean-Tatar Cossack Host (5 battalions of over 1000 people in total).16 The Cossack status was highlighted by the position of an acting otaman. In 1787, during the Russo-Turkish war, four more battalions were added. In 1796, the Crimean-Tatar Cossack Host was eliminated. After the conquest of Budjak in 1791, the majority of Nogais agreed to emigrate to Molochni Vody and to the Crimea. However, a part of them crossed the then border and moved to Ismail Pasha Peglevan. A couple of years later, when the war of 1806-1812 broke out, an Ismail city administrator S. Tuchkov (a representative of the Russian government) was in charge of the emigration of Turks who were willing to return to their previous places. Another part of the population of former Turkish fortresses emigrated to the Yekaterinoslav and Kherson Governorates as prisoners of war (the documents indicate the names of Yelisavetgrad and 14 SAOR, H. 1, Ser. 218, Rec. 2 from 1807, Sh. 72. RSAMH, H. 14209, Ser. 5/165, L. 56, Rec. 1. 16 О. Бачинська, «Військо кримсько-татарське», Енциклопедія історії України: у 10 т. / Редкол.: В. А. Смолій (голова) та ін.; Інститут історії України НАН України, Т. 1, К: Наукова думка, 2003, с. 545. 15 200 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Verkhnyodniprovs’k counties etc.). According to E. Richelieu, in November 1807, the Kherson and Yekaterinoslav Governorates were populated by 15 366 Turks and Tatars.17 Upon signing the Treaty of Bucharest in 1812, Russia’s seizure of Bessarabia and establishment of the Danube border, the Danube mouths remained a typical frontier territory. Item 4 of this Treaty stated that all Danube islands, from Ismail to the Black Sea, had remained unadopted and had to be unpopulated.18 However, an archive with an expressive title “On division of the Danube islands” reflects a routine nature of such a small territory, which yet managed to completely preserve the frontier conditions. Russian officials gave evidence of this territory’s being populated by “Turkish-subject Kuban Cossacks”, “Turkish-subject Zaporozhian Cossacks”, “fishermen from different wandering nations and industrialists”, who built “mud huts, tipis, huts, kurins” encouraging the escape to these islands of people from both sides of the border and promoting dangerous actions, such as robbery, desertion, peasants’ escape, etc. Russian diplomats’ efforts to fix the situation were ineffective, took years and lasted from 1816 till 1828, until the point when the subsequent Russo-Turkish war broke out. It is interesting to mention the remarks of Turkish officials arguing that they could not put the Danube islands in order as those fishermen themselves emphasized their Russian citizenship, had an appropriate permission from Russian officials, yet caused a lot of trouble through their activity.19 That is why, it is not hard to guess that a state belonging, just like the Cossack status, changed depending on the country whose borderline guards would catch those fishermen. Thus, in the late 18th – early 19th century, the frontier conditions in the South-Ukrainian region rapidly disappeared, yet, their repercussions had been noticeable for numerous decades. Getting smaller in territory, the frontier encouraged its population to move faster and change citizenship more frequently: it could be Russian or Turkish, but the main idea was to preserve own lifestyle. Following the emergence of state borders, the behavior developed new traits, and the people were willing to be officially recognized in respective bodies of the Russian government; they sought to confirm their migration on paper and in official documents with the help of vocabulary that was convincing for Russian officials; they were looking for enhanced religious rhetoric that would proportionally match the enhancement of the Russian Empire’s role of a “defender of all Orthodox Christians”. At the same time, in the late 18th century, the Ottoman emigration line predominated, just like the readiness to adopt Turk languages, Islam О. Бачинська, Османські фортеці Буджака на межі XVIII–XIX ст.: залоги й їхній склад / Наук. ред. О. Г. Середа; Переклад на турецьку: Ю. Сагайдак, Я. Колесник, НАН України Інститут історії України, Одеса: Астропринт, 2013, 168 с. 18 SAOR, H. 1, Ser. 214, Rec. 23 from 1816, Sh. 19. 19 SAOR,, H. 1, Ser. 214, Rec. 23 rom 1816, Sh. 160. 17 201 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies as religion (not friendly, yet not hostile); the friend-or-foe image changed as frequently as before, which is always the case in the frontier, and a full-scale war only served this purpose. BIBLIOGRAPHY ANDRYЕYЕVA S. S., «Orhanizatsiya borot'by z chumoyu na zaporoz'ko-tatars'komu prykordonni za chasiv Novoyi Sichi», Pivdenna Ukrayina XVIII–XIX st. Zapysky naukovodoslidnoyi laboratoriyi istoriyi Pivdennoyi Ukrayiny ZDU, Zaporizhzhya, 1999, Vyp. 4(5), s. 143–151. Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, H. 312, Rec. 2, 191. Arkhiv Kosha Novoyi Zaporoz'koyi Sichi. Korpus dokumentiv 1734–1775, T. 2 / Uporyad.: Histsova L. Z., Avtonomov D. L., Demchenko L. Ya., Drozd Ye. I. ta in., K., 2000. BACHYNS'KA O. A., Dunays'ke kozats'ke viys'ko. 1828–1868 rr. (Do 170-richchya zasnuvannya), Odesa: Astroprynt, 1998. BACHYNS'KA O., BACHYNS'KA O. A, «Zaporoz'ka Sich v Osmans'kiy imperiyi na mezhi ХVІІІ і ХІХ st.: transformatsiya viys'kovo-politychnoho ustroyu i zavdan' (za dokumentamy osmans'koyi ta rosiys'koyi administratsiy)», Ukrayina v Tsentral'no-Skhidniy Yevropi, Vyp. 17: Yuvileynyy zbirnyk na poshanu doktora istorychnykh nauk, profesora Valeriya Stepankova, K., 2017, s. 243–253. BACHYNS'KA O., «Viys'ko kryms'ko-tatars'ke», Entsyklopediya istoriyi Ukrayiny: u 10 t. / Redkol.: V. A. Smoliy (holova) ta in.; Instytut istoriyi Ukrayiny NAN Ukrayiny, T. 1, K: Naukova dumka, 2003, s. 545. BACHYNS'KA O., Kozatstvo v “pislyakozats'ku” dobu ukrayins'koyi istoriyi (kinets' XVIII – ХІХ st.), K.: Vyshcha shkola, 2011. BACHYNS'KA O., Osmans'ki fortetsi Budzhaka na mezhi XVIII–XIX st.: zalohy y yikhniy sklad / Nauk. red. O. H. Sereda; Pereklad na turets'ku: Yu. Sahaydak, Ya. Kolesnyk, NAN Ukrayiny Instytut istoriyi Ukrayiny, Odesa: Astroprynt, 2013, 168 s. BACHYNS'KYY A. D., BACHYNS'KA O. A., Kozatstvo na Pivdni Ukrayiny. 1775– 1869, Odesa: Mayak, 1995. BACHYNS'KYY A. D., Sich Zadunays'ka. 1775–1828. Istoryko-dokumental'nyy narys, Odesa: «Hermes», 1994. BREKHUNENKO V., Kozaky na stepovomu kordoni Yevropy: Typolohiya kozats'kykh spil'not XVI – pershoyi polovyny XVII st., K., 2011. 202 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE HOLOVKO Yu. I., Vprovadzhennya ta rozvytok mytnoyi merezhi na pivdni Ukrayiny (ostannya chvert' XVIII – persha polovyna ХІХ st.), Dnipropetrovs'k, 2002. HRYBOVS'KYY V. V., «Ponyattya “frontyr” i “aziys'kyy kordon” yak instrumenty doslidzhennya ukrayins'koho stepovoho porubizhzhya ХVI–ХVIII st.», Naukovi zapysky. Zbirnyk prats' molodykh vchenykh ta aspirantiv, T. 25, K.: Instytut ukrayins'koyi arkheohrafiyi ta dzhereloznavstva im. M. Hrushevs'koho NAN Ukrayiny, 2012, s. 109–136. Dzherela z istoriyi Pivdennoyi Ukrayiny, T. 8, Formuvannya mytnoyi merezhi Pivdennoyi Ukrayiny (1775–1819) / Uporyad. Yu. Holovko, Zaporizhzhya: «Tandem-U», 2007. KAYUK S., «Zadunays'ka Sich: uchast' zaporozhtsiv u politychnykh podiyakh Osmans'koyi imperiyi kintsya XVIII–pochatku XIX st.», Uluslararası Türkiye-Ukrayna İlişkileri Sempozyumu: Kazak Dönemi (1500–1800) Bildiriler (Vzayemyny mizh Ukrayinoyu ta Turechchynoyu: kozats'ka doba (1500–1800 rr.), Zbirnyk materialiv Mizhnarodnoyi naukovoyi konferentsiyi, İstanbul «Çamlıtsa», 2015, s. 803–812. KAYUK S., «Karantynni ustanovy yak instytutsiyi, abo frontyrne naselennya v novykh derzhavnykh umovakh», Chornomors'ka mynuvshyna: Zapysky Viddilu istoriyi kozatstva na pivdni Ukrayiny, Odesa, Vyp. 11, 2016, s. 24–38. KAYUK S., «Osmans'ki provintsiyni uryadovtsi i zadunays'ki zaporozhtsi v kintsi XVIII – na pochatku XIX st.», Chornomors'ka mynuvshyna, Odesa, Vyp. 4, 2009, s. 52–54. LEP'YAVKO S., Velykyy Kordon Yevropy yak faktor stanovlennya ukrayins'koho kozatstva (XVI st.), Zaporizhzhya: RA «Tandem-U», 2001. Russian State Archive of Military History (hereinafter – RSAMH), H. 14209, Ser. 5/165, L. 32, Rec. 41., P. 2. RSAMH, H. 14209, Ser. 5/165, L. 56, Rec. 1. RSAMH, H. AMS, Rec. 348, 997. RYABININ-SKLYAREVS'KYY O., «Zaporiz'ki bunty dunaytsiv 1771–1774 rr. i pochatok Zadunays'koho Kosha», Naukovyy zbirnyk UAN, K., T. 26, 1927, s. 65–83. SEN' D., «Kazaki-perelety», Rodina – Rossiyskiy illyustrirovannyy zhurnal, 2010, s. 63– 65. SEN' D., «Rossiysko-osmanskie pogranichnye otnosheniya na Severo-Zapadnom Kavkaze rubezha XVIII–XIX vv.: “prityazhenie” Anapy», Poklykannya. Zbirnyk prats' na poshanu profesora o. Yuriya Mytsyka / Redkol. P. Sokhan', A. Boyko, V. Brekhunenko ta in., K., 2011, s. 124–133. 203 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies SEN' D., «Frontirnye elity i problema stabilizatsii granits Rossiyskoy i Osmanskoy imperiy v pervoy treti XVIII v.: deyatel'nost' kubanskogo seraskera Bakhty-Gireya», Ukrayina v Tsentral'no-Skhidniy Yevropi, Vyp. 9–10, K., 2010, s. 193–226. SHYYAN R., Kozatstvo Pivdennoyi Ukrayiny v ostanniy chverti ХVІІІ ct., Zaporizhzhya, 1998. State Archive of Odessa Region (hereinafter – SAOR), H. 1, Ser. 214, Rec. 5 rom 1824 SAOR, H. 1, Ser. 214, Rec. 23 from 1816 SAOR, H. 1, Ser. 218, Rec. 2 from 1807 SAOR, H. 1, Ser. 218, Rec. 4 from 1805 Polnoe sobranie zakonov Rossiyskoy imperii, T. XIX, № 141641830, SPb., s. 958. 204 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 205 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 206 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Istanbul Memories of a Future Ecclesiastic – Jan Gnatowski’s ‘Letters from Constantinople’ (1883) Maciej MIELNIK* Introduction As a city of a long and complicated history as well as symbolic importance for many nations, Istanbul has always been an object of interest for travellers. The 19th century was in this regard of particular significance as it was the time when the mass tourism in Europe had flourished. By these means, it was the century when travelling gained scientific dimensions and the art of performing this activity became subject to scientific research (Filipowska, 2014, p. 536). Although the Eastern themes were present in the European culture obviously some centuries before, it is the 19th century that became a space for the European Orientalism to develop. It is the time when the Ottoman Empire, and particularly Istanbul, is “still easy to reach but already exotic” for the European travellers. This fact coincided with the then pro-Western attitude of the Empire, which facilitated much the intellectual and cultural transfers (Filipowska, 2017, p. 22). It is clearly the case for the Polish intellectuals as well.1 As a Turkish historian Hacer Topaktaş Üstüner reminds, among other neighbouring countries it was Poland to send envoys to the Sublime Porte most frequently (Topaktaş, 2014, p. VI). The first Polish missions to Istanbul were established already after the conquest of the polis in the middle of the 15th century.2 Hence, hundreds-of-years-old mutual relations in politics and trade provided a breeding ground for cultural exchange and all manner of interest among the Polish intelligentsia fascinated by the so-called Orient. * Lecturer, Istanbul University, Istanbul. 1 For a deeper insight into the Eastern themes in the 19 th-century Polish memoirs see: Filipowska, Zając, 2015. 2 The actual first-ever Polish legation to the Ottoman Empire took place nearly four decades before the Fall of Constantinople, that is, in 1414 (see Długosz, 1997, pp. 418–419). 207 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The Pole as a Homo Viator However, it is important to mention that it was not only the Orientalist sentiments to attract Poles to Istanbul. Since the second half of the 18th century, Poland (more precisely the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth) had been undergoing the tragic experience of partitions conducted by Russia, Prussia and Austria.3 In this way, as from the last Partition of Poland in 1795 until the proclamation of the Second Polish Republic in 1918, the country ceased to exist on the maps as an independent state for 123 years. The annexations had naturally vast consequences for the Polish culture. One of them was the phenomenon of the Great Emigration. Together with the failure of the uprisings led against the occupying powers, especially after the November Uprising (1830–1831), most of the Polish cultural and political elites migrated to other countries. Such circumstances let them establish numerous political factions in exile, keeping their impact on the Polish cause, which was mostly dominated by the struggle to gain diplomatic support on the international stage and prepare the ground for the future independence of the country. What is particular in this case, among the chief destinations there was not only Paris or London, as it might be deduced from the popular historiography, but also Istanbul, which had at that time just become witness to the modernising Ottoman Empire (Zubrzycki, 1953, p. 248). The “Polish” Istanbul The socio-historical context in which Jan Gnatowski decides to travel to Istanbul is a particular one. Back in the partitioned Poland he must have heard a lot about the city from his compatriots, whose friends were most probably already around Istanbul. In 1842, Adam Czartoryski, the Chairman of the Polish National Uprising Government, founded a Polish settlement near Istanbul called Adampol (Polonezköy). Following the establishment of the colony, the Revolutions of 1848 as well as the Crimean War in 1853, the Polish presence on the Bosporus started to increase. However, it was not only Adampol where the Polish people lived. After French and Italians, Poles had in fact represented the major group among the émigrés in the 19th-century Istanbul inhabiting the neighbourhoods of Tatavla (today’s Kurtuluş) and Pera (in today’s Beyoğlu). Some researchers suggest that the number of Poles living at that time in the city might have even reached seven thousand.4 Although it is The First Partition of Poland took place in 1772 (between Russia, Prussia and Austria); the Second – in 1793 (Russia and Prussia); the Third – in 1795 (Russia, Prussia and Austria). 4 Friedrich Schrader (1865–1922), a German Philologist and Orientalist, provides in his work a number of 7000 Polish émigrés in Istanbul (Schrader, 1917, p. 180–184). 3 208 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE hard to prove to what extent the given numbers are realistic, the very fact that one of the streets was named after poet Adam Mickiewicz (1798–1855), another was Leh Sokağı (“Polish Street”)5 and the area formed around it would be called by the local community Leh Mahallesi (“Polish Quarter”), seems to be self-evident (Dominik, 2015, p. 93). The Author’s Background Jan ‘Łada’ Gnatowski (1855–1925) was born in Skarżynówka6 in a landowning family. After finishing secondary education in Odessa and Riga, he went to Cracow to pursue a course in the Department of Philosophy at the Jagiellonian University. After graduating he decided to travel to the East and Italy to do research in the field of Art History. Between 1882 and 1884, he lived in Warsaw where he published his memories from Istanbul, after which he moved to Innsbruck to study Theology. In consequence, he took the Holy Orders in 1887. He worked as a secretary at the Apostolic Nunciature to Munich until 1890, when he moved to Lviv to become a vicar at the St. Anthony’s Church and a school catechist. He stayed active in the city’s cultural and social life. However, after his health problems developed, he moved back to Warsaw where he died in 1925 (Kleiner, 1925, p. 865; Konopczyński, 1958, p. 139). Being awarded the titles of prelate and chamberlain, Jan Gnatowski was an ecclesiastical dignitary of high rank. During his life he made trips to Italy, Turkey, Austria and Bavaria as well, where he met many intellectuals considered as important figures among the local cultural elites (Sarnecki, 1895, p. 236). He was quite a productive and comprehensive author too. Not only has he published many critical works on literature in numerous literary journals but also he has written many travelogues, memories, short stories and novels having spiritual, fantasy fiction and historical themes typical for the 19th-century literature (Seliga, 2015, pp. 14–53). The Author’s Trajectory Jan Gnatowski’s memories start already in the cosmopolitan Odessa, where he boards a ship to Istanbul. It is in the time when the city is home to approximately seventeen thousand Poles migrated after the collapsed uprisings and expropriation of their wealth by the occupying powers at the end of the 18th century (Ciesielski, 2010, p. 84). Gnatowski’s stay in Odessa as well as the sea voyage itself is an occasion to make many observations providing the reader with an idea of Gnatowski’s worldview. The ship passes 5 6 Today’s Nur-u Ziya Sokağı. Today Тополівка (Вінницька область) in Ukraine. 209 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies through the Bosporus to finally dock near the Galata Bridge (then Cisr-i Cedid) on the Golden Horn. While on ship Gnatowski naturally mentioned Büyükdere, Beykoz, Balta Limanı, Anadolu Hisarı, Kandilli, Bebek, Çengelkoy and Ortaköy. After disembarking, he sees literally the whole 19th-cenutry Istanbul, however the exact amount of time he spent in the city remains unknown. An Escapist Impulse Although, at the beginning, Gnatowski’s travelogue in terms of the discourse does not seem to be very different to the ones written by other travellers in similar period, the interesting part of the story can be read between the lines while describing the places and buildings the traveller sees and people he meets.7 Taking into consideration his future decision to take Holy Orders, which will surprise his circle (Kleiner, 1925, p. 865), the conclusions that can be drawn from his memories gain new dimensions. From the lecture of the travelogue the reader can clearly understand Gnatowski’s big displeasure at the fact of the ethical and moral decay among the new generation, decline of the traditional values and the progressing urbanisation: In contact with the cosmopolitan world without God, homeland and ideals, the memories, traditions and beliefs taught at home gradually blur. The young generation grows without knowing them completely, becoming foreign to the land and faith of their fathers and wild as the grass on the Kherson steppe (Gnatowski, 1883, p. 8). While recalling his memories from the past, when Odessa was closer to nature, Gnatowski criticises the fast development of thee city: There was a time when only the sea was seen – along with the opposite shore of the land, on the other side of the bay. I remember it well. I was a child then and I would spend long hours on the boulevard [...] the boulevard was different then, the trees grew freely [...]. Now everything has changed (Gnatowski, 1883, p. 13). What also worth noting is that after he boards the ship, many of his co-travellers ask him the purpose of his journey to Istanbul. They complain a lot about this Ottoman city, which as they say, is chaotic and backward and do not have any good cafés or theatres either. They are surprised that anyone might plan to come to Istanbul for a different purpose than trade. This is how Gnatowski responses these comments: Sylwia Filipowska analyses the patterns of similarities between Polish travellers’ first impressions about Istanbul (Filipowska, 2012, pp. 31–48). 7 210 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Dear gentlemen, I am not going there to look at the streets straight as a rope or to admire the progress of the port engineering. I am suffocating by these English fringes and Rembrandt style hats, in this monotonously gray and convergent atmosphere of our civilised world, above which even the sun rarely shines with honesty. I wanted to get away, just for a moment, to forget and let my imagination run free, bathe in the rays of lights and hot colours that I had been longing for, longing for a life different to everyday, among bright rags and the corners of an Eastern city winding capriciously (Gnatowski, 1883, p. 28). As it can be deduced, Gnatowski desires to see Istanbul regardless some of the 19thcentury stereotypes. It is also possible to assume that he seems to be tired of the European conventionality and is planning to escape to a different world, which he evidently sees more dynamic, sensual and, in consequence, closer to the human nature. Criticism of the Lifestyle “Alla Franca” Gnatowski criticises a lot the European community of Istanbul living in Pera and Galata. Although he speaks well of the Levantines, it is not the case for the “Frankish” society, which he perceives conceited, two-faced and overconfident: [...] Its conceit, ignorance, contempt for everything that does not wear a cylinder [...] All these [people] are chasing after money, cheating the poor natives, teaching them the worst European flaws and, at the same time, being sure about their civilising mission. Trusting their consulates, of which jurisdiction they are subject to, the Franks annoy the local inhabitants by their arrogance. Indeed, a lot of Turkish fatalist patience is needed to let such state within a state exist [...] (Gnatowski, 1883, pp. 234–235). He is surprised by how much the Turkish people are patient to tolerate the attitude of the “Frenkish” community. He also disapproves the behaviour of other European nations gathering to watch the Friday prayer attended by the Sultan: You can hear laughter, jokes of dubious value – it seems like if all of them gathered here to look at a performance of some small-town acrobats [...]. The polite warnings of the police meet with ironic laughter. None of these gentlemen probably realise that in their own homeland for similar behavior [...] each of them would meet with a trial and prison; and that the rounds which they came to watch are in fact a religious rite attended by the monarch of one of the largest states on the globe, whose authority is recognised by several tens of millions of subjects in three parts of the world; that these subjects see in him not only a secular but also a spiritual ruler [...] and that sooner or later the patience of the Muslim people, though very great and admirable, will end, and then the ruthless, presumptuous pride of the Europeans in Pera may 211 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies bring a well-deserved punishment as terrible as they met in Alexandria. Meanwhile, the Turks seem neither to see, not to hear the obscene noise that the English and Greeks make. (Gnatowski, 1883, p. 253). Similar observations on the negative attitudes of the Westerners can be found throughout all of Gnatowski’s memories. Facing the Stereotypes In his letters the traveller also makes comments about the Turks and the Muslims. And it is important to underline that their image is very positive. The young Philosopher and the future priest seems to be quite impressed by the godliness of the Muslims and the fact that the Turkish people take care of their traditions. He considers Turks to be much tolerant and respectful, and even shows them as an example to follow: Once you see a Turk on the street, it is impossible not to gain sympathy and respect for him […]. Among the noisy crowds of Greeks and Franks, he [the Turk] is one who stands out with calmness, dignity, and seriousness [...] (Gnatowski, 1883, pp. 206–207). It worth noting that he describes the behaviour of the Muslim peoples towards animals too. He contrasts it with the attitude of the Christians: Constantinople8 is famous for its dogs [...]. Hundreds of thousands of them fill the city, feeding on the kitchen leftovers and the trash thrown in the middle of the street, which they clean the city of. Thanks to that, Istanbul is cleaner than many of the Italian cities. The Turks consider dogs unclean and they do not keep them in their homes – however, by the innate feeling of mercy, they protect them all on the streets and do not let anyone harm them. The dogs feel it well, so they do not fear. There are plenty of them everywhere. They lie calmly drawn out in the middle of the street [...]. In Pera, the European civilisation manifests itself by stripping, hitting and beating poor animals [...] – they only run away with a silent whimper. The smallest amounts of dogs can be found in places inhabited by the Franks, but in the Turkish districts, the barking, squeak and noise of the dog crowd sometimes jams the human talks (Gnatowski, 1883, pp. 96–97). As seen above, the author’s remarks show that although there may be some religious restrictions on keeping dogs by Muslims in their houses, it does not necessarily mean that they Throughout his memories Gnatowski uses the urbonym “Constantinople” (in Polish: Konstantynopol) which is a typical practice among the European authors in 19th century (Siemieniec-Gołaś, 2010, p. 182). As Sylwia Filipowska (2017, p. 21) reminds, the city has officially changed its name to Istanbul only in 1930. 8 212 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE do not treat these animals with the proper respect or that those without any doctrinal limits in this regard will always appreciate the dogs. Conclusion What makes Jan Gnatowski’s “Letters from Constantinople” different to other travelogues written in similar period, is certainly the stress that the author puts on the moral issues. The analysis of the traveller’s biography reveals that just some time after he goes back from Istanbul, to everyone’s surprise, he chooses to become a spiritual leader. This fact may explain the reasons for which the ethical matters were present in Gnatowski’s memories to such large extent. Taking into consideration the socio-historical context of the partitioned Poland, and especially the situation of the Poles at that time, the young intellectual’s journey to Istanbul can be read as an escapist impulse developed in a search of identity. From this perspective, the stereotypes he faced and the moral contrasts between Christians and Muslims that he witnessed, might have contributed to the development of his sense of mission and in fact encouraged him to choose the duty of the spiritual guidance after his return to Europe. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ciesielski, T. (2010), Polacy i Ukraińcy w Odessie na przełomie XIX i XX w.: liczebność, struktura i kontakty obu diaspor. Історичний архів. Наукові студії, 5, 83–89. Długosz, J., & Michael, M. (1997). The Annals of Jan Długosz: An English abridgement = Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae. Charlton, West Sussex: IM Publications. Dominik, P. (2015), From the Polish Times of Pera: Late Ottoman Istanbul through the Lens of Polish Emigration. In A. Hofmann, & A. Öncü (Eds.), History Takes Place: Istanbul, Dynamics of Urban Change (pp. 92–103), Berlin: Jovis Verlag. Filipowska, S. (2012). Starożytne piękno i turecka brzydota – na przykładzie szablonowości opisów pierwszego wrażenia na widok Stambułu w świetle dziewiętnastowiecznych polskich relacji z podróży na Wschód. Źródła Humanistyki Europejskiej, 5, 31–48. Filipowska, S. (2014). Tolerancja religijna w imperium osmańskim w ocenie polskich duchownych podróżujących do Turcji w XIX wieku. In D. Quirini-Popławska, & Ł. Burkiewicz (Eds.), Itinera clericorum: Kulturotwórcze i religijne aspekty podróży duchownych (pp. 535–548). Cracow: Księgarnia Akademicka. 213 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Filipowska, S. (2017). Obraz dziewiętnastowiecznego Stambułu w polskiej i tureckiej literaturze wspomnieniowej. Cracow: Księgarnia Akademicka. Filipowska, S., & Zając, G. (2015). İstanbul’u Anlatan 19. Yüzyılda Polonya Anı Edebiyatında Doğu İmgesi. In M. Çevik (Ed.), Nazım Hikmet Anısına. Doğu Edebiyatında Batı, Batı Edebiyatında Doğu (pp. 125–134). Ankara: KIBATEK. Gnatowski, J. (1883). Listy z Konstantynopola. Cracow: Gazeta Krakowska. Kleiner, J. (1925). Jan Łada. Tygodnik Ilustrowany, 43, 865. Konopczyński, W. (Ed.). (1958). Polski słownik biograficzny (Vol. 7). Cracow: Polska Akademia Umieje̜tności. Sarnecki, Z. (1895) Jan Łada. Świat, 8(5), 236–237. Seliga, A. E. (2015). „Kapłan-literat, wykwintny ksiądz-esteta”. Jan „Łada” Gnatowski (1855–1925) – kaznodzieja nieprowincjonalny. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://dspace.uni.lodz.pl:8080/xmlui/bitstream/handle/11089/10181/Rozprawa%20doktorska %20Aleksandry%20Seligi.pdf Siemieniec-Gołaś, E. (2010). Nazwy Stambułu w dawnym polskim i europejskim piśmiennictwie. In E. Siemieniec-Gołaś, & J. Georgiewa-Okoń (Eds.), Od Anatolii po Syberię. Świat turecki w oczach badaczy (pp. 179–185). Cracow: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Topaktaş, H. (2014). Osmanlı-Lehistan Diplomatik İlişkileri. Franciszek Piotr Potocki’nin İstanbul Elçiliği (1788–1793). Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu. Zubrzycki, J. (1953). Emigration from Poland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Population Studies: A Journal of Demography, 10.1080/00324728.1953.10414893 214 6(3): 248–272. doi: CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 215 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 216 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Pechenegs In The Historiography Of The Russian Empire Prof. Dr. Mualla UYDU YÜCEL* Introduction During the Russian Empire era that it reigned almost two centuries between 1721-1917, Russian historiography progressed a grand development and signed many important studies. Scientists, especially focused on ancient Russian history, firstly faced with Turks that they communicated each other along centuries. Yet, they had a big trouble while they were studying on writing that they didn’t have enough knowledge and methodology about how they would draw up the historiography. To be able to overcome this challenge, they decided to apply specialists and then, during the era of I. Petro, with the aim of to handle Russia History again, they had invited foreign historians especially German ones to Petersburg Academy of Sciences beginning from 1725. So, these scientists would take the responsibility of education new Russian historians. We can present the names between these scientist like G. Z.Bayer (1694 1738), G.F.Miller (1705 -1783) ve A.L Şletzer (1735-1809) as the most particular ones in the course of first half of 18. century of Russian historiography1. The event of writing Russia History by foreign scientists instead of Russian Historian criticized strictly by V.N.Tatişev (1685-1750), one of the rare Russian Historian for these dates and followed by other Russian historians also. Eventually, after his death, his remarks gained value and during II. Yekatarina (1762 - 1796) age, Russian Historians were preferred instead of foreign ones. M. V. Lomonosov (1711 -1765) was the first person who wrote history of Russian people. He was a chemist and had professor title. Afterwards, he started to study on history and prepared a work that includes historical societies briefly. As a scientist, being a historian was more precious for him than other scientific fields for inspiring himself with hope for future. His works firstly focused on defining the history and getting knowledge of this field. And then, he went on identifying the supplies of it and argued the admitted thesis like that Russian people came * Prof. Dr. Istanbul University, Department of History, General Turkish History Studies, muallauyduyucel@gmail.com 1 М. А. Алпатов, Русская историческая мысль и Западная Европа (XVIII-Первая Пoлoвинa XIX.в), Мocквa 1985, c.15-34 (M.A. Alpatov, Russkaya istoriçeskaya mısl i Zapadnaya Yevropa (XVIII-Pervaya Polovina XIX v, Moskova 1985); In this work, the life of three historians were presented and mentioned their studies and their view about Russian history. 217 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies from Norman origin. In the contrary of this, he defended a new thesis as Russian people came from Slavic origin and Russia history started earlier than Rurik. Subsequently, he scanned all of the supplies, related to east and northeast Europe (Balkans) and analyzed them about Slavic origin places names. By this way, he refuted the thesis of German historians2. One of the followers of M.V. Lomonosov’s ideas was N.M. Karamzin who was Turkish origin. Karamzin handled Russian history from beginning to 1612 on his work; “History of Russian State”, a 12-volume national history and praised Russian monarchy with the sight of himself. Additionally, consulting quite much supplies and usage of respective language made this work more important and qualified than other ones from this age. Briefly, history school settled by foreign scientists from the first half of 18th century, strengthened with new researches and as a result of the activities of the Academy of Sciences, the foundations of Russian history were laid. Thus, in the studies related to history which started in the first half of the 18th century, the Academy of Sciences had an important role both to record Russian own history and to start new researches about history of other neighbor people. As it is mentioned before, Russian people faced with Turks firstly during their ancient times, so this kind of works provide us to establish their political struggle and cultural interaction. When we look at the ancient times of Russian history, we could see that people of different nationalities, mostly Slavs, live in Russia geography and it was too late for this union to appear in the name of Russian and becoming a union and bringing about a political union. When the date was 852, the Kiev Knezhiy was established under the leadership of Rurik. In fact, the emergence of Kiev Knezhiy, as a political organization, was provided by the Khazar Khanate which thought that the establishment of a buffered state between the Byzantine and themselves was quite important critically with the sight of economic and political interest that’s why some of the eastern Slavian tribes, living in knezhiy, forced to pay taxes until 965. The second Turkish power they encountered after the Khazars was Pechenegs. The Pechenegs arrived in the southern Russian territory between the years 890-96 towards the end of the 9th century and they lived up to 1036 as the absolute owner of this geography. During this time period they prevented this state either becoming a strong state or to reach to the Black Sea geopolitically. After the Pechenegs, Uz and then Kuman-Kipchaks were the cruelest enemies by coming to the borders of the territory of this Knezhiy region. Such that, at the 20th century history writing, the struggle with Kuman-Kipchaks was examined and explained with the name of 2 Alpatov, s.61-71. 218 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE “Stepnaya Barba: The Battle with Steppe” and starting from Khazars to Kuman-Kipchaks, the political struggle was described as “the Struggle of Forest with Steppe”. To give brief information about the political history of the Pechenegs which is the main title of this text, they had an important role in trade when they lived their ancient centers in today's Tashkent in the lands between the main dwellings of Aral Sea and Sir Derya. In 744, upon the collapse of the Kök-Turk Khanate, the power in these lands changed hands to Uighur, Oghuz and Karluks. The settlement of the Oghuzs to the Aral Lake and the Lower Sir Derya steppes forced the Pechenegs away from this region. While some of them stayed with the Oghuzes, some of them came to the northern plains of the Black Sea from the route, lined over the north of the Caspian Sea. Nowadays, the date was nearly 890-96. With this movement, they disturbed Kiev Kenzhiy which went down from north to south to try to establish dominance on the region. Initially, while Knezhiy decided that it would be better for them to try to recognize Pechenegs; on the other side, Pechenegs also realized that it would not be too hard for them to fight with these forest tribes. In fact, Slavs thought that Pechenegs weren’t accepted as enemy but they competed with the fear of Khazars so they decided to pursue a moderate policy, thinking that they did not need a new fear. After all, while Pechenegs was growing stronger in the northern Black Sea region, Kiev Knezhiy began preparations for transformation into a powerful state to make the entire Eastern Slavian tribes and the Finnish-Ugran tribes to unit under one roof. In the beginning, everything was good for both Kiev Knezhiy and Pechenegs. But the endless demands of the Bulgarian ruler, Simeon, forced the Byzantines to seek help from both the Russians and the Pechenegs. With this occasion in 915, Pechenegs first passed through the territory of Kiev Knezhiy. The next second rapprochement took place when Knez Oleg took the Pechenegs as a military soldier for Istanbul siege in 944-45. Friendly relations went on well until the time of Knez Svyatoslav, but they were reversed at this time. The siege of Kiev in 968 and elimination of Knez who trained himself like a Pecheneg leader, by Pechenegs caused their distortions not to improve again. After this date, Pechenegs behaved independently in the region of Kiev Knezhiy and this situation went on till 1036. At the same time, there were internal struggles in Kiev, and in the end the Yaroslav was the throne. His first job was to cut down his sentences by giving the necessary response to the Pechenegs, who had been constantly raiding Kiev territory by leaving its people in a difficult position. Yaroslav soon reached what he wanted, and he defeated them so much that he killed a large number of them and rest ones left those lands and descended into the Danube through Balkans. In the meantime, part of Pechenegs settled in this land were placed at the border and they were used as paid soldiers in time. 219 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The migration of those who went to the Danube lasted about twelve years and when these Pechenegs came to the Danube territory in 1048s, it started to be named as the cruelest enemy of Byzantium. As a matter of fact, they carried out this hostility in the best way until 1091. Byzantine sources describe, in detail, this struggle which lasted almost 53 years. The last strike to the Pechenegs was blowed by Alexios Komnenos, Byzantium Emperor in 29 April 1091, called as Lebunium battle and the story of Pechenegs as a nation history ended with this war 3. As it is mentioned above a short summary, Pechenegs took place on Russian history for the period of 145 years and this situation provided that Russian materials, now could be used as very important sources. The most commonly used works of Russian historians in writing the history of the Russians are the general and local chronicles written in churches and monasteries during the reign of Kiev Knezhiy and the Tsardom of Moscow. These chronicles were published academically with the name of “Polneye Sobraniye Russkih Letopis” and mostly Tatisev focused on this subject. While Russian historians were developing the Russia History, they called the struggle, they had, when they faced with peoples from different nations on this geography as “the Struggle of Forest with Steppe”. Russians were living in forest, on the other hand Turks were living in steppes. This viewpoint affected all chronicles which include the studies about Russian people and Russia History, during the Russian empire age and it took almost 300 years. Furthermore, these historians took all Turkish tribes as Khazars, Pechenegs, Uz, Kuman-Kipchak, Berendi, Kara-Kalpak in hand like one nation so, they present the knowledge about them without any discrimination. We can give the names of N.M. Karamzin4, N.H. Ustriyalov, 5 S.M. Solovyev6, H.İ. Kostomarov7 ve D.İ. İlovayskiy8 as examples for Russian historians of this age. Between them, Albert9, one of the priests of Trium Fontium For more information, see: M.U. Yücel, Peçenek Türkleri, Titiz Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. Н. М., Карамзин, История государства Российского, Т. 1-2. СПб., 1818-1826 (N.M.Karamzin, İstoriya gosudorstva Rossiyskogo, C. 1-2. Sank-Peterburg, 1818-1826.), 5 Н. Г., Устрялов. Русская история, в 2 ч., СПб., 1855; (N.G. Ustryalov, Russkaya İstoriya, в 2 ч., SankPeterburg,1855.), 6 C.M. Соловьев, Истории России с древнейших времён, C.I, Moсквa, 1851 (S.M. Solovyev, İstorii Rossii s drevneyşıh vremyon, S.I, Moskova, 1851. 7 Н. И. Костомаров, История России в жизнеописаниях ее главнейших деятелей (N.İ. Kostomarov, İstoriya Rossi v jizneopisaniyah yiyo glavşeynıh deyateley), Т. 1–3. — Санкт-Петербург, 1915. — Т. 1 8 Д. И. Иловайский, История России, в 5 т.: в 7 кн. — М., 1876–1905. — Том 1. Часть 1: Киевский период, VIII, 333 с. (D.İ.İlovayskiy, İstoriya Rossii), v t c.: v 7kn. M., 1876-1905, C.1 Çast 1, Kievskiy Period VIII, 333c) 9 (Fridrih Sum), İstoriç. Rassujdenie o Patsinakah ili Peçenegah, Çiteniya v İst. Obş. İst. Drevn. Ross., 1846, No:1, s.22-24, Ç.10). In this work, especially, it is written that Hungarians, dismissed by Pechenegs, were called by Arnulf at 883. 3 4 220 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Monastery, was the first person who mentioned about Turkish tribes on his studies and then he was followed by .O. Kunik10 , P.O. Buraçkov11, N.A. Aristov,12, N.İ. Кostormarov13 and etc. Fundamentally, two surveys based on the second half of the 19th century, penned specifically about Pechenegs, constitute this work. First one is “Vizantiya i Peçenegi: Byzantium and Pechenegs”14 written by V.G. Vasilyevskiy and the latter is the study of P.G. Golubovksiy as “Uz, Pechenegs and Kuman-Kipchaks Until Mongol Invasion15”. Vasilyevskiy benefited from supplies written until his time, especially Byzantium ones for his paper. Movement of Pechenegs to Balkans formed a new duration that would continue until 1091 for Byzantium. Vasilyevskiy explained this history duration in detail from which it can be understand that Pechenegs were quite incorrigible for the sight of Byzantium. On his first lines, Pechenegs were touched on expressions about Bulgarian-Byzantium relationships and while he was referring the work of Konstantinos Porhyregennetos, Byzantine Emperor in the early years of the 10th century, dedicated to his son, he reflected like that “The balance system, politically, in the north of Byzantium was broken by the Pechenegs and without permission of Pechenegs, Bulgarians couldn’t come to Istanbul region. Therefore, whenever the Byzantine emperor wanted to frighten the Bulgarians, he benefited from the Pechenegs 16”. Vasilyevskiy mentioned that as a result of collapse of Bulgarian Tsardom, this gap was filled by Pechenegs politically and they were pretty scary for Byzantium during 11th-13th era А.Куник О торкских печенегах и половцах по венгерским источникам // Зап. Академии наук. СПб., 1854. Отд. I, III (A.O. Kunik, O Torkskih Peçenegah i Polovtsah po Vengerskih İstoçnikam, Zap Akademii Nauk Sank-Peterburg, 1854, Otd. I, III, s.734). In this work; it is told that political and cultural situation of Turkish tribes in Hungary and their settlement on this geography. 11 П.О. Бурачков, Опыт исследования о куманах, или половцах // Зап. ООИД., 1877, T.X, s.111-138. (P.O. Buraçkov, O Polovtsah i Peçenegah”, Opıt ısledovaniya o Kumanah ili Polovtsah, Zap OOİD, 1877, C.X, s.111138). 12 Н. А Аристов, О земле Половецкой. Исгорию-гшграфическй очеркь // Извеспя исгоримэфилологичесшго факультета Института кн. Безборода вь Нежине за 1877 г. -Юевь, 1877 (N.A. Aristov, O Zemle Polovetskoy, İstoriyy-gşgrafiçeskiy Oçerk, İzvestiya isgorime-filologiçesşego fakülteta Şmstitura kn. Bezboroda v Nejime za 1877 g. Kiev 1877; Н.А. Аристов, Заметки об этническом составе тюркских народов // Живая старина. Т. 6. Вып. 3–4. 1896 (N. A. Aristov, “Zametki ob Etniçeskoy sostave Turskih Narodov”, Jivaya Starina, Т. 6. Вып. 3–4. 1896. 13 Н.И.Костомаров, Черты народной южнорусской истории // Исторические монографии и исследования. Т. 1. СПб, 1903; (N.İ. Кostormarov, “Çertı Narodnoy Yujnorusskoy İstorii”, İstoriçeskiye monografii i İsledovaniya, C. 1. Sank-Peterburg 1903). 14 В.Г. Васильевский, Византия и печенега // нacтoяшем издании: Т. 1, C.8-189. (Biz bu çalışmamızda В.Г Васильевский, “Византия и печенега “ Труды. -СПб., 2010 baskısını kullandık (V.G. Vasilyevskiy, Vizantiya i Peçenega”, Vasilyevskiy Trud, Sank-Peterburg 2010). 15 П.В. Голубовскш, Печенега, горки и половцы до нашествш татар. История южнорусских степей 1Х-ХШ вв., Клевь, 1884 (P.G. Golubovskiy, Peçenega, Turki i Polovtsı do naşestvi tatar, İstoriya yujnorusskih stepey IX-XIII vv, Kiev 1884; (In this article, we used 2011 publication. Additionally, it has been translated to by a thesis study, supervised by us. See: N. Kumru, (P.V. Golubovskiy ve Eseri: Peçenegi, Torki i Polovtsi do Naşestviya Tatar: Moğol İstilasına Kadar Peçenekleri Uzlar ve Kuman-Kıpçaklar, XI-XIII. yüzyıllardaki Güney Rusya Bozkırlarının Tarihi) İ.Ü. Social Science Institute, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2016). 16 Vasilyevskiy, s.8. 10 221 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies as much as Seljuk Turks, their brothers in Asia. With respect of this, he thought that, although Byzantium sources include reliable knowledge academically, it was represented literature sentences too much so when we need to consult these supplies, about people historically, more careful comments on the lives of these nations should be made and they should be better evaluated. Additionally, he defended that movement of Pechenegs across Danube region was effective as much as Migration of Peoples with these sentences; “In the middle of the 11th century, the Pechenegs crossed the Danube River. This event, which has not been emphasized in all of the new history writings, has a great importance in terms of human history. From this point, their results, it is almost as important as the Western Goths to have launched the Migration of Peoples to cross the Danube River. Especially in the Russian and Byzantine histories, which is wrongly placed and the big mistake is that; the kinship ties between the various Turkish tribes were ignored, as if they were different from each other, some were called Tork and some were called Turk. For example, the Pechenegs and Uz or the Kuman-Kipchaks were Turks, just like the Seljuk Turks. 17”. According to him; “If it had not been overlooked that the Pechenegs and the Seljuk Turks were from same nation origin, it would undoubtedly be possible to realize the connection between the Pechenegs crossing the Danube River and entering the area of the Byzantine Empire and the success of the Seljuks in Anatolia. Towards the end of the 11th century, we will see that the invasions in Europe and Anatolia were trying to give queue each other. Even though it was expressed as the Eastern Empire, he main cause of the great west-east expedition, the First Crusade, was the threatening and dreaded Pecheneg nation, which had become a threat even to Istanbul, rather than the Seljuk conquests in Anatolia.” These words indicate that the reason of the First Crusade was Seljuk Turks, who had squeezed Byzantium in Anatolia and Pecheneg Turks who left them in a difficult situation in the Balkans. In other words, Vasilyevskiy connected the reason of the First Crusade Campaign to the help of the Byzantine Empire, which was squeezed by the Turks, which was mentioned for the first time in the writing of history18. Vasilyevskiy then described the struggle between the two Pecheneg heads, Turak and Kegen, in the Danube region in detail. In the course of this, he wrote conversion Christianity of both heads in time, with the sight of being a Christian also and interpreted the conversion of Kegen like that “Baptism as a Christian did not soften the strong heart of this barbarian in any 17 18 Vasilyevskiy, s.13. M.U. Yücel, “Rusya İmparatorluğu Tarih Yazımında Haçlı Seferleri”, İ.Ü. Tarih Dergisi, S.66, 2017/2, s.15-34. 222 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE way, which set a different example for the conversion. The feud against his enemy continued to be the main purpose of Kegen” 19. Vasilyevskiy expressed that Byzantine called the help of Pechenegs after the compression of Seljuks to the east of Byzantine and to fight with Seljuks, 15,000 Pecheneg horsemen were employed by giving them various and valuable gifts but they changed their decision on their way. If Pecheneg horsemen didn’t behave like that, settlement of a Pecheneg State would be possible in Bitinya20, close to Istanbul21. Vasilyevskiy then spoke extensively about how the Pechenegs and Uzs were used by the Byzantines as military power. Briefly he stated like that “even if living in a nomadic life style caused the Byzantine to place prisoner of war and settle down into settled life, Uz and Pechenegs, which were placed, once upon a time, within the reigned borders drawn by II. Basileios with a sword, played an active role in the campaigns organized by IV. Romanos on Turks. They were the light cavalry division of the Byzantine army, which was extremely important in wars with tribes and at the same time retained the courage and speed of the congregational nomadic raiders. They constituted the light cavalry part of Byzantine army by reasons of having extremely important role on wars with tribes and conserving bravey and speed of nomadic horsemen. Uzs and Pechenegs were used as advance guard and observer units. Tired Byzantine forces, when they take a break without knowing what to do to become stronger again, the Pechenegs, still on their horses, immediately started to search for provision. When Byzantine needed to destroy the land which already conquered by enemies, again, Uz were the advance guard. Shortly, works of the old steppe horsemen were of great benefit to the Byzantine forces. However, it was a danger and drawback of using such troops that these Turks, who spoke similar languages, could know each other during the wars and could not fight against each other” 22. Likewise, Vasilyevskiy, for the things during the Malazgirt War, said that “Byzantine Empire was a successful state because they had an important role on meeting nations and tribes with each other and historiography also emphasized this position of Byzantine. Similar to this, again, it introduced two separated branches of Turkish tribes. This acquaintance was very effective in the course of the future events and caused great damage to the empire”. Additionally, he mentioned that “Uz-Pechenegs, themselves, seemed to be the most restless, indifferent, and the most active of the population. They were always ready to 19 Vasilyevskiy, s. 13-14. Now, it is the region, covering Kocaeli, Sakarya, Bolu, Bursa in Turkey. 21 Vasilyevskiy, s.17. 22 Vasilyevskiy, s.37. 20 223 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies jump on their horses and go after any adventurers who promised them prizes and plunder. So that, to find a full and eager army, just crossing the Balkans was enough for anyone who was unhappy with the Byzantine rule, who was considering revenge, who had justified the right to sit on the throne of Justinian and Basileios” 23. Vasilyevskiy stated that the Pechenegs were moving along with the Bogomils (Pavlikan) and that the Bogomils interested in Manichaeism quite much. He said that “Encouraged by success, the Emperor Alexios decided to pass behind the Balkans to warn these unwelcome guests, but if possible, to send the Pechenegs away from the imperial estate, that is, the Danube, considered the borders of the empire.” and interpreted as the greatest difficulty that Alexios Komnnenos encountered in the process from 1081 to 1091 was the Pechenegs and stated that he had a great struggle and had won the victory24. Vasilyevsky refused to give a positive opinion to Byzantium and criticized the West and Christianity with a cynical expression, for which by penetrating the lives of people and societies actively, specially, they created an enemy and also they presented consciously like that Uz and Pechenegs were depicted as those who were polluting the Christian temple and keeping religious pilgrims on their way. The work of Vasilyevskiy gives us information till 1094 but it is not possible to find any data about Lebunium battle on which Pechenegs lost their importance historically. As a summary, when we evaluate Vasilyevskiy’s study, the first question, we will ask, is why, instead of addressing all the political life of the Pechenegs, he preferred to deal only with the Byzantine struggle. Surely, it's important to be an expert in the Byzantine history of the answers but for us, this is not enough to explain the case. He preferred to focus on the Pechenegs, who devastated Byzantine in the Balkans instead of the ones who didn’t allow Russians to transmit to Black Sea waters. The period in which the work was written, was the most intense period Panslavism thought in historiography that’s why Vasilyevskiy gave preference to write a Pecheneg nation, which was the cruelest enemy of Byzantium for a period, rather than writing a Pecheneg nation that had profound wounds in his own nation’s history. Generally, we can easily see this when we look at his other works. Still, when we analyze the whole study, it is understood that he didn’t see the Pechenegs as a state although there were Pechenegs, could war with comfort and opportunity of steppe life, and Byzantium, on the other side, who jammed in the strict Christianity bigotry. However, he touched sometimes on Pechenegs’ head (başbuğ), people, council, army, ethical principles (töre-yasaları), flags and 23 24 Vasilyevskiy, s.45-48. Vasilyevskiy, s.58. 224 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE explained that Pechenegs signed agreement with other states. These are the sine qua non for a political organization such a state, khanate, seigniory (beylik). Therefore, why weren’t accepted Pechenegs as a state? They were living as 13 urug(clan) in the regions of Black Sea and Danube and these urugs were independent for their internal affairs but they were gathered together in the foreign affairs and after the election of strongest head between these 13 urugs’heads, they were acting under his rule. This resembles the country (sancak) or state system, applied next centuries. For this reason, in our opinion, both the Pechenegs and the Kuman-Kipchaks were in a political organization and established their state. The next work that we can focus on, belongs to Golubovskiy. It was the first scientific work that was prepared according to the scientific principles, based on the sources and all the researches on this subject in its period. Golubovskiy explained the relations between Pechenek, Uz and Kuman-Kipchaks until the Mongol invasion and their relations with the Russian Knezes in the region and the decisive effects on Russian history. For this reason, Golubovskiy's work was characterized these Turkish tribes whose details about their history can only be learned from the sources written by the historians of the states in which they had been related and it is a quite important source because it written as a result of a wide research on the Turkish tribes and contains important evaluations. He started the sentences with his opinion like that “how and to what extent nomadic peoples’ neighborhood had influenced the political life of ancient Russia would be revealed after research on how the relationship between Turks and Slavs” 25. First of all, he emphasized the characteristics of the South Russian geography and explained living conditions in these lands. According to him, the forest was a protective feature for the settled peoples, while it prevented the nomadic people from engaging in destructive attacks. On steppes, the cavalry fighters of the Pechenek and Kuman-Kipchaks, the martial arts scary, surrendered to the infantry when they came to the forest. The Slavic people, who were engaged in agriculture, who were closely tied to their land and old traditions, did not wish to leave their former place of residence. With the sentences, “They abandoned slowly and it took for centuries. Their greatest helpers and guardians in this difficult and slow retreat were forests”, belonged to him, he also contradicts himself26. That is, the forest both protected the Slavs and stopped the Turkish tribes. So, why did they move to south slowly? All of the Russian historians say that the forest which they say with an alliance, did not give good life conditions to people as they wish. Then, the next question, what was the meaning of living in the forest in the centuries that prevented a 25 26 Golubovskiy, s.4. Golubovskiy, s.16. 225 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies comfortable life? If there wasn’t another power to imprison you, you could walk away from this geography. Moreover, while they descended downwards, they first encountered Khazars, then sets of Pechenegs, Uz and Kuman-Kipchaks and then they had to go on slowly. Unfortunately, in our opinion, it was not possible for Golubovskiy, to be able to write this during his age. According to him; “Pechenegs, Uzlar and Kuman-Kipcak were the last of the nations that moved from Asia to Europe in the Middle Ages. In fact, this march ended in the 13th century with the Mongols, struck like a hurricane. These tribes started to play an important political role after they were visible in the steppes of South Russia. Occupying the area from the Ural River to the Danube River, they fought with many states. They knew how to draw attention to themselves, sometimes campaign of their army, sometimes brokering trade with eastern countries, sometimes with the military forces that were always ready to enter into its service. Their names were taken place in the Russian, Polish, Hungarian, Byzantine and Arab chronicles and their fame spread to Western Europe” 27. Golubovskiy, then, focused on the origin of the Pecheneg word, the meaning of it and where it came from. He argued Uz, Kuman-Kipchak and Pechenegs came from the same race, origin but he tried to reveal that they were from different tribes. And, he went on like that; 1. Pechenegs, Uzlar, Kuman-Kipchaks, Seljuk Turks, Ottoman Turks represented a single Turkish race. 2. All of these tribes were the branches of a nation that once lived the steppe life in Turkestan region28. As we mentioned above, Golubovsky explained the relations between the Pechenegs and the Russians, the Hungarians, he Byzantines in the geography ranging from the Idyl river to the Balkans by trying to use all the resources of his time. According to him, the Pechenegs forced the Hungarians to remove from the southern Russian steppes. In the meantime, through the 9th century and some of the 10th century, till the year 968, he explained why the Pechenegs did not disturb the Russian lands at all like that: “In addition to the fact that the Pechenegs, definitively, need time to overcome the Hungarians and during the period of Saint Vladimir and Yaropolk, the internal force fights, which provide to nomadic people to interfere Russians and to see their weaknesses, had not yet begun and there was also the reign of tranquility on Russian territory”. While he was transferring the knowledge of relationship between Pechenegs and Russia in 27 28 Golubovskiy, s.33. Golubovskiy, s.55. 226 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE detail by using data from the chronicles, he signified that by getting stronger from the year 972, Pechenegs had an effective role in the internal affairs of Russia and the struggle continued without any interruption up to 1036 but finally Russia von the victory29. Gobulovskiy told the struggle, in the Danube region, between two heads of the Pechenegs without too much comments and added “Our grandparents now had to deal with a more dangerous and powerful enemy. If Russia was relatively less damaged from neighborhood of Pechenegs and Uz, we should base it only on the positive conditions. As we have seen, at the end of the 10th century and at the beginning of the 11th century, the struggle with the Pechenegs had reached a great density and the knezes had to establish a line of reinforced cities” 30. Golubovskiy agreed with Vasilyevsky's view that both the Pecheneg Turks and the Seljuk Turks were effective in the destruction of the Byzantine Empire, with these sentences; “Hungary, also, was exposed to the raid of the steppes, but from the raging waves of the Turkestan horsemen, there were only weakened bumps. Indeed, Byzantium suffered too much and desperately, it had to protect himself against Pecheneg and Kuman-Kipchaks in the north and against Seljuk and Ottoman Turks in the south. These Turkish brothers, who were separated from each other in the old days, extended their hands to each other in the region of Byzantine, to reunite after long separation. Perhaps if the people from north, Pecheneg and KumanKipchaks, didn’t finally deal a blow to Byzantine, the young brothers Seljuks and Ottomans would not have destroyed this empire, which was fugitive, closed inside and had wretched stinking wounds. Even though the Byzantine Empire had been left to its own, it could not survive for a long time, but the Turks accelerated the death of this hopeless patient. Byzantine, was stacked on the ground with the impact of brothers from Turkestan. Thus, the road to Europe was opened from the south. Hungary was the defense fortress of Europe against ones, coming from this direction. It had been much later that the states of Western Europe had become powerful enough to confront themselves with the Turks. The road from the east was protected by Russia. Russia had carried the struggle against the Turkish tribes on its shoulders for four hundred years, and faced with the first attacks of the Mongol masses again. This was now the last of the waves, but South Russia still confronted the first blow. The struggle of the Southern Russia people which means hundred-year-old defeating war, was quite important. If you point your attention to the steppes and their daily lives of Turkish tribes, you can conclude that Russia cannot carry out an attack war. Still, no results were obtained from the campaigns made towards the depths of the steppe. The defeated tribes scattered in different places in the vastness of the 29 30 Golubovskiy, s.56-58. Golubovskiy, s.65. 227 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies steppe without any person and fled to its depth with tents. It was useless to follow them because it was not possible to reach. The Russian forces - with great honor and glory - returned from the campaign, and the Turks gathered their forces back in the depths of the steppe and were moving back to the borders of Russia. The troops, like flies, plundered again, burned, killed, took away prisoners. They were able to obtain a hundredfold of the losses that the Knezes had achieved in their campaigns. It is hard to tell how the Russian people looked at this brave attempt of the Knezes. We only know the idea of the chronicle authors and this is not the voice of the people. They thought these campaigns like brave achievements, aimed to crush atheistic with the name of God, with a religious perspective”31. With these sentences, he actually tried to explain how the steppe people harassed the Russians also. According to Golubovsky, the Turkish tribes were dangerous enemies of the Russians, but they also represented a force that was always ready to support the desired work for a certain fee. They took part in the battles of the Knezes with neighboring countries. If their role was limited to participating in the Russian foreign wars, the neighboring of the Turks would have been only in Russia's benefit. However, the steppes, unfortunately, were more active participants in the internal affairs of the Russian territory. The existence of various conditions encouraged the Russian knezes to call the Turkish tribes32. According to him; “Another role that Turks played in their ancient history is that their neighboring relations with Russia have also produced other important consequences. As a force ready to support all kinds of tendencies, they have facilitated the weakening of the territory of Russia. The South Russian people, who are constantly engaged in a struggle with them, are always busy protecting their life, goods and families, are trying to keep their old ties with the countries belonging to the southern culture, paid whole attention to the south frontiers. They did not have the opportunity or time to look at what is happening around them or on the Russian territory. It is clear that the power must be gathered away from the steppes and in the protected north, as no permanent order can be established in the south. Under the war-wrecking of the South with steppe people, the ideas of the new state could be born and strengthened. The Knezes of the North could follow the course of the political relations in the south calmly, and could use its forces to spread their influence throughout Russia without wasting any of its forces. In other words, the forces in the north were constantly increasing. Southerners who escaped from the dangerous neighborhood of the Turks had to go out and search for more calm places where they could continue their agricultural work. This situation allowed the knezes of north to establish 31 32 Golubovskiy, s.127-129. Golubovskiy, s.136, 139. 228 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE new cities and gave the chance to pursue an active colonization policy. In this case, it is possible that their revenues and military forces could be increased. Even if the southern population did not turn northward, they would not have left the old homeland, still, there would be a huge difference between the north and the south. In other words, there was no place where the population surplus could go. Therefore, people had to migrate to the north, and a kind of necrophobia, for the hard conditions, leaded to become stronger of this movement” 33 and he indicated that the Turkish tribes as the biggest cause of all these beings. Golubovkiy complained about the lack of information on the culture of these Turkish tribes and gave the following information briefly: The Pechenegs, Uz and Kuman-Kipchaks were all Turk, all of them lived in the steppe lifestyle, so their traditions and customs would have to be in common. They brought them from the homeland, Turkestan, and kept it without changing. He added that the culture of their new neighbors had an impact on them as well, but this effect was not deeply penetrated, felled very few, only the Turkic groups, settled in the cities, which were not too crowded, could have lost their fundamental traditions. And then, in particularly with an evaluation of knowledge presented by Byzantine Emperor, he continued, after the death of the chieftain, the uncle's children obtained political power; there was a council, named as “komenton” and composed of public; both in peacetime and in wartime, they adjudicated here all the important events; the power of the chieftain and their effects in these councils was quite insignificant34. Again, according to him, continuous war with neighbors and the struggle on internal affairs made the Turks become very clever and capable warriors since childhood. The quickness in his movements is astonishing. The weapons of the steppe people were bow, arrow bag hanging from the shoulder, sword and lasso. Also, some used spears. Their bow usage was perfect and they could shoot any flying birds. They used some kind of helmets designed by other nations. Their eyes, seeing very well, made the arrows easier to find the target. It was not possible for any movement to escape steppe people’s eyes. Their movements, however, did not stop in front of any obstacles. Bridges or rafts were necessary for the European war forces. European cavalry did not always choose to ride into the river as a solution. For Turks, it was easy to cross a river. They took ten horses or other animal skins and stitched the edges of them with ribbons, then filled the straw like a bag and tied it to the horse's tail. The Turk, sitting on this bag, drove the horse towards the river and arrived safely to the opposite coast. The main source of wealth of steppes is their herds. These animals provided them both food, drink and 33 34 Golubovskiy, s.149. Golubovskiy, s.174-175. 229 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies skin for tents and clothing, and also constitute the basis of their possessions. During their movements, the herds also followed them. During mid seasons of the year, large migrations were realized. In the 10th century, the Pechenegs were the intermediaries of the trade of Byzantium with Russia, Hazarya and Zihiya35. They have mutually agreed with the Korsun people and have guided them in their commercial travels, and have also provided them goods by bringing. But the cost of these services was quite expensive36. Golubovskiy emphasized on his sentences that Slavic culture was superior to the steppe culture, and also, he accepted dominance of the steppe culture of those; war tactics, war instruments, as well as in some areas. Golubovskiy generally mentioned on these subjects; life of steppe people was quite modest and meat, milk and a kind of maize which was likely to be the only product they obtain by farming, were major foods of them. After a successful plunder, this was celebrated in the camp. During these celebrations, old songs of Turkish people influenced deeply and affected them to make the spirit of fire for new heroisms37. He specified that it was not possible to say anything about Pechenegs’ religion because the information about this subject was too fragmentary and useless38. However, he stated to present his opinions on this title that “when the Pechenegs arrived in Europe, they encountered Khazars in their country where Jews, Muslims, Christianity and the Gök-Tengri religion lived freely together. Muslims and Jews started to influence this newly arrived nation. Apart from this, continuous relations with Turkestan and the countries where Islam is practiced might have led to the spread of this religion among the steppe”39. Consequently, the period, when Golubovskiy's work, just like Vasilyevskiy, was written, Panslavism was active in historiography and Christianity had an important place in it and as a result of this fact, his history remarks were affected from these influences. However, although his language, used on these remarks and interpretations about Turkish tribes were accepted as quite much closer to scientific reality by scientists, at that term, still, he could not avoid occasional evaluations and similar to Vasilyevskiy, he also underlined that there wasn’t any Pecheneg state or political organization. Zihiya, Zigi, Çigi: it is the name of a place on Northwest of Caucasus, where Adıge-Abhaz tribes live on. This name was used from anthic ages to middle ages. 36 Golubovskiy, s.178. 37 Golubovskiy, s.180. 38 Golubovskiy, s.182-183 39 Golubovskiy, s.184-187. 35 230 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Conclusion Historiography in Russia showed progress with the period of Petro I and it was initially entrusted to the history of the Russian nation to non-Russian historians. German historians, especially Bayer and Miller, were seen negatively over time due to their biased perspectives and Russian historians, pioneered by Tatişev, strongly opposed to writing the origin and history of Russian people by foreign historians. Then, Russian historians had started to write Russia history since Yekatarina II. About Pechenegs, the main subject of this paper, while Russian historians usually wrote their own history, they also conveyed information about the Turkish tribes in which they established neighborly relations for many years. Turkish tribes, they faced with, firstly Khazars and then Pechenegs, Uz, Kuman-Kipchaks, were accepted both as part of the Turkish people and as the people of the steppes. They called Forest People themselves and they described this relationship under the name of “the Struggle of Forest with Steppe” in detail. In particularly, during the 19th century, Kunik, Aristov and etc. many Russian historians wrote special works belonging to these Turkish tribes. The essence of our study consists of two studies written in the last quarter of the 19th century. In these two works, they were the most detailed works about the Pechenegs until that time. Vasilyevsky's article, “Byzantine and Pechenegs”, tells the very finest details of the difficult times of the Byzantines, caused by the Pechenegs and especially he accepted that Pechenegs were superior than Byzantine. The second work was “Pechenek, Uz and KumanKipchaks until the Mongol invasion”, written by Gobulovskiy. In this work, the history of the Pechenegs from Turkestan to the Balkans was explained. Golubovsky mentioned that while the cause of Pechenegs’ success, in their struggle with the Russians was internal problems of knezes, the struggle of Byzantine and Pechenegs was related to weakness of Byzantine. Although he tried to be impartial, making a biased comment, while explaining the reasons, overshadowed his neutrality. BIBLIOGRAPHY Алпатов, М. А., Русская историческая мысль и Западная Европа. (XVIII-Первая Пoлoвинa XIX.в), Мocквa, 1985. 231 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Аристов Н. А, О., земле Половецкой. Исгорию-гшграфическй очеркь // Извеспя исгоримэ-филологичесшго факультета Института кн. Безборода вь Нежине за 1877 г. Юевь, 1877. ---------------------, Заметки об этническом составе тюркских народов // Живая старина. Т. 6. Вып. 3–4. 1896. Бурачков П.О. Опыт исследования о куманах, или половцах // Зап. ООИД., 1877, T.X, s.111-138. Голубовскш, П.В., Печенеги, горки и половцы до нашествш татар. История южнорусских степей 1Х-ХШ вв.,. Клевь, 1884. Fridrih Sum, İstoriç. Rassujdeniye o Patsinakah ili Peçenegah, Çiteniya v İst. Obş. İst. Drevn. Ross. 1846, No:1, s.22-24, Ç.10. Иловайский, Д. И., История России: в 5 т.: в 7 кн. — М., 1876–1905. — Том 1. Часть 1: Киевский период, VIII, 333 с. Карамзин, Н. М., История государства Российского. Т. 1-2. СПб., 1818-1826. Куник А., О торкских печенегах и половцах по венгерским источникам // Зап. Академии наук. СПб., 1854. Отд. I, III Костомаров, Н.И., Черты народной южнорусской истории // Исторические монографии и исследования. Т. 1. СПб, 1903. Соловьев, C.M., Истории России с древнейших времён, C.I, Moskova, 1851. Костомаров Н. И. История России в жизнеописаниях ее главнейших деятелей: Т. 1–3. — Санкт-Петербург, 1915. — Т. 1 Васильевский В.Г., Византия и печенега // Васильевский В.Г Труды. -СПб., 1908.II. Yücel, M.U. “Rusya İmparatorluğu Tarih Yazımında Haçlı Seferleri”, İ.Ü. Tarih Dergisi, S.66, 2017/2, s.15-34. -----------------, Peçenek Türkleri, Titiz Yayınları, İstanbul, 2011. Устрялов, Н. Г. Русская история, в 2 ч., СПб., 1855. 232 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 233 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 234 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Eastern European Turk Studies And Archaeological Resources Iskites And Kurgan Culture Muhammet Beşir AŞAN* I- PROMINENT RESEARCHERS We are delighted that the research on Eastern European Turkish History is increasing day by day. Osman Karatay, one of the experts of the subject, related to European Turkishness; says that “Turkish presence in Ukraine is approaching 24 centuries. Our history in Eastern Europe constitutes the most neglected field in Turkish historiography. This is due to the difficulties of studying this issue and the lack of enough historians. In recent years, the situation has changed in our country, important academicians specialized in different areas of the history of the region have been trained”1. Among the researchers in this field; we can specify names like M.Abdulhaluk Çay, M.Taner Tarhan, Mualla Uydu Yucel, Osman Karatay, Serkan Acar, Ilhami Durmus, Ali Ahmetbeyoglu, Yucel Ozturk, Ilyas Kemaloglu, Mehmet Alpargu, Ismail Mangaltepe, Dincer Koç, and Öner Tolan. In this article, we will try to focus on some of the prominent names in archeology of Eastern European Turkish history researches. 1.László Rásonyi 1899-1984 Professor László Rásonyi is a Hungarian Turkologist, known for his work on the history of the ancient Turkish tribes and the Turkish-Hungarian relations, who is the founder of the main branch of Hungarology in Turkey. He studied Turkology and Hungarology in Budapest and Berlin University. In 1929, he worked at the University of Helsinki. Between the years 1933-1934 he made studies in Istanbul University Turkish Studies Institute. He was appointed as the chair of the Faculty of Languages, History, Geography at the request of Atatürk, and was appointed as the head of the department in 1935 to educate the scientists who will contribute to the Turkish language and Turkish Historical Studies. Very hungaroloji played a major role in the organization. Rásonyi also played a major role in the establishment of the Hungarology library. In 1942, Prof. Rásonyi is back in Hungary. * 1 Prof., Fırat University, Faculty of Humanity and Social Sciences, Department of History, Elazig/Turkey Osman Karatay, Serkan Acar ; Doğu Avrupa Türk Tarihi, Kitabevi Publications, İstanbul 2013,p.1. 235 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies László Rasonyi, after leaving Turkey was appointed to a Turcology professorship at the University of Kolozsvar in Hungary. Between the years 1942-1944 he initiated the establishment of the chair of Turcology at this university. In 1946 he returned to Budapest. He worked at the Balkan Institute (1947-1949) and at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. He founded the Institute of Orientalism. After his retirement in 1961, he taught at Ankara University. According to László Rásonyi, the horsemen, who were first recognized in Hungary, were Scythians. It is seen on the Black Sea coast at 7th c. and then on the Hungarian plain from the century. He was interested in Scythian archeology and tried to interpret the artifacts. According to László Rásonyi, instead of the sword, the Scythians used the sword to the outside, the most akinakes2. 1.a László Rásonyi Works Tuna Bridges, Research Institute Of Turkish Culture Türklik In History, Örgün Yayınları Heirs of the Turkish state in the West and the first M. The Turks, TKAE Publications Turkishness In Eastern Europe, Selenge Publications Christian Turks In Anatolia L. Huns in Hungarian Archeology, Avars, Hungarians, Map A. 2 Rasonyi ;Macar Arkeolojisinde Hunlar Avarlar Macarlar, p.10. 236 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Rasonyi ; Hungarian Archeology Huns Avars Hungarians, Figure 6. László Rásonyi is known for his work in the field of Turkish onomassia in scientific circles. He has a close friendship with Hâmit Zübeyir Koşay who is ne of the first Turkish archaeologists. Mongolian language expert Ahmet Temir and Ottoman siyakat writing expert Tayyip Gökbilgin made a great contribution to his education3. 2.Andreas Alföldi 1895-1981 Hungarian historian, art historian, epigraphist, numismatist and archaeologist. His special area of expertise is Late Antique. It is considered one of the most important researchers of the 20th century. In 1923 he was appointed to the Chair of Antiquity at the Deebrechen University, from 1930 he worked at the University of Budapest. After World War II, he could not accept the regime established in Hungary and settled in Switzerland in 1947. In 1956, he accepted Princeton University as an academician, working on several projects at Princeton, even before his retirement How did he get on the nomad topic? This archaeologist is a very good classical philologist and numismatic researcher. There are many valuable works about the history of the Roman Empire. When it comes to the history of the IV. and V. th century, the organization of the 3 Laszlo Rasonyi; Doğu Avrupa’da Türklük, Yayına Prepared by Dr.Yusuf Gedikli, İstanbul 2006, p.15-16, etc. 237 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Roman Empire and the army had to examine the elements of civilization from the Orient, which had a large influence on the life of the army. So he contacted the Huns. He has drawn the best portrait of Attila so far. In addition to the Huns, he also touched the Avars and determined the criteria for the separation of the Hun works in Hungary from the Avar works. In order to explain the method followed in the examination of the roots of the animal style, I will transfer a piece from an article: In the civilization of Inner Asia, the religion is dominated by theriomorphic vision. According to this view, animals are force and speed from people. they are superior. They've got a majik-füsünkar power. If heroes and shamans want to do a great job, they have to take the form of an animal. Thus, the oldest animal struggles are a symbolic expression of the mythic emancipation and chases of the oldest eras. The appearance of Scythian on the horse Kul Oba (Piotrovski) Besides the female deer who plays the role of the mother of a people, a predator is always mentioned as the legendary guardian of the people. For instance, the pastors of the Mongol dynasty were a sky wolf and a white deer. The unification of the animals of various species appears as a symbol of the marriage of the various tribes. The presence of two predators in a deer represents two tribes of a tribe or of the people who are divided into two by exogamia. 238 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Deer - gold - from Konstromskaya. Leningrad Hermitaj Museum (Piotrovski) According to Alfodi, the ruler group of Scythians was Altays. From the hometown of Scythians in the late BC at the latest VIIth century the legend of the sorcerer Abaris (33), who came to Greece in the century, also carries the Turkish influence. In fact, this name is a clean Turkish name (Avar)4. He was interested in Scythian archeology. The Scythians pictured here are practicing Horse. The dresses are glued to the body, with an arched jacket (or pull in Turkish) and long pants. The arrow box appears next to them. Cekmen is a very characteristic dress of horsemen. Because it is useful for turning back and forth on the horse as opposed to other peoples' abundant and sleeveless clothes. Scythian arrows have small, three-sided bronze ends5. Scythian Belt with Jacket L.Rasonyi, Huns in Hungarian Archeology Hungarians Hungarians, Figure 10. 4 5 Rasonyi; Doğu Avrupa’da Türklük, p,12-16. Rasonyi; Doğu Avrupa’da Türklük, 12-16 etc. 239 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The Scythians had beautiful national arts. Among the many memories of this in Hungary, especially the gold deer found in the province of Pest in the Tapioszentmarton, and in Zöldhalomppuszta (in the same province) are of great importance. Both must be shielded according to all possibilities. The main shape of these deer is thought to be made of wood.. Tapioszentmarton deer legs and neck edges are framed by a cord-shaped ornament. Red almandine stones or amber were placed in these cells. Here, the difference between the art of the Greek and the Greek artifacts appeared6. 3.Prof.Dr. Bahaeddin ÖGEL 1924-1989 Bahaeddin Ögel in his work on Pre-Islamic Turkish Cultural History, “a book on Turkish cultural history has become a necessity for every segment of our country. On the other hand, the excavations and finds obtained in the Middle-East have now become able to depict the cultural life of the regions where the Turks live. Thanks to these datas, the daily lives of the ancient Turks, religious beliefs, dressing, etc. we are able to obtain a lots of information about. And our sources confirm this information. This is the most important reason that encourages us to write this book”7. After the discovery of the Orkhun Inscriptions, a great interest has started in the scientific world against Central Asian Turkish history and a lot of studies have been done in countries such as Germany, France, Hungary, Russia and China. These researches are mostly developed in two fields as history and archeology. According to the Chinese Yearbooks, and the material cultural remains and the most valuable works in this area, the first of the archeological findings belonging to the periods before Islam in Turkey Dr. Bahaeddin Ögel has been evaluated. Ögel Rasonyi; Doğu Avrupa’da Türklük, p.12-16. Bahaeddin Ögel; İslam Öncesi Türk Kültür Tarihi Orta Asya Kaynak ve Buluntularına Göre, Turkish Historial Society Publications. Ankara 1984,p.XIII. 6 7 240 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE wrote a book called ına Turkish Cultural History Before Islam based on the excavation reports on the Turkish history of Turkish history. In our study, we tried to evaluate the results of the researches of Hun, Göktürk and Uygur periods in a systematic way. This point applies especially to the Hun era. When the Göktürk period is reached, these material remains are added to the ancient history records written on stones of various sizes. In addition, the old Turkish coins were first suppressed in this period (Turgish Coins) and are important as historical documents. Information about the archaeological finds obtained was subjected to a systematic classification and various opinions about these findings were tried to be reached 8. As it is our only goal to look at the common characteristics of Turkish culture, we have expanded the geographic area and decided to move to Eastern Europe. For example, Hungarian and Bulgarians are clans with Turks. But they did not live in Central Asia. However, since they showed many common cultural characteristics with Middle-Asia, we could not stop ourselves from considering them in the Middle-Eastern cultural environment. But while writing these bets, we paid particular attention to stopping on the cultural characteristics of Middle-Asia 9. 4.Prof.Dr. Taner TARHAN According to Taner Tarhan, Cimmers and Scythians are the first representatives of the daha “Turkish Cultural History” in the Ancient Period, in other words “National History”. Because, in the light of the information we obtained from Ancient sources and the following written sources, and with the help of magnificent archaeological findings that confirm and enrich this information, the names of the first Turks and the first Turkish States, which have survived to the present day. Their story is, historical facts ”, in a sense - the story of the “Turkish World” in the ancient era - for a very long time. He says that for any reason, to emphasize the facts that cannot be denied, it is stated that we want to express firstly that we use the title of First Turks in particular10. In the ancient history, the Scythians, as the "Horsemen civilization", constitute a very important and interesting part of the Scythians, in the last thousand years of the pre-Christian period, in the vast steppes from China to the Danube. Researches and archaeological excavations have been made and evaluated from the 19th century onwards. Ögel; İslam Öncesi Türk Kültür Tarihi Orta Asya Kaynak ve Buluntularına Göre, ,p. XIV; http://acikerisim.ege.edu.tr:8081/jspui/handle/11454/1893 9 Ögel; İslam Öncesi Türk Kültür Tarihi Orta Asya Kaynak ve Buluntularına Göre, p. XIV. 10 Taner Tarhan; ‘’Ön Asya Dünyasında İlk Türkler: Kimmerler ve İskitler’’,Türkler, Vol.1.,p.597. 8 241 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The real historical facts about them are from the sources of the Chinese "Assyrian" Jews and Greeks, especially the Classical Age (BC 450-330). Herodotus (IV. S), on the origin of the Iskitites, provides information in three versions. Accordingly, the nomadic Scythians sitting in Asia. After the war with the Massagetler from the displacement, they crossed the Volga River and entered the country of Kimmer. Scythian Kurgans, Cities, Greek Colonies in the Black Sea (T.Tarhan) The Greeks' contact with the Scythians began with the colonization movement (750 BC). The Greeks referred to the Scyth as Scyth, and the "Saha", and this area is called "Scythia" in ancient times. The Assyrians, who were the great states of that period, used the term “Asguza”, while the Persians called “Sak”. In the Hellenistic (BC 330-30) and Rome (27 BC - 476 AD), the term "Scythian" was a geographical term that included all the north - eastern barbarians. Kurgan groups can be classified as follows. Kuban group: Elizatovskaya Stanitza (B.C. V. IV. Century), Karagedeuasch (first half of the 2nd century BC), Kelermes (BC VII · Vi, yy.), Kostromskaya Stanilza (B.C. VII· VI century), Seven Brothers (before the 1st century BC) etc. Taman group: Bolshaya Bllsnitza (BC LV. Century) etc. Kırım Group : Ak Mescit (B.C. VI-V.c.), Altın Oba (before the B.C. V. century- later LV. century ), Dört Oba (B.C. lll. c.), Kul Oba (before the B.C.. V.century- later LV. century), Temir Gora - Kerç yakınında . (B.C. VII. c.) etc. The Dnieper group: Alexandropol (mid 4th century BC), Cbertornyyk (BC century), Melgunov (BC VII · VI century), Nikopol (B.C). century BC, Oguz (last half of B.C century), Solokha (towards the middle of B.C century), Tsyrnbalka (4th century B.C). 242 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Don group : Ellzavetovskaya Stanltza (B.C V·1l1. yy.), Voro· nez ( B.C. Later IV. century - iii. century. ) etc. The Kiev group: in the Smela region (VI-III century BC), Snosk i Borovski (later in 4 th century B.C.) etc. Peltava group: Akjutinsk burials (BC LV · A.D. century) Volga group : Astarhan group ( B.C. V·Il. c.), Samara group ( B.C.V·II. c.) Ural Group : Beş Oba ve Oren burg (B.C.- ? ) Altay group : Başadar » frozen kurgans (B.C.VI · 111. c.), . Katanda - frozen kurgans > (B.C. V·IV. c.), Pa zırık – frozen kurgans - ( B.C. V · IV. c.), Şibe ( B.C..IV.-III.c) etc. Northern Mogolistan: Noin Ula (A.D.. i. Century) Germany: Plohmühlen (M.Ö. IV. Century), Vet tersfeld (before B.C. V. century) Hungary: Zoldhalompusszta (B.C. century) etc. Romania: Satu Mare (later than .IV.century B.C.-11th century) etc.11. Scythian Animal Style, Scythians are called "The Goldsmiths of the Steppes." They are the people who created the most beautiful and rich examples of "Bozkir Animal Style". They also built artifacts in Greek colonies according to their own tastes. These magnificent artifacts found in the Kurgans, most of them are from the gold. They express the feelings of the steppes in the simplest, but most striking way. Great exhibitions such as Art Treasures of Ancient Kuban;11 Les Scossies d’Archeologie: 12 Les Scythes are the bestknown publications in this art. There are so many different descriptions of the deer, the "sacred" and "pioneer" animal, that I perceive these unique art narrations as "the language of the steppes / steppes". According to our work, "before the article" and also (such as the first runic alphabet.) After the article is the traditional, anonymous expressions. Very rich rugs, socks, environment, saddlebags etc. in the Turkic World, every work in handicrafts has a "name" and a "meaning". In our view, these should be re-evaluated as "the solution of the captions" 12. II- SCYTHIAN KURGAN CULTURE While speaking of the researchers working on the Scythians in Turkey, in particular; M. Taner Tarhan, Abdulhaluk M. Çay, İlhami Durmuş and Yaşar Çoruhlu. together with these; Said Mübin Çalış, Hatice Palaz Erdemir Halil Erdemir, Oya San, Kürşat Koçak, Muhammet Taner Tarhan; ‘’Bozkır Medeniyetlerinin Kısa Kronolojısı’’, Tarih Dergisi, Yıl,1970,S.24, (s.17-32),s.22. Taner Tarhan,;"Ön Asya Dünyasında İlk Türkler Kimmerler ve İskitler", Türkler, Vol:1, Yeni Türkiye Pub., İstanbul 2002. 11 12 243 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Beşir Aşan, İbrahim Tellioğlu, Zekiye Tunç etc. we must specify the names here. Among these, Said Mübin Çalış's article, The Descriptions of War in the Scythian Kurgan Finds in the North of the Black Sea, is a prominent research in this study. In the written sources of Assyrian and Urartian Scythians, known as horsemen tribes, BC.- A.D. IIth c. They were influential in the north of the Black Sea and in Anatolia, especially in the Caucasus. We can get information about Scythians who cannot have written sources that give information about themselves from Greeks, Assyrians and Urartians. Early Hellenic historians and geographers, especially Herodotus, Strabo, Thukydides, Xenophon, give information about the role Scythians play in the region on a number of occasions13. The most important information about the Scythians in the areas where they are able to obtain archaeological excavations. Among these, Scythian kurgans have an important place. The aim of this article is to give information about the Scythians and to give information about the archaeological excavations especially in Eastern Europe14. Saka and Scythians (İlhami Durmuş) The rich and impressive remnants of the scythians from the Scythians show that although the written sources of this society are very few, they are the representatives of an advanced culture. The Kurgan finds reveal many details about the daily life of the Scythians. B.C. IXth century The Scythian Kurgan tradition, which started to be established in the 18th century, also includes the cultural elements of their lives, as it distinguishes this society from other societies. Hatice Palaz Erdemir, Halil Erdemir ; ‘’Güneybatı Asya ve Avrasya’da İskit Askeri İzleri’’, Tarih Okulu, MayAugust 2010 Isuue: VII, 25-37. p.25. 14 Hatice Palaz Erdemir, Halil Erdemir ;‘’Güneybatı Asya ve Avrasya’da İskit Askeri İzleri’’; s.25. 13 244 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE As in other steppe societies, the Scythians used the items they use in their daily life with descriptions of the war, which is the most important part of their lives. Apart from the battle scenes on these objects, animal and hunting scenes are also depicted. This study aims to reveal the relationship between the life descriptions of the Scythians and the war depictions on their belongings15. Scythian Kurgan Finds The rich and impressive remains of the Scythian surviving kurgans show that although the written sources of this society are very few, they are representative of an advanced culture. 40 Scythians. and 50. parallel to the west of the Danube River to the east of China Wall is known to spread over an area of more than 7000 kilometers. Archaeologists have unearthed all of the horse harness, iron swords, triangular arrowheads and ornaments from one end to the other, all dating from the reign of the Scythians and dating from each other.16 Archaeological excavations on Scythian kurgans XX. In the beginning of the century, it was started in a serious manner and continued rapidly in the short time. The northern part of the Black Sea has been a region where nomadic societies have preferred to live since ancient times17. It is known that the steppe cultured communities on this region is a very important authority in time. The graves of the Scythian kings were found in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. The most famous examples of these kurgans and the most valuable parts in terms of archaeological finds are those located on the northern side of the Black Sea. The most detailed information about Scythian art and life; Nowadays, we are able to learn by means of the Kurds in the northern part of the Black Sea such as Chertomlyk, Solokha, Kul-Oba and Kelermes. The findings obtained from these kurgans are non-written sources. Kelermes kurgan finds are one of the most distinctive features of Scythian art. In 1903, D.G. Schultz initiated archaeological excavations at Kelermes, 25 kilometers north of Maikop; In addition, four burial chambers were discovered and the archaeological finds were gold, silver and bronze. However, many years after the excavation of Schultz, the excavations were restarted in this region and it was learned that the number of graves was much more than that discovered. The artifacts were removed from BC. VII. century. A skeleton was found on her clothes, and she had a rather ostentatious outfit made of gold, decorated with animal depictions. Said Mübin Çalış ; “Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Yer Alan İskit Kurgan Buluntularındaki Savaş Betimlemeleri’’, KSÜ Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi Vol:14 Issue :1 (2017).p.42 16 Çalış ; “Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Yer Alan İskit Kurgan Buluntularındaki Savaş Betimlemeleri’’, p.47; Boris B. Piotrovsky, "İskitlerin Dünyası", Unesco'dan Görüş, Issue: 12. p. 6. 17 Çalış ; “Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Yer Alan İskit Kurgan Buluntularındaki Savaş Betimlemeleri’’, p.47; Yaşar Çoruhlu; Eski Türklerin Kutsal Mezarları Kurganlar, Ötüken Neşriyat, İstanbul, p. 297. 15 245 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The same person of the 47-centimeter length of the person and 14.1 centimeters in the width of a quiver right next to the person has been placed; and eight fantastic animal images with deer and bird head figures were expertly handled. These fuzzy finds often over griffins; different fantastic animal images with body and head are common. In addition to this, iron axes, bronze helmets, gold bowls, bronze vases, personal ornaments, silver mirrors were found in this fiction18. In 1830, the excavation was initiated by Kul-Oba Kurganı, a ten-meter high artificial hill near Kerch. Utilization Oba; was the first major Scythian founder to be excavated. Corpses of abundant gold items were found in men and women placed in the kurgan. Kurgan finds from BC IV. century. Archaeological Kurgan Places It was built in Scythian art form from this fuzz; numerous archaeological finds from gold, silver and electrum were obtained. Kurgan finds in general; The dress consists of ornamental plates, bracelets, war instruments decorated with mythical animals, headdresses of Scythian art and flamboyant vases. Solokha is a Scythian ruler of 18 meters high, where the nobles were buried together with their servants and horses. This is one of the most famous kurgans that show that Scythian-Greek art is influenced by each other. Located 21 kilometers south of Nikopol, Solokho's excavations were conducted by N. I. Veselovskiy from 1911-1913. Many Scythian 18 Çalış ; “Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Yer Alan İskit Kurgan Buluntularındaki Savaş Betimlemeleri’’, p.47. 246 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE combat tools were removed from this plot. It is also noteworthy that the combat tools removed from the fiction are highly similar to the combat tools extracted from Pazirik19. Kul-oba Kurganı: Scythian - 4th century BC, Kerch / Crimea Findings IV. The end of the century is dated to the beginning of the 15th century. Gold, silver, iron and bronze were the main raw materials used in the construction of the items in this fiction. The skeletons are gold bracelets, necklaces and gold embroidered dresses. The horns of the scythians, the horns, the iron sword placed next to the skeleton with silver vases and the sword sheath covered with gold; products that stand out from a highly skilled hand. The scene of the fight of the scythians Solokha Fiction (B. Piotrovski; Skythishische Kunst, Leningrad) 19 Çalış ; “Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Yer Alan İskit Kurgan Buluntularındaki Savaş Betimlemeleri’, p.48. 247 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Chertomlyk is one of the most fictitious kurgans among the Scythian kurgans. The high number of jewels in the fiction constitutes important thoughts about the economic wealth of the Scythians. The archaeological excavations of Chertomlyk, which is located on a 19-meter high hill within the borders of Ukraine, were initiated in 1862. It is understood that a certain part of its contents was robbed before Kurgan was discovered by archaeologists. Hundreds of gold jewels and bronze arrowheads, swords and spears have been found in Kurgan. Besides, the cups and bronze boilers made of gold and silver are also of the kurgan materials. It is seen that women's clothes obtained from this fiction are the same with all in Kul-Oba20. Kul-oba Kurganı: Solokha Finds Conclusion B.C..8 – A.D.2, the Scythians were seen in a wide area from the Great Wall to the Danube. The archaeological excavations and investigations made here show that very important works emerged in the Scythian kurgans. It is understood that these works have made great contributions to Turkish political and cultural history. Scythian Arrowheads 20 Çalış ; ‘’ Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Yer Alan İskit Kurgan Buluntularındaki Savaş Betimlemeleri’’, s.52. 248 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE BIBLIOGRAPHYA Çalış Said Mübin ; ‘’ Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Yer Alan İskit Kurgan Buluntularındaki Savaş Betimlemeleri’’, KSÜ Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi Vol:14 Issue:1, p.42-60. Çoruhlu, Yaşar, Eski Türklerin Kutsal Mezarları Kurganlar, Ötüken Neşriyat, İstanbul 2016. http://acikerisim.ege.edu.tr:8081/jspui/handle/11454/1893. Karatay Osman, Serkan Acar; Doğu Avrupa Türk Tarihi, Kitabevi Yayınları, İstanbul 2013. Ögel, Bahaeddin, İslamiyet’ten Önce Türk Kültür Tarihi, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 1984. Piotrovsky, Boris B., "İskitlerin Dünyası", Unesco'dan Görüş,1976, Issue : 12. Rasonyi Laszlo L.;Macar Arkeolojisinde Hunlar Avarlar Macarlar, Ankara Halk Evi Neşriyatı Büyük Boy Nu: 23, İstanbul 1938. _______ Laszlo; Doğu Avrupa’da Türklük, Yayına Hazırlayan : Dr.Yusuf Gedikli, İstanbul 2006. Tarhan Taner; ‘’Bozkır Medeniyetlerinin Kısa Kronolojısı’’, Tarih Dergisi, Yıl,1970,Issue .24, p.17-32. _______ Taner, "Ön Asya Dünyasında İlk Türkler Kimmerler ve İskitler", Türkler, Vol:1, Yeni Türkiye Publication, İstanbul 2002, p.597-610. 249 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 250 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Geopolitics Of Eastern Europe Prof. Dr. Mustafa ÖZTÜRK* Introduction It is known that geography is influential on history, and it dominates the fate of the people living on it. When we look at the geography in general, there are big differences between the regions. Natural features of North-South, East-West, sea-side and continental climate zones are different. Geography does not have the same features always, everywhere. Even in narrower areas there are geographic variations. The geography is different but requirements of people are same and continuous. Just because of these geographical differences, the first barter trade, struggles, wars and migrations for meeting and maintaining the needs came into being, a great economy, military and political history arised. In a more general sense, the basis of rising civillization and wide historical knowledge is geographical differences and deprivations. These differences also mean contradictions, which are the first reasons for dynamism of life and development. In nature and social life, everything exists with its contrary. Everything is perceived and makes sense with its contrary. When the world history is considered, it will be seen that the great history ongoing untill now, takes form according to the features of geography, also the civilization evolution that orients and influences humanity, takes form acoording to geography. For example; incidents, rise of civilization and history are not the same in Northern Hemisphere and Southern Hemisphere. It will be rational to part Northern Hemisphere, in itself. Not every geographical area has the same characteristics. There are geographies in the world, where great forces rised, great civilizations were established. The region where history and civilization rised, great developments (the invention of writing, wheel, the first agriculture, the first states, great empires, laws, monotheistic religions, revolutions, discoveries and in conclusion two world wars) took place is in Northen Hemisphere, between the latitudes 15-60 degrees which is called variable zone. History and civilization rised on the variable zone. This zone extends starting from the East, to Japan, Korea, all Middle Asia, China, Turkistan, India, Iran, all Middle East, Mediterranian Basin, Europe and Central America except Northern regions of Canada. As the İzmir Democrasy University Sciences and Literature Faculty History Deparment mustafa.ozturk@idu.edu.tr İZMİR * 251 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies history was developed here in the past, today and in the future this region will be the center of history. This zone is the center of history and civilization, risings and collapses. Then, the future history is going to be set up in this zone. It is unwise to think that the axes of history will move to other regions. As a matter of fact, this zone and the balances in this zone, form the center of gravity of the world politics, nowadays. I. The Place of Eastern Europe in European Geography In fact, Europe is not an independent and natural continent as Asia, Africa and America, it is the Eastern pole of Asia. If Europe was a continent, South part of South Asia viz South of Himalayas, India from Bangladesh to Persian Gulf had to be a continent, too. But somehow, mumpsimus, Europe is taken as a continent. According to our view, the acceptance of Europe as a continent is purely religious and cultural considerations, not natural geography. Despite everything, Europe has an exceptional place with its role in history. Although it is the smallest continent in the world, Europe is the continent that affects the world the most. There are no nations or regions in the world that are not associated with Europe or influenced by Europe. The big successes that Europe reached on economic, political and cultural areas, gives it this superiority. But these successes and developments are not seen in all Europe. We prefer to divide Europe into two parts, according to geographical, historical and economic basis: 1. Western Europe It is the part that starts from Germany, heads towards from Denmark coasts to the West, including Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, in Mediterranean Italy and from continental Europe till Austria. Although the West is regarded as the center of Europe’s philosophy, culture and civilization center, Greece is geographically located in Eastern Europe. It would be more appropriate to handle the factors that make Europe “Europe”, in two main stages: The first stage is the philosopical and cultural process that is the basis of development of Europe. The most important elements of this stage are: 1. Philosophy of Greek-Rome, world perspective, economic and social situation, greatness. 2. Christianity 3. Latin. Europe, in the first plan, ensured community of religion, politics and philosophy. Latin language ensured this community. When evaluated a little more closely and carefully, it will be seen that the basis of all three elements is the East. As we have argued this in another article, we can briefly say that: Greek philosophy and civilization, on the Eastern part of Mediterranian, 252 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE is in fact an Eastern civilization which is supplied by Egyptian, Syrian, Anatolian, Mesopotamian, easterly Iranian, Indian and Chinese cultures. Center of Christianity is the East, already. Europe acquired a common religion with Christianity. And Latin is an East based language that consists of Phonecian and Ancient Greek. The second stage is the developments that brought Europe to the present since the Crusades. These are: Humanizm, Renaissance, Reform, Geographical Discoveries -the first colonialism movements, indeed-, Capitalism, Liberalism, French Revolution, Age of Enlightenment, Industrial Revolution, Age of Industrialisation, Colonialism and Imperialism. Applying of these elements to the life, happened mostly in Western Europe. Western Europe is not a closed basin, it expends to the North Sea, Atlantic Ocean, and to the Mediterranian from South. As is, it is a globalise and suitable geography for the economic life and developing trade. Thus, if we remember the rise of bourgeoisie from the coasts, commence of the first colonialism movements out of Europe, in the middle of 15th Century, western Europe’s pioneering role will be seen more clearly. Development of trade bourgeoisie, rise of mercantilism and capitalism, establishment of overseas colonialism empires, industrial revolution that started in Britain and spread to Europe are the results that European Geography inclined. Besides the geographical possibilities, of course, the influence of humane, administrative and political practises can not be denied. When Western Europe is theologized, Spain, Portugal, France, Italy and Austria are Catholics, England and Germany are Protestants. Most of the people are Latins. In Western Europe, the languages which are the members of the Latin language group are dominant. That is why, it is better to seperate Europe into two parts with a line, starting from Germany to the South, passing Austria till the Adriatic Sea. 1. Eastern Europe Eastern Europe is the region consisting the Baltic Sea, Poland, Czech, Slovakia, Ukraine, Hungary, Romania and Balkan Peninsula. It shoves off to Baltic from North and to the Black Sea from East. With a more general expression, Eastern Europe is the region consisting Serbia from the Adriatic Sea to Northeast, Montenegro, all Balkan Peninsula, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Poland and Ukraine. It shoves off to the Black Sea from the East, to the Adriatic from South and from Peloponnesus to the Mediterranean. Its middle parts are in continental climate zone and its economy depends on agriculture and livestock. Carpathian Mountains are the most important mountains. Danube River is the most important water resource of the region and a 253 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies trade route that connects countries to each other. It actually has rich resources sufficient for agriculture and livestock. Most of the Eastern European people are Slavs and most of them are Orthodoxes. Catholicism is more common in Hungary, Romania and Poland. It differs by the Western Europe in terms of the religion, race and culture. This difference starts by the division of Catholic and Orthodox Churches and the sever of the Roman Empire in 476 A.D. Istanbul centred Orthodox Eastern Rome Church starts to represent Rome. The empire which halved, condominium till 800 A.D., has divided forever at this date and finally Catholic and Orthodox Churches have parted company, in 1052. Especially, during the Crusade in 1204, as the Latins invaded and plundered İstanbul, the division of the two sides became deeper and turned to hatred. Western Europe; Roman opinion and philosophy was depended on Latin culture basis, and Eastern Europe (Eastern Rome – Byzantium), was depended on Slav, Orthodox and Hellenistic culture basis. Also, both blocks’ political and economic benefits were conflicting. As Eastern Rome was dominating the most important economic geography of the old world, Western Rome was dissolved into many local kingdoms. This historical ground was going to form the basis of the East-West blocking of Europe till today and the last two, great world wars were going to be between these blocks. Shortly, the factors that made Europe “Europe”, European civilization were not occured in whole Europe. European civilization has developed on West. Of course, Eastern Europe has obtained the same basic cultural elements, it had specific administrative, military, economic system, architecture, literature, culture but Easten Europe’s geography did not allow the civilization from West to develop here, too. 2. Consequences of Eastern Europe Geography While Eastern Europe’s control under the domination of Eastern Rome was continuing, starting 13th century the situation was going to reverse, Western Europe was going to break through and develop the known European Civilization. And Eastern Rome-ByzantiumEastern Europe was going to suffer a great damage by incursions and invasions of nearby geographies, continuous alterations, political unions, economic welfare, social and cultural progress, population. Because, Eastern Europe is not as lucky as Western Europe, in geopolitic position, it is under the influence of the states established on three mainlands. It is on the influence and arena field of at one side Russia, at the other side Europe and at another side Anatolian based forces. Throughout history, it has been the 254 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE struggle and transit field of the states established on these three centers. It has been occupied and passed in other hands, between the great forces Istanbul-Russia or EuropeRussia. The Huns coming from the North side of the Black Sea, in the middle age, have changed the destiny of not on only Eastern Europe, but also all Europe, they caused great immigrations. Effect of these immigrations on the fall of Rome is known. Later, Cumans, Avars and Pechenegs became effective in Eastern Europe and attacked Byzantium, time to time. Bulgarians and Serbians were also attacking Byzantium. Ottoman-Austria, Ottoman-Hungarian and after 16th century Ottoman-Russian struggles began, because Ottomans have come to Europe starting 14th century, conquired İstanbul in 1453, succeeded to Byzantium, dominated Middle and Eastern Europe. Until the end of 18 th Century, Eastern Europe was the arena of all states including France. Maybe, Poland was the most unfortunate country of Eastern Europe. It was always occupied, shared, wiped off the map and established again. These struggles caused formation of blocs, basicly Eastern-Western Europe. For example, the allies of the WWI and WWII were composed of the same states, also, their enemies were selfsame. Throughout history, there were struggles between the allies and the alliance around the House of Habsburg. These alliances occured in between 1567-1608, 1618-1648, 1689-1714 and 1793-1815 and these two forces countered at the WWI 1914-1918 and WWII 1939-1945. This invisible but a fact of Europe, Baltic-Adriatic Line has formed the basis of East-West division, after WWII. As the Balkans were usually the impact area of İstanbul-Russia based forces, Peloponnesus was the impact area of Anatolian or Italian based forces. Peloponnesus based forces have never gained dominance over Eastern Mediterranean or Balkans. Peloponnesus came under domination of Italy based Roman Empire in the ancient times and have been under control of Rome, for long centuries. Afterwards, it came under domination of Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium). After Eastern Rome was eliminated by the Turks, it stood under domination of the Turks, till 19th Century. Therefore Peloponnesus has always been condemned to be under domination of Italian or Anatolian based forces*. *In history, the influence of Anatolia or Italy was always felt on Peloponnese. This historical background has also influenced the foreign policy of Greece. Since Greece gained its independence, it has always seen Anatolia/Turkey as the main source of the threats against it. Greece balanced this historical-geographical pressure by entering the EU. Therefore, it is not incorret to say that this historical-geographical backround influences today’s TurkishGreek relations. 255 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The fact that Eastern Europe has been a struggle arena for nearby forces throughout history, has not allowed great developments as in the West to occur in Eastern Europe. The important developments that make Europe “Europe”, have always progressed in Western Europe. Humanism and Renaissance in Italy, the first colonialism movements known as geographical discoveries in Spain and Portugal, The Great Revolution in France, Industrial Revolution in England and constitutional amendments, have always arised from the West. In this respect, Western Europe has become the world’s political, economic, military forces and attraction centre. However, there were no similar developments in Eastern Europe due to the reasons we explained. Warsaw, Prague, Budapest and Sofia have never been a world-wide trade and industry center like London, Paris, Lisbon and Amsterdam have been. These words should not mean that there were no developments in Eastern Europe. On the contrary, there were also significant developments in Eastern Europe, including states, people, economic and military order, arts, education, culture and social life. What we intended is that Eastern Europe was not an inducement center like the West, and its reason is the fortune that the geography predestinated. Central and Eastern Europe are in the continental temperate zone. Continental temperate zone’s economy depends on agriculture and livestock. In pre-industrial agriculture communities, more manpower was needed to operate large fields. As the tracts were in governors’ power, the villagers had to work as serfs of them. In short, the economical and social order of the continental climate is feudalism. Central and Eastern Europe is a suitable geography for feudalism to develope, because of continental climate features and perpetual occupations. It is known that Feudalism has carried on for a long time in the region, because of the economic structure depended on agriculture, mostly and obligation of collective life. Also in our day, this geographical and social structure forms a historical basis for Europe’s political development and vision of world. Thus, it is not incidental that Eastern Europe countries rank number two between the EU countries, in development level. Conclusion That is not incidental that, after the WWII, socialist world view –which we can call modern feudal system-, has spreaded in Central and Eastern Europe. It is incorrect to take this as a sharing made from behind a desk, at that period. The main reason or at least the facilitating reason of this is the historical-geographical basis that we have mentioned. Thus, Socialist world view has found a spreading area in the other parts of the world where feudal traditions were 256 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE dominate, for example in the Middle East. When Europe’s development level is examined, the difference between Eastern and Western Europe becomes obviously seen. Indeed, the founders of the EU are Western European states. Economic and social welfare is higher in Western Europe, particularly in the UK, Germany, France, Italy and northern countries. Although, Spain and Portugal were the first colonialist states, because of various reasons (these reasons exceed the limits of the disclosure) their wealth could not last till today, and they became the second class states of the EU. Eastern European states still feel and live the geographical distresses and severe conditions and threats of the historical process. After the WWII, Eastern Europe was occupied by the Soviet Union. In 1956, the uprising against the Soviet repression came to fruition in Hungary, the Soviets’ response was tyrannise, violence and massacre. 2700 people died during the uprising, 300 people executed, including Prime Minister Imre Nagy. In 1968, Czechoslovakia had the same end. Today, the region is a benefit and velitation area between Russia and EU representing the Western Europe. Russia annexed Ukraine's Crimea. Even the US from outside the region follows the policy of dominating the region. Just like everywhere and every area, the historical process continues in Eastern Europe. Besides, history is not a case in the past, but a living fact. In this respect, Eastern Europe still survives its historical fate. BIBLIOGRAPHY Acar Cemal, Soğuk Savaş-Süper Güçlerin Hâkimiyet Kavgası, İstanbul 2007 ArmaoğluFahir, Siyasi Tarih 1789-1960, Ankara 1973 BaillyAuguste, Bizans İmparatorluğu Tarihi, (çev. Haluk Şaman), Noktakitap Yay., İstanbul 2006 Baykal Bekir Sıtkı, Yeni Zamanda Avrupa Tarihi II/1-Otuz Yıl Savaşları Devri, Ankara 1961 Braudel, Fernand; Akdeniz ve Akdeniz MedeniyetiI-II, (çev. M. Ali Kılıçbay), İstanbul 1989 Challaye, Felicien; Dinler Tarihi, (Çev. Samih Tiryakioğlu), İstanbul 1960 Çelik, Mehmet; Siyasal Sistem Açısından Bizans İmparatorluğunda Din-Devlet İlişkileri I (Kuruluşundan X. Yüzyılakadar), Elazığ 1996 DelmasClaude, Avrupa Uygarlık Tarihi, (çev. Nihal Önol), Varlık Yay., İstanbul 1973 Demircioğlu, Halil; Roma Tarihi I, I. Kısım, 2. Baskı, Ankara 1987 257 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies FerroMarc, Sömürgecilik Tarihi: Fetihlerden Bağımsızlık Hareketlerine (13-20. yüzyıl), İmge Yay., İstanbul 2002 GeorgOstrogorsky, Bizans Devleti Tarihi, (çev. Fikret Işıltan), Ankara 1981 Köhnen, Gerhard; Dünya Ekonomi Tarihi (Başlangıçtan-Bugüne), (çev. Tunay Akoğlu), İstanbul 1965 KuratAkdes Nimet, “Avarlar”,(Yayına Haz. Serkan Acar), Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi XXVI/1, İzmir 2011, s. 81. 110 KuratAkdes Nimet, IV-XVIII. Yüzyıllarda Karadeniz’in Kuzeyindeki Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri, Ankara 1972 KuratAkdes Nimet, Peçenekler, Ankara 1937 KuratAkdes Nimet, Rusya Tarihi, Başlangıçtan 1917’e Kadar, Ankara 1993 LuraghiRaimondo, Sömürgecilik Tarihi, (çev. Aydın Emeç), İstanbul 2000 Margaret Macmillan, Paris 1919, (çev. Belkıs Dişbudak), ODTÜ Yayıncılık, Ankara 2004 McMahon Robert, Soğuk Savaş, İstanbul 2013 McNeil William H.,ThePursuit of Power,TheUniversity of Chicago Press, Chicago 1982 Renouvin Pierre, Birinci Dünya Savaşı Tarihi (1914-1918), (çev. Adnan Cemgil), Altın Kitaplar Yayınevi, İstanbul 1969 Sander Oral, Siyasi Tarih I- İlkçağlardan 1918’e, Birinci Baskı, İmge Yay., 2000 Sander Oral, Siyasi Tarih II-1918-1994, Birinci baskı Ankara 2000 SeignobosCharles, Avrupa Milletlerinin Mukayeseli Tarihi, (çev. Samih Tiryakioğlu), Varlık Yay., İstanbul 1960 Toynbee, Arnold; Tarih Bilinci I-II, İstanbul 1975 Uçarol Rıfat, Siyasi Tarih 1789-1999), 5. Baskı Filiz Kitabevi, İstanbul 2000 Wells H.G.,Cihan Tarihinin Umumi Hatları I-V, (çev. Maarif Nezareti Heyeti), İstanbul 1927 Wells H.G.,Kısa Dünya Tarihi, (çev. Ziya İshan), İstanbul 1972 258 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 259 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 260 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE An Evaluation Of The Administrative Division Of Eastern Europe In The Ottoman Period On Archive Resources Orhan KILIÇ* Introduction The Ottomans proceeded to Eastern Europe in the second half of the 14th century which they named as Rumeli (Rumelia). The Ottoman progress in European lands continued until the last quarter of the 17th century. The secured territories were divided into certain administrative units in order to ensure persistence in this wide geography. Before the second siege of Vienna, the European borders of the Ottoman Empire covered the whole Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia, Moldova and Albania and a part of Hungary, Ukraine, Croatia and Slovakia. The Ottoman Empire expanded until Vienna frontiers westernmost but could not dominate the area even though laid siege twice. Therefore, the Ottoman dominance could not move beyond Central Europe. In this respect, it is possible to assert that the European dominance of the Ottoman Empire was limited to Eastern Europe to a certain extent. It can be claimed that the term “Eastern Europe” geographically covers all the Balkan states, the eastern part of Hungary according to the Danube River, and Ukraine and Moldova in the Black Sea Region. The Eastern European states that came under the rule of the Ottoman Empire were including the Eastern Hungary until the Black Sea where the Danube makes a northern curve and also Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia. The western part of the Dnieper River was also within the Eastern European frontiers of the Ottoman Empire. With reference to this definition, the Eastern European higher administrative division units of the Ottoman Empire can be regarded as Bosnia, Kanije (Nagykanizsa), Budin (Buda), Uyvar (Nove Zamky), Egri (Eger), Timisvar/Yanova (Timisoara/Ineu), Varat (Oradea), Kamanice (Kamianets-Podilskyi Podolia), Ozi (Ochakiv- Silistra), Kefe (Caffa) and Rumeli (Rumelia) provinces, Eflak (Wallachia) and Bogdan (Moldovia) voivodships and Crimean Khanate. * Prof. Dr., History Department in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of Firat University. e-mail: okilic60@gmail.com 261 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies I- THE OTTOMAN ARCHIVAL RESOURCES OF EASTERN EUROPEAN ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE The Ottoman Empire introduced all the controlled places into an administrative system regardless of the geography. It is known that the empire adopted various administrative styles according to the characteristics of different territories instead of an absolute centralism. The basic administrative units of the Ottoman Empire are sanjak/liva and kaza. Sanjaks rather corresponded to military and financial units while kazas contained municipal, judicial and logistics units. In this respect, the rural Ottoman administrative divisions should be examined in two categories which are sanjak and kaza. The higher administrative unit of sanjak and kaza is called province (vilayet) or state (eyalet). The higher administrative terminology of sanjaks followed a transition process from province to state1. Therefore, the archival resources in which provinces/states and sanjaks, the lower units of the former, are provided together are of great importance in determining the administrative division units. 1- Mufassal Tahrir Books (Detailed Census Books) The Ottoman Empire carried out a census without fail if timar system was to be implemented to the dominated lands. The mufassal books that were issued in consequence of such censuses intended to determine the taxpayer population and revenue items of a relevant area. The principal unit in these censuses was “sanjak”. In this case, the mufassal census books are the only resources to refer to in order to determine sanjaks and their lower units, that is, kazas, nahiyes and villages, where sanjak-tevcih books are not sufficient in which states and relevant sanjaks are recorded together. Therefore, it is possible to learn the administrative division of sub-sanjak units from such books (See, ADDITION- I). The Ottoman Empire carried out censuses of the administrative units in Eastern Europe, including voivodships. Moreover, Kamanice (Kamianets-Podilskyi- Podolia), the last place to be captured by the Ottomans in Eastern Europe that was under Ottoman control for 25 years, was also subjected to census2. The wide area of domination in Eastern Europe and the number See about the Ottoman administrative division units: Orhan Kılıç, 18. Yüzyılın İlk Yarısında Osmanlı Devleti’nin İdari Taksimatı-Eyalet ve Sancak Tevcihatı, Elazığ 1997, p. 6-17; Orhan Kılıç, “Ottoman Provincial Organization in the Classicial Period (1362-1799)”, The Turks, 3 Ottomans, Yeni Türkiye pub., Ankara, 2002, p. 479-490; Tuncer Baykara, Anadolu’nun Tarihî Coğrafyasına Giriş I Anadolu’nun İdarî Taksimatı, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü pub., 86, Ankara, 1988, p. 29-34. 2 See about the Kamanice tahrir books: Dariusz Kolodziejczyk, “The Defter-i Mufassal of Kamaniçe from CA. 1681-An Example of Late Ottoman Tahrir, Reliability, Function, Principles of Publication”, Osmanlı Araştırmaları XIII, Istanbul, 1993, p. 91-98. 1 262 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE of sanjaks which were about 100 indicate that the mufassal census books were great in number3. If we assume that censuses were repeated periodically, it can be inferred that there are hundreds of census books to refer to in the Ottoman archives. A part of these census books was published by the archive administration4 and researchers while another part was evaluated in monographic sanjak studies. 2- Sanjak Tevcih Books (Sanjak Registration Books) Sanjak tevcih books are the most significant resources that reflect the sanjak-based administrative division of the Ottoman Empire. It became possible to clearly and completely identify the administrative divisions due to these books that were issued by the ruus, tahvil and nishan (nişan) kalemi of the Divan-i Humayun (Imperial Council) and contain all the administrational units of the Ottoman Empire. Sanjak tevcih books can be encountered in various classifications in the Ottoman Archives. However, these books are not originally named as sanjak tevcih books but acquired such name due to their contents. Nevertheless, some of these bear “sanjak tevcih book” statement on their covers. They can be found in Bab-i Asafi Ruus Kalemi Books (A. RSK d.)5, See the number of tahrir books on Eastern Europe bkz. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Rehberi, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Yusuf İhsan Genç, Mustafa Küçük, Dr. Raşit Gündoğdu, Sinan Satar, İbrahim Karaca, Hacı Osman Yıldırım, Nazım Yılmaz, T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı (BOA) Pub. Nu: 108, Third edition, Istanbul, 2010, p. 99-136. 4 The following are the Eastern European mufassal tahrir books published by the archive administration: 370 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530) I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Abdullah Sivridağ, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı Yayın Nu: 55, Ankara, 2001; 370 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530) II, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı Pub. Nu: 59, Ankara, 2002; 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530) I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Ali Coşkun, Ahmet Özkılınç, Abdullah Sivridağ, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı pub., Ankara, 2003; 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530) I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Abdullah Sivridağ, Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı Yayın Nu: 69, Ankara, 2004; 91, 164, MAD 540 ve 173 Numaralı Hersek, Bosna ve İzvornik Livaları İcmal Tahrir Defterleri (926-939/1520-1533), I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Abdullah Sivridağ, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Ali Toköz, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı pub., Ankara, 2006; 91, 164, MAD 540 ve 173 Numaralı Hersek, Bosna ve İzvornik Livaları İcmal Tahrir Defterleri (926-939/1520-1533), II, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Abdullah Sivridağ, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Ali Toköz, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı pub., Ankara, 2006; 367 Numaralı Muhâsebei Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri ile 94 ve 1078 Numaralı Avlonya Livası Tahrir Defterleri (926-1520/937-1530), III-IV, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Abdullah Sivridağ, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı pub., Ankara, 2008; 174 Numaralı Hersek Livâsı İcmâl Eflakân ve Voynugân Tahrîr Defteri (939/1533), Yayına hazırlayanlar: Abdullah Sivridağ, Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı Yayın Nu: 105, Ankara, 2009; MAD 506 Numaralı Semendire Livâsı İcmâl Tahrîr Defteri (925/1519), Yayına hazırlayanlar: Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Abdullah Sivridağ, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı pub., Ankara, 2009. 5 See for some of these notebooks: BOA, A. RSK d. 1452, 1551, 1572. 3 263 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Bab-i Asafi Nisanci/Tahvil Kalemi Books (A. NST d.)6, Kamil Kepeci Divan-i Humayun Ruus Kalemi Books7, Maliyeden Mudevver Books (MAD) (Transferred from the Finance Office Books)8 or Divan-i Humayun Nishan (nişan) Kalemi (A. DVNSNST d.)9. Apart from the foregoing, there also certain books10 in the archives of Topkapi Palace Museum that have the characteristics of sanjak tevcih books.. Sanjak tevcih books provide data about the Ottoman states/provinces, their sanjaks and the names, former offices and, rarely, the annual incomes of beys (governor) and pashas who govern such. These books remained in use for a certain period of time after initial entries, and the records were maintained concerning the change or office extension of state or sanjak governors. These changes and extension records were processed to reasonable blank spaces left under each administrative unit. The books could be limited 3-5 years while there were even sanjak tevcih books that were maintained for more than 50 years. Early period sanjak tevcih books did not contain such records of office change and mirrored the immediate conditions that took place when they were arranged (See, ADDITION-II). The books that were kept towards the mid-16th century started include the “has” (salary) revenues and change and ibka (extension) of offices of beys and pashas (See, ADDITION-III). However, the sanjak tevcih books of further dates did not represent the annual incomes of pashas and beys. The 18th century sanjak tevcih books rarely bear the annual incomes of beys and pashas. The books that were entered in the mid-18th century are of great importance to monitor the administrative division of the Ottoman Empire since these books contain information spanning half a century. Due to such books, it is possible to acquire clear information about the governing principles, that is, the administrative status of sanjaks. Sanjak books can instruct researchers about administrative or financial disposition procedures such as klasik, ocaklık, malikane, miri mukataa and arpalik. However, the appointment records are not unique to sanjak tevcih books. The berats granted to relevant people, the resolutions processed in muhimme books, the records of sheriyye registers and daily ruus books also include such information. Sanjak tevcih books are quite distinguished for only these books contained individual information and documents and they See for example: BOA, A. NŞT d. 1355. See for example: BOA, Kâmil Kepeci Ruus No: 262, 266. 8 BOA, MAD 563. 9 BOA, A. DVNSNŞT d. 16, 53. 10 TSMA, D. 5246, 8303, 9772, 10057. 6 7 264 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE enable researchers to see all the administrative divisions of the government and state and sanjak governors in one book. Mostly, the first pages of the books were intended as an index which illuminated the readers about the states, voivodships, kingships and captainships that were given in a book (See, ADDITION-IV). The sanjak tevcih books that were maintained for long years were filled with an increased number of records according to the length of their use, and the pages were processed with tevcih records without a blank space on sheets (See, ADDITION-V). According to the information we acquired, such sanjak tevcih books were kept until the early 19th century and were replaced by other books or documents following 1864 after which radical changes occurred in terms of the reforms (Tanzimat) and administration. 3- Muhimme Books (Divan-i Humayun/Imperial Council Records) Muhimme books contained the resolutions that were taken and deemed the most significant by Divan-i Humayun, the highest decision making body of the Ottoman Empire. The decree (ferman), berat and order etc. copies of such resolutions were also issued as individual documents and sent to relevant persons. There are 376 muhimme books in the Ottoman Archives which were categorized as Muhimme, Muhimme-i Mektume, Muhimme-i Asakir, Muhimme Zeyli and Muhimme-i Misir (Egypt). Only a small part of these books belong to other categories which were included to this category by mistake. However, there are also muhimme books that were classified among other catalogs. The oldest muhimme book is dated 1544-1545 and is preserved by the Topkapi Palace Museum Archives11. The books numbered 3, 5, 6, 7, 10, 12, 82, 83, 85 and 91 were published by the General Directorate of State Archives. Some of the books were independently prepared for publication by researchers12 while about 100 books were examined in dissertations13. Some of the resolutions taken by Divan-i Humayun could concern the whole or a great part of the government. Therefore, a single resolution (decree) was written and annotated indicating the place the copies of such resolution were addressed. The states and provinces the This book was published. See: Topkapı Sarayı Arşivi H. 951-952 Tarihli ve E-12321 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri, (Hazırlayan: Halil Sahillioğlu), IRCICA pub., Istanbul 2002. 12 See for example: Mehmet Ali Ünal, Mühimme Defteri 44, Akademi Kitabevi pub., İzmir, 1995; Hikmet Ülker, Sultanın Emir Defteri (51 Nolu Mühimme), Tatav-Tarih ve Tabiat Vakfı pub., Istanbul, 2003. 13 For graduate theses see: https://tez.yok.gov.tr/UlusalTezMerkezi/ (Access: 09.09.2018). 11 265 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies copies concerned and the sanjaks under these states and provinces reflected the current administrative division of the period when the resolutions were written. For example; a common decree was written for provinces and the sanjak beys under the former stating that a campaign was to commenced on January 30, 1545 and the troops of each sanjak should be prepared, and the copies of this decree were served to each governor (beylerbeyi) and sanjak bey14. These entries which we have provided below as documents enable us to distinguish which sanjaks formed Rumeli (Rumelia) and Budin (Buda) provinces and who governed such provinces and the sanjaks under them (SEE, ADDITION-VI, VII, VIII). There are similar examples plentiful in muhimme books and they should not be ignored if the attempt is to acquire updated and uninterrupted information for administrative division studies. Other than such records, it is also possible to find in muhimme books the assignment records and resolutions concerning certain amendments to provincial/state and administrative divisions. For example; we learn from muhimme books that Ozi (Ochakiv) became independent from Silistre Sancagi (Silistra Sanjak) after a short period of its establishment in 1584 and remained an individual sanjak. A decree dated April 13, 1584 states that Cankerman (Ochakiv), Akkerman (Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi), Bender (Bender) and Kili (Kiliya) were subject to Silistre Sancagi (Silistra Sanjak) but became individual sanjaks having become independent (See, ADDITION-IX)15. Akkerman (Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi) Sanjak was subject to the governor (sanjakbeyi) of Cankerman (Ochakiv) but was acquired by Bender Sancagi (Bender Sanjak) upon the recommendation of Vizier Cafer Pasha (See, Picture-I)16. 14 TSMA, E. 12321, leaf 81/b. BOA, MD 52, 289/768,769, 16 BOA, MD 52, 291/775. 15 266 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Picture-I: BOA, Mühimme Defteri No: 52, p. 291/775. (The Integration of Akkerman and Bender sanjaks) We also learn from a decree submitted to Dervish Bey, the governor (bey) of Segendin (Szeged), that is, from muhimme books, that Rustem Pasha was appointed instead of Budin (Buda) governor (beylerbeyi) Toygun Pasha when the latter deceased in June 19, 1559 (See, Picture-II)17. Picture-II: BOA, MD 3, hüküm (decision): 9 (Rüstem Pasha's appointment as the beylerbeyi (governor) of Budin/Buda). 17 BOA, MD 3, hüküm (decision): 9. 267 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 4- The Books of Divan-i Humayun Ruus and Nishan/Tahvil Kalemi The Ottoman Archives section of the Department of Presidential State Archives host the books of Divan-i Humayun Ruus and Nishan Kalemi coded as RSK d. and A. NST d. These books provide the appointment records of government officials as well as small military classes, timar amendments and new assignments (tevcih). Why these books are significant in terms of administrative division is that they contain governor (bey) and pasha appointments to states and sanjaks subject to administrative division, their dismissals and extensions of their offices. Hence, it can be inferred whether the states and provinces survived or under which principles relevant administrative division units were governed. It is also possible to have an opinion by studying the ruus records of the books of Ruus and Nishan Kalemi when static administrative division lists and sanjak tevcih books are not available. The records in these books were maintained only for the new appointments and the extensions of offices (ibka) (See Figure 2). These books that were usually kept for a year did not mention any record if no appointment is made to a state or sanjak during their use. Therefore, these books cannot allow an administrative division profile with the information therein. However, the data from such books can only help to complete some missing information. Ruus books are only found in the two aforementioned reserves. Kamil Kepeci Tasnifi (Kamil Kepeci Classification) hosts many ruus books. Besides, some of the books in muhimme books are actually ruus books18. Picture-III: BOA, A. RSK d. 1455, p. 23 (Assignments to Silistra and Yanya/Ioannina sanjaks). 18 For example; 2, 4 ve 8 numbered books one is a ruus book see: BOA, Mühimme Defteri No: 2, 4, 8. 268 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Occasionally, a part of the appointments to states and sanjaks were made collectively on the same date and were issued as a separate document. For example; the appointments and extensions of offices (ibka) on May 1, 1824 were issued by Nishan Kalemi as a separate document19. Appointments and extensions generally took place in the first 5 days of Sevval month (the 10th month according to Islamic calendar). It is possible obtain from the Ottoman Archives many documents concerning the collective appointment records of various years which took place on the same days and month. 5- Other Resources There was a radical change in conceptual and institutional terms incurred by the administrative division in the Ottoman Empire after the publication of Vilayet Nizamnamesi in 1864. The collective information concerning the administrative division during the process after the effect of such law could be acquired not with sanjak-tevcih books or other aforementioned resources anymore but with annuals called salname. Even though the state salnames were resources that annually and regularly reflected the administrative division of the Ottoman Empire, they also lacked certain qualities such as failure to clearly narrate the changes that occurred between two salnames. Therefore, the administrative division information in salnames must be supported and confirmed with updated resources. It is also possible to see the administrative division of the Ottoman Empire in organizational laws (Teskilat kanunnameleri). These resources are not included in this study since they cannot be evaluated as archival resources. Because they are considered as semiformal documents and generally repeat the information occurred before their publication. Therefore, like salnames, the information provided by the laws (kanunname) should be availed of after subjected to a review (See, ADDITION-XI, XII). It is yet unknown who inscribed a part of these laws20. However, the laws that cannot be ascribed to a certain author can be regarded as anonymous21. BOA, A. NŞT d. 1448, p. 2-3. For some organization law (teskilat kanunames), see: Ayn Ali Efendi, Kavanin-i Al-i Osman der Hülasâ-i Mezamin-i Defter-i Divân, 1018, Marmara Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Kütüphanesi No: 4616 (printed arabic alphabet text); Hezarfen Hüseyin Efendi, Telhisü’l-Beyân fi Kavanin-i Al-i Osman, Hazırlayan: Sevim İlgürel, TTK pub., Ankara, 1988; Sofyalı Ali Çavuş Kanunnâmesi, Hazırlayan: Midhat Sertoğlu, Marmara Üniversitesi pub., Istanbul, 1992. 21 For example see: Kanunnâme-i Sultan Süleyman Han, Beyazit National Library, Veliyüddin Efendi No: 1369. 19 20 269 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Conclusion Archival resources are of great value to correctly determine what kind of an administrative division was applied to the territories of the Ottoman Empire that took place in the Eastern European geography. Unfortunately, there is no document to reflect the administrative division of the empire in full until the 16th century. The administrative developments up to such period can be learned by clues to be acquired from various resources such as census books, the reference books issued during and before such period and foundation endowments. The first and the most comprehensive books in this regard is sanjak tevcih books which were issued as of the early 16th century and, in particular, during the later years of the reign of Selim I. Though not uninterrupted, sanjak tevcih books became the most significant archival resources to illuminate the administrative division of the Ottoman Empire until the first quarter of the 19th century. These books were kept in various formats during their use. However, the resources must be examined very carefully while determining the administrative division of Eastern Europe. It should be remembered that especially pamphlets (risale) and laws (kanunname) can reflect the periods previous to their publication. The resources in Ottoman Archives enable us to determine the administrative division of Eastern Europe by providing partial information with some resources while providing complete information with the other. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1- Archive Resources a- Presidency of the Republic of Turkey, Presidency of State Archives, Ottoıman Archives (BOA) Bâb-ı Asafî Ruûs Kalemi Books (A. RSK d.) Number: 1452, 1551, 1572 Bâb-ı Asafî Nişâncı (Tahvil) Kalemi Books (A. NŞT d.) Number: 1355, 1448 Divân-ı Hümâyûn Nişân Kalemi Books (A. DVNSNŞT d.) Number: 16, 53 Kâmil Kepeci Divân-ı Hümâyûn Ruûs Kalemi Books Number: 262, 266 Maliyeden Müdevver Books (MAD) Number: 563 270 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Mühimme Books (MD) Number: 2, 3, 4, 8, 52 b- Topkapı Palace Museum Archive (TSMA) D. 5246, 8303, 9772, 10057. E. 12321. 2- Published Archive Resources 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530) I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Ali Coşkun, Ahmet Özkılınç, Abdullah Sivridağ, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı pub., Ankara, 2003. 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530) I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Abdullah Sivridağ, Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı Pub. Nu: 69, Ankara, 2004. 174 Numaralı Hersek Livâsı İcmâl Eflakân ve Voynugân Tahrîr Defteri (939/1533), Yayına hazırlayanlar: Abdullah Sivridağ, Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı Pub. Nu: 105, Ankara, 2009. 367 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri ile 94 ve 1078 Numaralı Avlonya Livası Tahrir Defterleri (926-1520/937-1530), III-IV, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Abdullah Sivridağ, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı pub., Ankara, 2008. 370 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-İ Rûm-ili Defteri ( 937 / 1530 ) I, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Abdullah Sivridağ, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı Pub. Nu: 55, Ankara, 2001. 370 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937/1530) II, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı Pub. Nu: 59, Ankara, 2002. 91, 164, MAD 540 ve 173 Numaralı Hersek, Bosna ve İzvornik Livaları İcmal Tahrir Defterleri (926-939/1520-1533), I-II, Yayına hazırlayanlar: Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Abdullah Sivridağ, Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Ali Toköz, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı pub., Ankara, 2006. MAD 506 Numaralı Semendire Livâsı İcmâl Tahrîr Defteri (925/1519), Yayına hazırlayanlar: Murat Yüzbaşıoğlu, Ahmet Özkılınç, Ali Coşkun, Abdullah Sivridağ, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı pub., Ankara, 2009. 271 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Topkapı Sarayı Arşivi H. 951-952 Tarihli ve E-12321 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri, Hazırlayan: Halil Sahillioğlu, IRCICA pub., Istanbul 2002. ÜLKER, Hikmet, Sultanın Emir Defteri (51 Nolu Mühimme), Tatav-Tarih ve Tabiat Vakfı Yayınları, Istanbul, 2003. ÜNAL, Mehmet Ali, Mühimme Defteri 44, Akademi Kitabevi pub., Izmir, 1995. 3- Main Source Books AYN ALİ EFENDİ, Kavanin-i Al-i Osman der Hülasâ-i Mezamin-i Defter-i Divân, 1018, Marmara Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Kütüphanesi Nu: 4616 (Matbu eski yazı metin). HEZARFEN HÜSEYİN EFENDİ, Telhisü’l-Beyân fi Kavanin-i Al-i Osman, Hazırlayan: Sevim İlgürel, TTK pub., Ankara, 1988. Sofyalı Ali Çavuş Kanunnâmesi, Hazırlayan: Midhat Sertoğlu, Marmara Üniversitesi pub., Istanbul, 1992. Kanunnâme-i Sultan Süleyman Han, Beyazit National Library, Veliyüddin Efendi Nu: 1369. 4- Contemporary Works KILIÇ, Orhan, 18. Yüzyılın İlk Yarısında Osmanlı Devleti’nin İdari Taksimatı-Eyalet ve Sancak Tevcihatı, Elazığ 1997. KILIÇ, Orhan, “Ottoman Provincial Organization in the Classicial Period (1362-1799)”, The Turks, 3 Ottomans, Yeni Türkiye pub., Ankara, 2002, s. 479-490. BAYKARA, Tuncer; Anadolu’nun Tarihî Coğrafyasına Giriş I Anadolu’nun İdarî Taksimatı, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü yay. 86, Ankara, 1988. KOLODZİEJCZYK, Dariusz; “The Defter-i Mufassal of Kamaniçe from CA. 1681-An Example of Late Ottoman Tahrir, Reliability, Function, Principles of Publication”, Osmanlı Araştırmaları XIII, Istanbul, 1993, s. 91-98. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Rehberi, Hazırlayanlar: Yusuf İhsan Genç, Mustafa Küçük, Dr. Raşit Gündoğdu, Sinan Satar, İbrahim Karaca, Hacı Osman Yıldırım, Nazım Yılmaz, Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı Yayın Nu: 108, Üçüncü Baskı, Istanbul, 2010. 5-Digital Resources https://tez.yok.gov.tr/UlusalTezMerkezi/ (Access: 09.09.2018). 272 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ADDITIONS ADDITION-I: BOA, TD No: 367, s. 2-3 (Rumelia Tahrir Book, The First Page of records Karlı-ili Sanjak). 273 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies ADDITION-II: TSMA, D. 5246, leaf 1/b-2/a (Sanjak Tevcih Book, The Records of Rumelia Province). 274 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ADDITION-III: BOA, MAD No: 563, p. 24-25 (The Records of Buda/Budin Province) 275 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies ADDITION-IV: BOA, A. DVNSNŞT d. 16, p. 2 (Index page). 276 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ADDITION-V: BOA, A. DVNSNŞT d. 16, p. 34-35 (Ozi/Ochakiv Province records). 277 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies ADDITION-VI: TSMA, E. 12321, leaf 81/b (Common hukum (decision) written to Sancakbegs). 278 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ADDITION-VII: TSMA, E. 12321, leaf 81/b (The records of Rumelia Province). 279 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies ADDITION-VIII: TSMA, E. 12321, leaf 81/b (The Records of Budin/Buda Province). 280 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ADDITION-IX: BOA, MD 52, p. 289/768, 769 (The Records of Cankermân (Özi), Akkermân, Bender and Kili Sanjaks). 281 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies ADDITION-X: BOA, A. NŞT d. 1448, p. 2-3 (The Designations to province and sanjaks). 282 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ADDITION-XI: Sofyalı Ali Çavuş Kanunnâmesi, Ed.: Mithad Sertoğlu, Marmara University pub., Istanbul, 1992. facsimile text (The Ottoman Provinces-17. century) ADDITION-XII: Kanunnâme-i Sultan Süleyman Han, Beyazit National Library, Veliyüddin Efendi No: 1369, leaf 111/b-112/a (The Records of Rumeli Province). 283 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 284 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Some Aspects of the Etymology, Ontology and Genesis of the Methodologies of Historical Cognition Olga BORYSOVA* Actuality of the theme. The problems of the methodology of historical cognition have always been related to the most difficult and simultaneously to the most interesting themes for the historians and philosophers. After all, modern anthropology, by A. Portman’s state, that the presence of spatio-temporal representations precisely distinguishes the individual from the world of animals [14, p. 203], historical consciousness is precisely based on the axis of spatiotemporal coordinates, so it is the main thing that distinguishes the man from animals, which have no history, as well as no culture. It is clear that the study of the problems of the methodology of historical cognition has both general scientific and great humanitarian importance. The state of the scientific development of the theme. M. Block [2], A. J. Toynbee [32], R. J. Collingwood [17], F. Broudel [See. 15], K. Popper [29], M.A. Barg [1], B.M. Kedrov [16], S.M. Krymsky [20], M. Braichevsky [See. 10] and others made their efforts to study the problems of the methodology of historical cognition. V.I. Vernadsky and T. Kuhn’s works in the methodology of science did not lose their importance [13; 22]. Nevertheless, the current period of the development of historical cognition is recognized by the scholars as the epoch of crisis [30], the main reason of it was carried the fallibility in the gnosiological foundations of the two doctrines, which until now have determined the theoretical understanding of the historical process – positivism and the historical materialism. So all the works which is written within these doctrines are important, but they bear the crisis footprint, so to find the way out of it the historians need to search for the new methodologies and methods of historical cognition actively. * Doctor of Science (History), Professor, Head of Department for Historical&Philosophic Subjects at Luhansk National Agrarian university (resettled to Kharkiv). 285 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The purpose of the article: to show the genesis of the main methodological approaches in historical cognition. What is the methodology in historical cognition? The researchers often correlate to the methodology only the set of methods of historical cognition. This is not an error, but it is not correct. Approaches and their practical application is a research method. The methodology is a much wider and much more intensional concept. The methodology of historical cognition it is the general laws and their demonstration in the historical process, the theory of the historical process, the mainest concepts of history, the principles and methods of historical cognition (as we can see, the methods appear in the definition of the methodology at the very end). The development of cognition lies not only in the construction of a complex system of logical thinking (Analytical Method. Non), but also in the processing and qualitative improvement of the foundations on which this system is based (the Synthetic Method, Sic). And than larger area which the figure of the logical foundation describes, than more perfect the process of cognition itself is. The paradigms of the historical process develop particularly in this plane. It is impossible to radically change the methodology without changing the paradigm. The paradigm is based on the following foundations: 1) latent picture of the world (disciplinary matrix, by T. Kun, or geshtalt). It has on the base the whole space– it is the time. On the base of the position that spatio-temporal representations are based on the idea of the shape of the planet, we could carried out, that the thought of mankind against the shape of the planet was completely natural.It is corresponding to the genesis of the Platonic bodies in the embryo, and particularly there was alternation of forms of sphere and cube in it. This corresponds to the main periods in the history of mankind and its science as follows: Antiquity (sphere) → Middle Ages (cube or square) → New time (sphere - from the time of Copernicus) → Modernity (icododecahedron, with the tendency toward the “star tetrahedron” da Vinci, that is a cube form). Relatively, the latent picture of the world was changing, and with it the paradigm of the historical process did [4, p. 44 - 45]; 2) the principle of cognition. This position is very important for cognition in general and to historical in particular. Here we have the picture: Antiquity - the struggle of anthropomorphism with anthropocentrism → Middle Ages - the victory and domination of anthropomorphism → New time - the victory of anthropocentrism and its domination until our time. Nowadays, the modern natural science tries to intervene into the field of humanities in order to change the principle of anthropocentrism to anthropomorphism. Based on the latest Physics achievements, the philosophical theory of eonosophy was created [See: 27]. But it has 286 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE not come into historical science, The paradigm of the history understanding remains old, although the latent picture of the world is already changing, because in academic anthropology the concept “Space” has come since the 1920’s, and the man is increasingly seen as a space phenomenon [35]. However, because of the unchanging principle of cognition, historical science continues to be present in the frame of old paradigm. But the principle and the method are exceptionally important things that can undermine even the picture of the world and with it the whole understanding of the history. In historical science there is own principle of cognition - the principle of historicism. Here we agree with M. A Barg that the type of historicism is as objectively given to the historian as the type of culture is given to the contemporary of this era [1, p. 24]. Historians paid more attention to the changes of historicism in time and developed its time typology. And with the study of the spatio factor in science there is a problem [19], which also affects his study in the genesis of historicism; 3) in the paradigm of the historical process, the basic idea has the concept about space and time. In our study [4], we have proved that the “reflectivity” of thought (so to say “mesh” of thought) in ideas about time is the main sign of the birth of a new paradigm of history in the past. Today it is not enough.- scientists do a lot of work, but this does not give a result (a new paradigm), therefore, logically, it is necessary to “turn” the idea about space. Obviously, the development of historical cognition is closely connected with the development of the man thinking itself. Philosopher. Yu. Rothenfeld states that during the thought evolution, there were three stages. The difference between them lies in the use of different categories of concepts. These are classification (qualitative), comparative and quantitative (metrological) concepts [DOC.: 31]. Clarifying Rothenfeld, we propose the following scheme of genesis forms of human thinking: philological thinking (with its two kinds / degrees / - mythological and literary). This includes all mythology and religion, as well as ancient philology. The foundation is to operate of classifying (qualitative) concepts. It is, so to say, “love to the word”; - philosophical (emerged as a philological opposition in the Antiquity time). Foundation – using the comparative concepts. This is “love of a wise word” These two types of thinking are the types of thinking of the ancient man. Let's contrast them with the forms of historical cognition. A pragmatic historiographic tradition arose (from the Aristotelian mimezis theory) on the basis of the first type in the time of Antiquity; and on the basis of the second paradigmatic type (is stretching from Sokrat and his disciple Ephora). They are existing all the time, only in one or another period, and in one or another culture dominates one or another. 287 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies And from the XVIII century has being developed a new type - scientific thinking. The foundation is to use of quantitative concepts. This is “love for the exact word”. But today this is applied only to the exact sciences. All other sciences operate with all the set of abovementioned concepts, in condition of the predominance of quantitative ones. Consequently, the process of development of scientific thinking of the mankind is still ongoing. From the same XVIII century in the historical science of the genesis of the pragmatic historiographical tradition gave us a civilizational model of history (from G. Rickert), and the genesis of the paradigmatic –gave formational (from K. Marx and F. Engels). As we can see, new historical thinking corresponds to the new form of thinking, and, consequently the new methodology of historical cognition. But today both the doctrines, which determined the theoretical understanding of historical development - positivism and historical materialism, proved their insufficiency, as we noted above. In general, in the historical cognition of the mankind is distinguished THREE methodological approaches of the consideration of the historical process: 1) traditional, classical; 2) non-classical, associated with the disclosure of the non-linear course of history; 3) anthropological (modern). I. Traditional methodological approach, or linear. In it, the history is considered in the traditions of the Enlightenment, and not so much in the traditional educational sense, but in the style of the Frankfurt school T. Adorno and M. Gorkimer. Linear approach to the history also passes through all Middle Ages . In the form of different Theories the progress has come to our day. Another model of history - cyclic - arose even in the times of ancient cultivation civilizations, It received a philosophical interpretation in Ancient Greece (Plato, Stoics). The materialist conception of history with its five socio-economic formations became the quintessence of the linear model of history. The cyclical model of history after the collapse of the ancient world goes back to the background, but becomes alive again - in the Arabs at the end of the XIV century. (Ibn Khaldun), among the Europeans there are the Renaissance thinkers and their ideological followers. And later after the crisis of progressiveness, in M. Danilevsky, K. Leontiev, F. Nietzsche and O. Spengler. Regarding the modern approaches of Western historians, it must be said that the civilization model of history inherented in them is the demonstration of the same ancient pragmatic of historiographical tradition. However, in general, it fits into a linear approach to the study of history [34, p. 25]. The principle of historicism does not stand still, it is developing (M. Barg, I. Boychenko [3] wrote about it). History has already passed two stages of development - practical (from the myth as a type of 288 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE history to the times of J.Vico, XVI century.) And theoretical (from J.Vico to this day). Each stage was completed by a crisis, and the current state of the crisis in the methodology of the history testifies that historicism is coming into the new stage of its development. It is no coincidence that the so-called “Radicalized historicism”, as pointed out by the representatives of historical anthropology. Radicalism is the first sign of crises. And, accordingly, there are objective processes of development of scientific thought and, hopefully, we will see the result soon. II. Nonlinear approach. This approach is opposed to the traditional, it was emerged as its opposition, so this is still connected with it (the paradigm is the same, and this is its binary oppositions). Origins of it are in romanticism (first of all, in Schelling). This approach proved the inability of the educational interpretation of the laws of the history as the laws of intellect. This is especially noticeable in J. Michelet. K. Marx had the features of nonlinearity - it is his “Asian method of production”, which did not fit into any of the five socio-economic formations, testified to the existence of nonlinearity in Marx’s History understanding. The modern stage of non-linear comprehension of history is a synergistic approach. From the list of philosophers from the past G. Leibniz was the closest to such understanding of the structure of the existence in the aspect of its dynamics. In the recent decades, the synergetic concept of the Brussels School I. Prigogine describes the transformation of systems in the categories of probability and chance. Synergetics gave the opportunity to see the order in a such complicated macrosystem as a society, however the order is not static, but one which is realized through social fluctuations, points of the spontaneous selection, bifurcation [26, p. 12 -17]. We could notice that this is, in principle, nothing other but a pulsation that will bind synergy to the next approach in the development of historical cognition. ІІІ. Anthropological approach. “Anthropologization” is the leading trend in the development of the all world science now. In historical science, this trend is demonstrated as a process of transformation from the historical description of socio-economic or political-state systems into the history of a man. Sciences’ attention is attracted more and more the subject of the study of the “School of the Annals”, which gave out of itself to the world “the master of time and space” F. Braudel [11], or “new” school Annals “etc. A.Jacques Le Hoff [23] generally became the founder of socio-historical anthropology. They can say that in the West the history, as history itself, disappears, it is transforming into historical, social, socio-historical anthropology. 289 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The anthropological approach developed in the linear bosom and being genetically linked with it came out of this as its opposition. But the fact, which the anthropological approach is placed on the top of the corner of the history, is also not something new . About human centerism, as the history regularity, wrote Epipurius, stoics, sophists, Socrates, Cicero, Seneca, B. Pascal, G. Skovoroda. And about the important role of self-cognition and self-realization of man in history, wrote Augustine, Pelagius, all Medieval historiosophy, Leibniz, Shaftesbury et al. We also involve the modern “quantum psycho-history” of the Ukrainian historian V.A. Morgun to this methodological approach. He compared the cycles of pulsation (see above about synergy) of all individuals of the space and made an attempt to give the definition of “man” - it is “an individual combination of waves of space-time” [24, р. 204]. Quantum psycho-history itself is based on physical cycles [25], and gives the opportunity to calculate the cycles of global change in human society. Its main cycle is 405 years. We supplemented it with the allocation of the small cycle, where the visible cycle of the science development is- 40 years [4, p. 350]. Dokuchaev, as well as Maximov, Voyloshnikov and others who were criticized in the USSR for "geographic determinism" payed their attention to this. The interest in research of a systemic nature grows in the “hot” 40 years, and in the “cold” periods, the preference is given to applied research. It is the doctrine that emphasizes the dominant role of the man in the biosphere. Consequently, the anthropologization of modern science is the lastest flash of the “cold cycle” of the climate, which was ended with the twentieth century. Therefore, this methodological approach of historical cognition should be recognized as one which is existed within the old paradigm of the historical process. So, it is the time – for emergence of a new methodological approach, because in the yard – it is obvious warming of the climate. In the historical science, such approach, according to our belief, will lie in the plane: 1) the change of the principle; 2) the change of method; 3) the change of the conception about space dimensionality. As a result, there is the change of the world picture (disciplinary matrix), that is, the geshtalt switching. But before all, there have to be a new discovery of the fundamental importance, which is the base of a new scientific paradigm at all the times. Just after that there will appear a new scientific paradigm in general and the historical process in particular. And here we draw our attention to the fact that V. Morgun highlighted the western type of thinking - rational-individualistic, visual, cold, violet, based on the effect of compression (Doppler effect); and eastern - sensory-collectivist, auditory, warm, infrared, based on the effect of expansion (Antidoplestor effect). He is not alone, V. Kudryavtseva is also expressed such views [21], and O. Panarin imposes it on the civilization map of the world [28]. But all this is just a 290 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE statement of the general characteristics. The spatial division of the types of thinking into “western” and “eastern” is important, but it is not absolute. Scientists have long seen two types of thinking in science – “Aristotelian” and “Platonic”. The first can be compared with the Western type of thinking (left-hemisphere) determined by B. Morgun, and the second one with the “Eastern” (right- hemisphere). Most of the scientists now belong to the “Aristotelian” type of thinking. But for the development of science, both types of thinking are needed. In addition, it should be noted that as Platon as Aristotle belonged to similar spatial and temporal range, and to one culture. Therefore, the concept of “western” and “eastern” types of thinking do not belong to simple geography, but reproduce different, and even opposing trends in the development of a particular culture, as well as the science (which is objective, because the binary characterise the plasma of consciousness [ Report: 12]). And here it would be appropriate to tell (using the well-known metaphor , which dating back to Tertullian, and used it by the “Ukrainian Toynbee” Yu Pavlenko,) that two dimensions of the perception of history - one internal, which belongs to “Jerusalem” and the second, external, which belongs to“Athens” were historically formed. In the first dimension there are people with “Platonic” type of thinking, and in the second one - with “Aristotelian”. Today, everything in science is spinning around the main ideological principle, therefore, historicism as a principle of historical cognition can not go out of a state of crisis. So far, anthropocentrism is a “sacred cow”, which historians are daring to touch (“meta-history” must be remembered), but very cautious. We will say that if the definition “Space” is already in science valid for a long time, and, if we say “A”, we must go to “Z”, it means to make it the object of science. It will be necessary to identify its structures, to define them and to establish how it affects humanity. We are convinced that person who does it will become new Copernicus. And in this connection, (as well as to actualize the problem of space in the methodology not only of historical cognition, but also the science in general,) we draw attention to the fact that in the medieval Muslim world, the theory of “seven climates” (al-akalim, in arab), that goes back to Eratosthenes, became the methodological basis of all cosmographic Arabic works. Arabs do not pay great attention to it. I. Konovalova analyzes the Round Map of al-Idrisi (1154), where clearly see the separation of planet in seven climates: “The separation of maps in climates and sections is done by al-Idrisi only mechanically and has nothing common with definition of geographical latitude and longitude” [18, p. 45]. Modern scholars do not know what al-akalim is. It is believed that those are jut the simple geographic zones of the planet, and their free separation, as well as the difference in old maps with modern one in reproduction of the 291 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies geography of the planet, is the disadvantage of ancient geographic knowledge. However, the Arabs used different terms about the concepts: “the face of the planet” (its own appearance), “the image of the planet” ( its representation) and “the picture of the Earth” (map), therefore they believed that this is not the same thing. At the same time, the “picture of the Earth” they described in the space of”seven climates”. And the Byzantine Greeks, in which the Arabs borrowed this methodology, the term “seven climates of the universe” is existed [33, p. 129], however is not investigated at all. Take the classical definition of the "Iklim" ("climate") by Yakut al-Hamavi: "The I climate was named like this, because it was”cut off” from the land that borders it”[36, I, s. 41]. Consequently, the climate is a portion, and it is from the Earth. So how can this be its simple geographic area? This is something else. We were paying attention to this problem, have expressed our thoughts on it [4, p. 180 - 188; 5; 6; 7; 9]. And for its actualization, we submit Yakuta: "... And this inhabited part [is] between the equator and the North Pole. It is divided into seven climates, about the form definition (opt. qualities, image, nature) of which they argue, as we will talk about it [below]. People argue about the idea whether the seven climates are both in the North and in the South, or only in the North, without the South? Hermes states that there are seven climates in the South as well as in the North. But they say that this statement can not be relied on because of lack of evidence. Most state that seven climates [are] only in the North because of the fact that there are many population, and in the South it is too small [for division into climates], so only to the North is divided into the climate “[36, I, p. 41]. It is evident that to the Earth geography al-akalim has an approximate attitude, because their formation depends on the presence of people in the locality. So today, without proper definition of the concept of “climate” and the study of what we were wanted to be said about it by ancient scientists (and this is the scope of work of historians), this problem can not be solved. And here we note one remarkable moment: we discovered unique coincidences in describing by Augustine and Ibn Tufayl of one phenomenal event [8]. What's interesting: Augustine described, according to him, “time”, and Ibn Tufayl described that can be called “internal space”. Modern valeologists call it “light”, however optical physics calls it - a holographic paradigm. Perhaps here we come to the topic of “climates”? As you can see, there is already an interesting topic for interdisciplinary research. Conclusion We are confident that interdisciplinaryism is an urgent need of the present time, because all the most recent significant scientific discoveries have been made precisely at the junction of 292 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE the sciences.We are convinced that the historic science will not be an exception to this. At the same time, we can not but note, the scientists should not to hurry with the change of the philosophical principle of anthropocentrism to anthropomorphism just in connection with the advent of new discoveries in the field of physics of the latest philosophical theories (the same eonosphere). Here is caution required. Physicists, in our opinion, are too naive both in terms of religious consciousness and in their relation to religion, and they make here many mistakes., It is, of course, necessary to study and use old, but Marx's statement: “The Dead Grabs Alive” it is impossible to ignore too. Until the scientists have developed at least the foundations of science about the “Space” and their effects on humanity (and effects can be both positive and negative), it is impossible to refuse anthropocentrism. There is a risk to get in the no less dependency than it was before and from which humanity was separated 99,000 and 800 years from its 100,000-year-long presence on the planet. This dependence, we emphasize, was overcome only with the beginning of the development in human the scientific thinking. The fact that Teilhard de Chardin called “living Psyche” (and Goethe called das Dāmonische, returning positive, inherent to the times of Antiquity, understanding) –is a very ambiguous phenomenon and very totalitarian. And although this is a separate topic, it is also worth to draw our attention to it. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1.Barh M. A. Эpoxy y ydey. Stanovlenye ystoryzma / M. A. Barh. M.: Mыsl", 1987. 348 s. 2.Blok M. Apolohyya ystoryy yly Remeslo ystoryka / M. Blok / Per. E. M. Lыsenko. M.: Nauka, 1986. 254 s. 3.Bojchenko I. Filosofiya istoriyi: pidruchnyk / I. Bojchenko. K.: Znannya, 2000. 723 s. 4.Borysova O. V. Geneza naukovoyi paradyhmy istorychnoho procesu v seredni viky (V – XV st.) : monohrafiya / O. V. Borysova. Luhans"k: Al"ma-mater, 2005. 456 s. 5.Borysova O. V. Zemlya v prostori «semy klimativ» u al-Xvarizmi (IX st.) O. V. Borysova // Istorychni zapysky: Zbirnyk naukovyx prac". Vyp.7. Luhans"k: Vydavnyctvo SNU im. V.Dalya, 2005. S. 216 – 222. 6.Borysova O. V. 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Al"ternatyvnoe tolkovanye hrechesko jfylosofyy / Yu. A. Rotenfel"d. M.: Yzdatel"skyereshenyya, 2017. 184 s. 32.Tojnbi A. Dzh. Doslidzhennya istoriyi. – TT. I, II / A. Dzh. Tojnbi / Per z anhl. M.: Osnovy, 1995. 613 s.; 400 s. 33.Feofylakt Symokatta. Ystoryya / Symokatta Feofylakt. M.: Yzd-vo AN SSSR, 1957. 222 s. 34.Feller V. Vvedenye v ystorycheskuyu antropolohyyu: Opыt reshenyya lohycheskoj problemыf ylosofyy ystoryy / V. Feller. M.: KNORUS, 2005. 608 s. 35.Chelovek kak kosmycheskyj fenomen: novыe humanytarnыe y estestvennonauchnыe podxodы / Mezhdunarodnыj sb. yssled. rabot. Vыp. IV – V. Yzhevsk: Yzd-voUdmurtskohounta, 1999. 124 s. 36. ‫ص‬۳٩٨- ۱٩٩۰ -‫القاهرة‬-‫معجم البلدان لياقوت الحموي الجزء االول‬ 295 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Documents of Hetmans as the Source for the Research of the Ethnoconfessional Relations in Ukraine During the Second Half of the XVII Century Vasyl OSTAPENKO The question of relations between the church and state power has been repeatedly actualized in the political and social life of Ukraine during the recent years. It became urgent under the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian "hybrid war", when social institutions that have a significant influence on public consciousness began to play a special role. These include ecclesiastical and religious organizations. From this point, it seems relevant to find examples of state regulation of ethnoconfessional and interreligious relations in the past and to assess the possibilities of using such an experience. The purpose of this paper is to assess the complex of Hetmans’ documents from the standpoint of state regulation of inter-confessional relations on concrete examples. Documents of Hetman of Cossack Ukraine of the second half of the 17th century constitute an extremely important and cumbersome source complex that can reveal a large number of aspects of the social life of early modern times. According to the most conventional classification scheme, Hetman's documents (universals, orders, diplomatic correspondence) refer to documentary sources, including legislative, statutory, clerical and diplomatic documents [5, p. 117-118]. V.H. Horobets, considering the problems of genre attribution of the sources, proposed the division of official-business acts into three autonomous groups: government and administrative documentation, procedural and legal documentation, generalstationery documentation [3, p. 75]. The researcher developed this classification for the documents of the 18th century. But, in our opinion, it can be applied to documents of the 17th century, if we take into account the fact that the universal of Hetman can often belong to several groups at once, that is, it was multifunctional [8, p. 289-290]. Hetman's acts and documents related to them began to be published in the 19 th century. Nowadays most of the bulk of documents is considered to be published, and only seldom researchers find previously unknown documents. One of the first collections of Hetman  Junior Research Fellow, Centre of Religious Studies, National Pedagogical Dragomanov University; email: ostapenko.vasil@gmail.com 296 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE documents can rightly be considered "Sources of Little Russian History", arranged by D. Bantysh-Kamensky [6]. The collection contains all the articles concluded by the hetmans with the Tsardom of Muscovy, treaties and correspondence with neighboring states. This allows to examine the role played by religion in Hetman's diplomacy. The most mass publication of hetman documents began in the middle of the 20th century. In 1953 three volumes of sources "Reunification of Ukraine with Russia" were published [2; 3]. The publication was clearly prepared for the propaganda purpose – to commemorate the 300th anniversary of the "reunification of Ukraine with Russia". Similar motives can be traced back to the collection "Documents of Bogdan Khmelnitsky", published in 1961 [4]. However, both collections contain a significant number of documents relating not only to diplomacy but also to the economic, social and religious life of the Cossack state. Finally, in 1998 the series "Universals of Ukrainian Hetmans" was launched, which was planned to be implemented in ten volumes [5, p. 359-360]. However, today only four volumes have appeared, two of which are of particular interest to our article – "Universals of Bogdan Khmelnytsky" [11] and "Universals of Ukrainian Hetmans from Ivan Vyhovsky to Ivan Samoilovych" [12]. These two volumes represent the most complete collections of Hetman's documents. It should be added that in 2017 the Russians also joined the publication of Hetman’s documents, having published the first volume of the series "Correspondence of Hetman of the Left Bank Ukraine with Moscow and St. Petersburg", which consists of the acts of Bohdan Khmelnytsky [9]. Even a superficial review of published documents shows that the Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky paid much attention to the Orthodox Church in the context of interconfessional relations. This can be explained by several reasons. The Orthodox clergy could provide extremely powerful support both to the Cossacks and to the Hetman personally. For example, clergy often served as Hetman's messengers to other rulers. In addition, the support of the Cossacks by Church provided a favorable attitude to the uprising of such social classes as the philistinism and the peasantry. The question of the protection of faith effectively raised the legitimacy of the uprising. Hetman's documents reveal the details of the policy regarding the Orthodox Church. At the end of 1648, sending letters to electoral Sejm in Warsaw, one can observe there religious demands of Khmelnytsky: "... that our Greek faith remains intact, as before, without the Union and Uniates, and that nowhere has there been any Union" [4, p. 81]. In February 1649, while negotiating conditions for reconciliation with the Poles, Khmelnytsky places the religious demands in the first place: "...Our people that are true-hearted to the ancient Greek faith are enslaved by the Union. It must be abolished and Rus must be adhered to the ancient Greek faith 297 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies as it was earlier. The people of Rus should preserve its churches and dioceses both in Poland and Lithuania. The Union should be abolished, only Roman (Catholic) and Greek (Orthodox) Churches should remain..." [4, p. 107]. In addition, Khmelnytsky cared for Orthodox monasteries. First, he sought to protect the property of the monks by affirming their property rights to the land received before the war from szlachta or king [4, p. 217]. In this context, Khmelnytsky also often gave new lands or a part of state revenues to monasteries [4, p. 477-479]. Secondly, Hetman often issued universals for "obedience", requiring the peasantry, living in monastic lands, to perform duties in favor of monasteries. It was even forbidden for these peasants to be recorded in the Cossacks [4, p. 5556]. Thus, Khmelnytsky deliberately provoked a social conflict, apparently believing that a strong alliance with the monasteries and the Orthodox Church would bring more benefits to its policy than the full satisfaction of the property and social requirements of the entire peasantry. Hetman's documents also allow us to clarify the peculiarities of relations between different Christian confessions. The analysis of documents reveals a significant difference between the narrative sources and the acts. While the first is reporting on the oppression of Orthodox faith by Catholics, with the help of the sources of the second group, we can say that the conflict between the Uniate and the Orthodox churches lay at the root of the religious confrontation. Hetman was not opposed the Catholics. Catholic monastic orders were the exception. Catholic and Uniate monastic orders were generally perceived negatively because of their role in the elimination of the Orthodox Church after 1596 – for this reason, Khmelnitsky's demanded from Polish authorities to remove the non-Orthodox monastic orders from the territory of Ukraine [4, pp. 107, 130-131, 209-210, 468, 560, 616]. Interesting information on the relations of Muslims and Christians is provided by Hetman’s letters. In the beginning of the war, when it still had a character of a small Cossack uprising, Bogdan Khmelnytsky laid great hopes for the restoration of the Cossack-Tatar alliance, hoping to solve a number of strategically important tasks: to receive strong military support and to protect their rear from raids. Khmelnytsky's letter to the Turkish sultan Mehmed IV, written in November 1648, is very symptomatic, given the inter-confessional relationship. In addition to explain the reasons for the uprising, Khmelnitsky expresses a request to the Sultan to take the Cossacks under his rule: "Now, at such a success the whole Greek religion decided to accept your tsarist mercy for my lord and protector, my merciful lord, as that which no other state would overcome, thanks to the power of knight men of the state of your majesty. ... Only obediently, I urge you, courteously, to kindly accept these good feelings and presents and listen to the thoughts of my ambassadors and the holy Patriarch of Constantinople of our Greek 298 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE religion, to which our very senior officer, through his spiritual, sent his ambassadors with authority to cc deigning to accept already for his happy power, joining this state to the Voloska and Multansky land" [7]. It appears from the text of the letter that the Hetman's decision to ask for Sultan’s protection was not solely his personal desire, but was the result of consultations with the Cossacks’ elite and the clergy. The latter, as it follows, had taken care of the support of this plan by the Constantinople Patriarch. It is no coincidence that the Hetman refers to staying under the authority of the Turkish sultan loke the Romanian and Moldovan lands inhabited by Christians. Thus, the Hetman did not see anything wrong with the transition to Turkish rule, since he hoped to preserve the freedom of religion on the Ukrainian lands. According to some researchers, such a policy had all the grounds for implementation, because the Orthodox Church in a Muslim country had more freedom than in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Early documents of Bohdan Khmelnytsky allow us to reveal Jewish-Ukrainian relations. The Jews were placed on a par with lords, the Polish administration, which exploited the people: "... from great misery and through the injustices that have been suffered from ... the outsiders who were set up above us ... many of our comrades were taken away, robbed, of their own estates driven out ... the farther, the worse we are mocked; even from the Jews we suffered from intolerable injustices and neglect "[4, p. 30]. Regarding the religious motives of anti-Jewish feelings, they seem to be the least significant. In fact, Khmelnytsky put forward demands to ensure the absence of Jews in the Cossack lands. However, as can be seen from the text of the document, the economic motive is on the foreground: "The Jews did not dare not only to be tenants, but also to live in these abovementioned cities, unless only temporarily arrive in merchant affairs" [4, p. 131]. Rather, it was aimed at securing subordinate territories in the future from uncontrolled economic exploitation. The anti-Jews motives are present in Khmelnytsky's demands with the same context as the motives against the Catholics and Uniates. In our opinion, the hetman intended to create a monoconfessional environment on the Ukrainian lands with the domination of Orthodox Christianity. It can be concluded, that during the early modern times it was natural for the government and the authorities to conduct an active religious policy. It was an integral part of domestic and foreign politics. 299 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Vossoedynenye Ukrayny s Rossyey. Dokumenty y materyaly v trekh tomakh. Tom 2: 1648-1651 hody / Sost. P.P. Hudzenko y dr. – Moskva: AN SSSR, 1953. – 557 s. 2. Vossoedynenye Ukrayny s Rossyey. Dokumenty y materyaly v trekh tomakh. Tom 3: 1651-1654 hody / Sost. P.Y. Pavlyuk y dr. – Moskva: AN SSSR, 1953. – 648 s. 3. Horobetsʹ V.Y. Problemy zhanrovo-stylistychnoyi atrybutsiyi aktovykh dzherel XVIII st. / V.Y. Horobetsʹ // Rukopysna ta knyzhkova spadshchyna Ukrayiny. – 1994. – Vyp. 2. – S. 73-77. 4. Dokumenty Bohdana Khmelʹnytsʹkoho. 1648-1657 / Uporyad. I. Krypʺyakevych. – K.: Vyd-vo AN URSR, 1961. – 740 s. 5. Istorychne dzhereloznavstvo: Pidruchnyk / YA.S. Kalakura ta in. – Kyyiv: Lybidʹ, 2002. – 488 s. 6. Ystochnyky Malorossyyskoy ystoryy. CH. 1: 1649-1687 / D.N. Bantysh-Kamenskyy. – Moskva: Unyversytet·skaya typohrafyya, 1858. – 356 s. 7. Lyst do turetsʹkoho sultana Mekhmeda IV // Istoriya Krymu. Krymsʹke khanstvo / V. Krysachenko. – Kyyiv: Tvim Inter, 2000. – S. 179-180. 8. Medvidʹ N. Typolohiya ukrayinsʹkoyi dilovoyi pysemnosti hetʹmansʹkoyi doby / N. Medvidʹ // Teoretychna i dydaktychna filolohiya. – 2013. – Vyp. 13. – S. 282-291. 9. Perepyska hetmanov Levoberezhnoy Ukrayny s Moskvoy y Sankt-Peterburhom. 16541764 hh.: sbornyk dokumentov. T. 1: Hetmanstvo Bohdana Khmelʹnytskoho. 1654-1657 hh. / Sost. E.E. Rychalovskyy. – Moskva: Drevlekhranylyshche, 2017. – 460 s. 10. Polʹshcha – narys istoriyi / Za red. V.Mendzhetsʹkoho, YE. Bratsysevycha. – Varshava: Instytut natsionalʹnoyi pamʺyati, 2015. – 370 s. 11. Universaly Bohdana Khmelʹnytsʹkoho. 1648-1657 / Uporyad. I. Krypʺyakevych, I. Butych. – K.: Alʹternatyvy, 1998. – 418 s. 12. Universaly ukrayinsʹkykh hetʹmaniv vid Ivana Vyhovsʹkoho do Ivana Samoylovycha / Upor. I. Butych ta in. – Kyyiv – Lʹviv: NTSH, 2004. – 1118 s. 300 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 301 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 302 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Vushtrri Town At The Time Of Fatih Sultan Mehmed Rahman ŞAHİN Introduction This study aims to determine how the Ottoman-conquered Kosovo region, particularly the Vushtrri, developed under the Ottoman dominance. In this regard, the sources that will be referred are the cadastral record books dated 1455 and 1477, in the Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry. Although the cadastral record book dated 1455 was recorded by the Ottoman State, the data in the book reflects the despot administration before the Ottoman dominance as well. The cadastral record book dated 1477 (detailed and brief) are very important concerning the determination of the developments after the conquest. Based on the data obtained from the cadastral record books it will be revealed how the region developed. Since the basic resources of the study are cadastral record books, there are lots of data concerning the military and economic development of the region, however, since there are not sources like religious records of the region for this particular period, it is not possible to reflect the social life. This can be accepted as the main limitation of the study. Another limitation of the study is that there is not a secondary source that can confirm the data in these records. The reason to limit the study to the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror is that it covers almost a quarter of a century as the time period and that including the period after Mehmed the Conqueror would exceed the volume limits of the study. Vushtrri, which is within the borders of Kosovo State today, is an old settlement. Firstly settled by the Illyrians and being named as Vicianum, the city has come under domination of many kingdoms such as the Roman Empire and Serbian Kingdoms. The Kosovo region, which included the cities such as Vushtrri, Trepce, Alacahisar, Prizren, Pristina, and Novoberda, came under the domination of the Ottomans only after the I. Kosovo War. According to the Evliya Çelebi, Valchiran was personally conquered by the Sultan Murad I, and its castle was immediately demolished1. However, the political developments after the war and the events of the interregnum didn't make it possible to a complete dominance over the region. Entering a process of recovery after the reign of the Sultan Murad II, Ottoman State frequently conducted  Research Assistant, Erciyes University Faculty of Art Departments of History, rahmansahin@erciyes.edu.tr. Yücel Dağlı, Seyit Ali Kahraman, İbrahim Sezgin, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi 5. Kitap (Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi Bağdat 307 Numaralı Yazmanın Transkripsiyonu - Dizini), İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2007, s. 293. 1 303 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies campaigns to the region. Besieging the region for three months in 1439, Sultan Murad II initially conquered the center of the Despot State, Semendire, and subsequently Novoberda, which had rich silver mines, and succeeded in domineering the large part of the Serbian soils2. However, due to successive political developments, these conquered places got out of their hands. After conquering Istanbul, Mehmed the Conqueror dealt with this Serbian issue, which occupied the Ottoman State for a long time, and he continued to capture this region that was famous with its mines3. Mehmed the Conqueror claimed possession on the Serbian lands since Sultan Bayezid I was married to Oliviera, the daughter of Lazar, therefore, he gave a warning to George Brankovic4. In his warning, Mehmed the Conqueror wanted the lands of Lazar to be relinquished to himself; mobilizing his troops, he stated that Brankovic can only reign over the lands of his father, the Vılk-province5 (the lands belonging to the Vuk Brankovic). Two campaigns were carried out in 1454 and 1455, resulting in the conquest of Kosovo region, including the Vushtrri6. Although the army advanced on Belgrade in order for the conquest to be lasting, it was unsuccessful. In brief, the conquest process of Kosovo, which began with the I. Kosovo war in 1389, was completed to a large extent with the II. Serbia campaign in 1455, and ended with the Semendire campaign of Mehmed the Conqueror in 14597. Coming under the domination of the Ottomans in 1455, Vılk-province was immediately registered. Subsequently the Vushtrri District was developed and connected to the Governorate of Rumelia8. An important part of Kosovo region was within the borders of Vushtrri District in the record books of both Mehmed the Conqueror and later pariods9. Traditionally, when the Ottomans conquered a region, they initially register everything in the area through officials and clerks, in order to reveal the potential tax status of the region. The subject of this study, Vushtrri region was also registered as soon as it was conquered. As the conclusion of this registration, the detailed cadastral record book of 1455 was created under the title "The Vılk Province". This book, which was recorded with the code TT.d.02 M in the Mevlânâ Mehmed Neşrî, Cihânnümâ, çev. Necdet Öztürk, İstanbul: Bilge Kültür Sanat, 2013, s. 255. Hadîdî, Tevârih-i Âl-i Osman, çev. Necdet Öztürk, İstanbul: Marmara Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1991, s. 237-238. 4 Feridun M. Emecen, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun Kuruluş ve Yükseliş Tarihi (1300 - 1600), İstanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2015, S. 146. 5 Johann Wilhelm Zinkeisen, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi, ed. Erhan Afyoncu, çev. Nilüfer. Epçeli vd., İstanbul: Yeditepe Yayınevi, 2011, s. 49. 6 İbn Kemâl, Tevârih-i Âl-i Osman VII. Defter, çev. Şerafettin Turan, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1957, s. 116. 7 Halil İnalcık, “Mehmed II”, Kuruluş Dönemi (1302 - 1481) Osmanlı Sultanları, Istanbul: İSAM Yayınları, 2015, s. 194. 8 Halil İnalcık, “Rumeli”, İslam Ansiklopedisi, Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı, 1964, C. 9, s. 770. 9 Muhammet Aruçi, “Vılçıtrın”, Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, 2013, C. 43, s. 132. 2 3 304 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry, was comprised of 223 leaves, and the Vushtrri was mentioned in between the pages 59-15710. The second detailed record book of the Mehmed the Conqueror's period was recorded with the code TT.d.104811. Dating back to 1477, this record book was comprised of 316 leaves. Vushtrri region was mentioned in between pages 79-178. The last book concerning the Vushtrri District was the summary book numbered 16, in the Treasury Circulars fund of the Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry12. Dated 1477, this book was the summary of the cadastral record book numbered 1048. Additional to the data of the cadastral record book numbered 1048, this book contained the records of the equipment and number of soldiers that the timar owners (mesne lords) were obliged to provide for the campaigns in exchange for their income. City Center Vushtrri City Population in 1455-1477 Date Non- Muslim Single Widow Muslim Households Adults Women Households 1455 200 - 14 14 1477 94 45 23 24 The city center of Vushtrri was recorded as the property of the Sanjak Governor in both the book dated 1455, and the detailed and summary cadastral record books13. In 1455, there were 200 households, 14 single adults, and 14 widow women in Vushtrri city, all of whom were non-Muslims. As per 1477, the number of the non-Muslim households was 94, while there were 23 single adults, and 24 widow women in the Vushtrri city center. The number of the Muslim household was recorded as 45. Unfortunately, the quarters of the Vushtrri city were not recorded in neither of the cadastral books, all of the residents were recorded in total under the title "Vushtrri City Center". When the population movements are generally observed, while there was no Muslim population in Vushtrri in 1455, it was 45 in 1477. The increasing population of the Muslims in the region can be explained by settlement policies of the Ottomans in the newly 10 Hereupon, it will be shown as BOA, TT.d. 02 M. Hereupon, it will be shown as BOA, TT.d. 1048. 12 Hereupon, it will be shown as BOA, MAD.d 16. 13 BOA, TT 02M, s. 32; BOA, MAD 16, v. 5a. 11 305 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies conquered regions14. An approximately 50 % decrease is observed in the figure of the nonMuslim population from 1455 to 1477. Although the reason of this is not clearly identified, it is evaluated that a part of the recorded non-Muslim population migrated to other regions that were not under the Ottoman rule yet. In the record book dated 1455, agricultural products such as wheat and barley were taxed as well as ispenche (a tax particular to the non-Muslims) for the residents of Vushtrri. Based on these tax records, it is understood that there was grain and grape production in the city environs. The Ottomans entitled the tax of the production in the region as lukna15 being the basic unit of measurement for the grain, and as cheber16 being the basic unit of measurement for the grapejuice. In this regard, 680 luknas (62.813 kg) of grain were collected as tax that the residents produced. Moreover, 380 cheberis (27.605 kg) of grape-juice, 130 of which from the private propoerty17, were collected as tax. As understood from the records, there were pig farming and beekeeping in the Vushtrri city center. The total taxes collected by the Ottoman State from the city center were 45.186 coins. Since the initial part of the detailed cadastral record book dated 1477 was missing, it is not possible to determine whether the residents living in the city dealt with activities mentioned above such as grain and grape production; however, it is evaluated that these activities continued in 1477 as well. In this date, the tax collected from the city center decreased to 23.936 coins. Compared to that of 1455, this decrease was observed to be approximately 50 %. Based on the records, it is understood that there was a market in both 1455 and 1477 in the city center. While there was a tax named as kıst-ı bazar (market tax) adding up to 18.000 Münir Aktepe, “XIV. ve XV. Asırlarda Rumeli’nin Türkler Tarafından İskanına Dair”, Türkiyat Mecmuası, C. 10, (1953), s. 305 ; Mehmet İnbaşı, “Yeni Belgelerin Işığında Rumeli Yörükleri”, Osmanlı Ansiklopedisi, Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, 1999, s. 153. 15 Being a local unit of grain measurement, 1 Lukna equals to 4 Edirne bushels or 93.372 kg. For detailed information see. Zeki Arıkan, “Tahrir Defterlerinde Geçen Deyimler”, Osmanlı Araştırmaları, C. XVI (1996).s. 9 ; Walther Hinz, İslâm’da Ölçü Sistemleri, çev. Sevim Acar, İstanbul: Edebiyat Fakültesi Basımevi, 1990.; Halil İnalcık, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun Ekonomik ve Sosyal Tarihi, ed. Halil İnalcık, Donald Quataert, Istanbul: Eren Yayıncılık, 2000. s. 445; Ünal Taşkın, Osmanlı Devleti’nde Kullanılan Ölçü ve Tartı Birimleri, Fırat Üniversitesi, 2005. s. 68. 16 This is a liquid measurement unit mostly used in the Balkans and sometimes in Anatolia. Demonstrating changes by time and location, çeber was identified by Geza David in two different values such as 42,42 litre and 56,56 litre. see.Geza David, 16. Yüzyılda Simontornya Sancağı, İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 1999. However, based on the Vushtrri District Lawbook, the statement “ …bu yerin hımlı İstanbul kilesiyle altı kile vaz’ olunmuştur…”, “…iki çeber bir hıml olur…” demonstrates that 1 çeber of the Valchitrin District was equal to 3 İstanbul bushels see. 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937 - 1530) II, Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, 2004. The deceased Halil İnalcık, calculated 1 İstanbul bushel as 24,215 kg for the year 1500. See İnalcık, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun Ekonomik ve Sosyal Tarihi. s. 444. As the conclusion of all these calculations, in Valchitran District it must have been 1 çeber = 72,645 kg. 17 Hassa Farms issue will be discussed in a further part titled Timar. 14 306 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE coins in 1455, it was decreased to 3796 coins in 1477, moreover, this figure included the Niyabet18. For sure, there were various tradesmen groups professing different jobs in the Vushtrri city center, however, ther is no data about these tradesmen in the records19. Rural Areas Rural Population of the Vushtrri District in 1455-1477 Date Villages and Non- Muslim Single Widow Hamlets Household Adults Women Muslim Household 1455 135 3299 - 356 914 1477 173 2075 - 400 150 There were 128 villages, 7 hamlets, 3 churches, and 1 monastery connected to Vushtrri in 1455. In that time, the number of non-Muslim households was 3299, of single adults 356, and of widow women was 914. These figures changed in 1477 such as, 166 villages, 7 hamlets, 12 monastery, 2075 non-Muslim households, 400 single adults, and 150 widow women. In the 22 years between two dates, although there was an increase in the figure of the villages, a decrease was observed in the number of non-Muslim household. There is a similar decrease for the widow women as well. That the figure of widow women was quite high is evaluated to be explained by the fact that there were wars and the males were being killed. No Muslim population was observed in the rural areas of Vushtrri in the both dates. Wheat took the lead among the agricultural productions produced in Vushtrri. It was followed by, respectively, barley, oat, rye, corn, and tare. When the data concerning the date 1455 are examined, it is observed that 272.220 kg wheat, 196.105 kg barley, 138.921 kg kabluca, 87.014 kg oat, 19.675 kg rye, 33.900 kg corn, and 25.587 kg tare were collected as tax in Vushtrri. These figures increased in 1477, except for the barley, adding up to 351013 kg wheat, 147795 kg barley, 140220 kg kabluca, 132091 kg oat, 72789 kg rye, 12562 kg corn, and 18 BOA, MAD 16, v. 5a. About the reason why the professions of non-Muslim city residents were not recorded in the cadastral record books, see Melek Delilbaşı, Muzaffer Arıkan, Suret-i Defter-i Sancak-ı Tırhala I, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2001, s. XI-XII. 19 307 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 4249 kg tare being collected as tax. Compared to 1455, agricultural production increased all across the Vushtrri region in 1477, therefore, the amount that the state collected as tax increased. Although it was not recorded in the book dated 1455, according to the detailed book dated 1477, 1 lukna of wheat was 15 coins, barley 10 coins, kabluca 8 coins, oat 8 coins, rye 8-10 coins, corn 10 coins, and tare was 15 coins in Vushtrri. Additionally, though not much, there was the production of broad bean, lentil, and onion in the region as well, and 1 lukna of broad bean was 15 coins, while lentil was 15 coins, and onion was 8. The grain produced in the region was milled within the region as well. There were 89 mills in total in Vushtrri district, 21 of which were under the possesion of the Cavalryman (cavalrymen), in 1455. There was no change in the number of the mills in 1477. According to the lawbook of Vushtrri district20, based on a record running ... and from the places where there is a mill, 30 coins are collected if it annually functions, while it will be 15 coins if it functions for six months... it is understood that 33 mills out of 69, which were under the possession of the residents, functioned for 6 months, while 36 of them functioned for the whole year. Besides the traditional mills for the grains, it is observed that there were also water mills producing fabrics (Vilaviç (spinning mill)-Asiyab-ı Kebe 21. In 1455, a tax of 140 coins was collected from 8 mills under the title Vilaviç in the Gorna Lubche village22. In 1477, in the same village23, Asiyab-ı Kebe term was used instead of Vilaviç, and a tax of 35 coins was collected without mentioning the number of the mills. Since almost all of the population in the conquered geography was non-Muslims and since there was a widespread grape production, "vineyard tithe tax” (one tenth of the vineyard income) was collected. In 1455, a tax of 102.429 kg grape-juice was collected from the vineyards under the posession of the Cavalryman, while it was 105.480 kg collected from those of the residents. The figures were quite close to each other in this date. It is observed that the amount of the tax being collected from the Cavalryman vineyards was decreased in 1477, on the other hand, the tax being collected from the resident vineyards was increased. While the number of the vineyards under the possession of the Cavalryman was 43 in 1455, it was the same in 1477. However, there was an obvious decrease in the tax collected. While 102.429 kg Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937 - 1530) II, s. 315. For the detailed information about the spinning mill see. Mehmet Ali Ünal, Osmanlı Tarih Sözlüğü, I İstanbul: Paradigma Yayıncılık, 2011, s. 391.; Musa Sezer, XVI. Yüzyılda Köstendil Ilıcası, Kayseri: Erciyes Üniversitesi, 2017, s. 273 . 22 BOA, TT 02 M, s. 73. 23 BOA, TT 1048, s. 98. 20 21 308 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE grape-juice was being collected as tax in 1455, it was 22.738 kg in 1477. These figures demonstrate that the production was reduced in the Cavalryman vineyards. As per the ones under the possession of the residents, it seemed exact opposite, the production increased. While 105.480 kg grape-juice was being collected as tax in 1455, it was increased to 1.497.936 kg in 1477. There was an increase in the production in parallel with the increasing stability after the Ottoman conquest. This increase was not limited to only Vushtrri in the Kosovo region, a similar case was observed in Pristina district as well24. Apart from the above mentioned agricultural activities, it was also observed that there was pig farming and beekeeping in the region. In 1455, beekeeping activity was conducted in 48 villages in Vushtrri, and in total, 2.227 coins were collected as tax. In 1477, the number of the villages dealing with beekeeping increased to 119, providing a tax of 2.546 coins. The collection of vegetable garden tax and fakihe (fruit) tax demonstrates that, though not much, there was also a production of greengrocery. Timar According to the cadastral record book dated 1455 there were 52 timars in Vushtrri (See Appx-1). 5 of those timars were under the possession of the non-Muslim Cavalryman, while 47 of them were under the possession of the Muslim Cavalryman, and the the total income of the district was 334.348 coins. At the times of war, the 55 Cavalryman of Vushtrri would participate in the campaign wearing a fitting armor, while they were responsible to bring 104 armored soldiers, 30 tents, 13 tenktûrs25 (single-tents), and 25 servants with themselves. Among the existing timars, 10 were common timars. It has been long known that the timar owner Cavalryman were employed in the timar system26. The principle was prevalent for the Vushtrri as well, and the non-Muslims posessed approximately 10% of the existing timars of the time. Based on the notes concerning the timar records of the non-Muslim timar owner Cavalryman, it is understood that 2 of them were Cavalryman in the Ottoman period as well, while one of them was a clerk. In the records of the timar owner Cavalryman it was noted as "İsa Bey tezkiresi Rahman Şahin, “Fatih Sultan Mehmed Devri Priştine Kazası (Tahrir Defterlerine Göre)”, Cappadocia Journal of History And Social Sciences, C. 10 (2018), s. 219. 25 Although it is known as a small tent, it is possible to have a single sleeping bag. See. Feridun M. Emecen, “Defter-i Köhne: Pirlepe-Kırçova Kesiminin En Eski Timar Defteri (1445-1455)”, Osmanlı Araştırmaları, C. 43 (2014), s. 350. 26 Halil İnalcık, “Stefan Duşan’dan Osmanlı İmperatorluğuna XV. Asırda Rumeli’de Hıristiyan Sipahiler ve Menşeileri”, Fatih devri Üzerine Tetkikler ve Vesikalar I, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2007, s. 150; Halil İnalcık, Suret-i Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, II. Baskı Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1987, s. XXIV. 24 309 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies ile yer" for 4 of them. The noted İsa Bey was the frontiersman of Skopje27. The Cavalryman mentioned here with the highest income, who was referenced by Isa Bey, was Süngülü Barak and his son Yusuf, with 10.260 coins of income28. In exchange for this income, each year both of them would participate in the campaign with fitting armors, responsible for bringing with themselves 2 armored soldiers, 1 tent, and 1 servant. One of the Cavalrymans in Vushtrri was the servant of Karaca Bey, while the other 2 were that of Zağnos Pasha. In some timar records, it was also noted where the Cavalryman was from. Accordingly, among the ones recorded, it is understood that only Yapa veledi Tahir (Tahir of Yapa) was from Anatolia29. Among the Cavalryman, İlyas veledi Kara hızır Bey (Son of Ilyas Kara Hızır Bey) had the highest income, with a timar of 26.364 coins30. Based on the note concerning this timar as Evrenosî, it is understood that this Cavalryman was from the Evrenosoğulları,who were active in the Balkans. The number of the timars was 50 in 1477 (see Appx-2). The total income of the district was 260.448, and in exchange for this income, Vushtrri was responsible to provide 43 Cavalryman with fitting armor, 73 armored soldiers, 10 tents, 32 tenktûrs, and 25 servants in each camaign. The number of the timars under the possession of hte non-Muslim Cavalryman was 5, which corresponded to 10 % as the ratio. Two of the timars that the non-Muslims possessed were ordinary timars, and the rest three of them were common timars possessed under a partnership of 4-6 falconers31. Such kind of timar owners, who did not possess any piece of land, were responsible for sending an armored soldier as their tax in each year to the campaign to be organized by the state. Out of 45 timars under the possession of the Muslim Cavalryman, 9 were common timars. The timar with the least income was that of Yunus and Bali32 and the timar with the highest income was that of Mahmud and Barak 33. As was in the previous book, it was also partially recorded where the Cavalryman was from. In this regard, one of the Cavalryman possessing a timar in Vushtrri was from Sofia, 2 were from Kastamonu, and 2 were from Karahisar saints. Additionally, there were a clerk34, a gulam35 (slave soldier), and a cook36. When the names of the Cavalryman mentioned in the both books were compared, it is realized Mehmet İnbaşı, Osmanlı İdaresinde Üsküb Kazası (1455-1569), Atatürk Üniversitesi, 1995, s. 26. BOA, TT 02 M, s.139. 29 BOA, TT 02M, s. 131. 30 BOA, TT 02M, s. 111. 31 BOA, TT 1048, s. 177 – 178. 32 BOA, TT 1048, s. 134. 33 BOA, TT 1048, s. 136. 34 BOA, TT 1048, s. 80. 35 BOA, TT 1048, s. 116. 36 BOA, TT 1048, s. 132, 27 28 310 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE that there were only two Cavalryman, Hamza37 and Yusuf38, whose timar continued through 1455-1477. At that time, since the word timar was used as a general term, the lands under the possession of the beys were recorded as has (appanage)39. All of the lands in Vushtrri, except for the city center, were timar lands, neither vassalage nor appanage. The lands with an income in between 20.000-26.000 were also recorded as timar. Date Numberof Armored Armored Tents Single Servants Tents Total Timars Cavalryman Soldiers Tax 1455 52 55 104 30 13 25 334.348 1477 50 43 73 10 32 25 260.448 When the data of the both books were compared, it is observed that the amount of collected tax was decreased in Vushtrri; however, its campaign responsibilities were reduced as well. Although the decrease in the figure of the timars was very few, the total timar incomes reduced from 334.348 to 260.448 coins. While 104 armored soldiers were demanded from the region in 1455, it was decreased to 73 in 1477, being reduced by 30%. Although there was a decrease in the number of the tents that the Cavalryman were responsible to bring to the campaigns, the number of the tenktûr was increased. Named as a 'small tent', the tenktûr's cost should be lower than that of the tent beyond any doubt; therefore, the responsibilities of the Cavalryman were quite eased. A similar decrease was a case also in Pristina district at the same period40. Before the Suleiman the Magnificent, each Cavalryman was endowed with a farm-width land (5-150 decares), together with a vineyard, meadow, fruit trees, and a flour mill. This kind of possessions were known as hassa41. Within the examined period, it was observed that there were Cavalrymans with hassa incomes. In 1455, there were 21 hassa asiyab (the mill, whose income belongs directly to the Cavalryman) and 43 hassa bağ (the vineyard, whose income belongs directly to the Cavalryman). As per 1477, there were no changes in the numbers of the hassa asiyab and hassa bağ. However, since the lands endowed to the Cavalryman as hassa 37 BOA, TT 02 M, s.82; BOA, TT 1048, s. 112. BOA, TT 02 M, s.80; BOA, TT 1048, s. 120. 39 İnalcık, Suret-i Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, s. XXIV. 40 Şahin, “Fatih Sultan Mehmed Devri Priştine Kazası (Tahrir Defterlerine Göre)”, s. 209. 41 İnalcık, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun Ekonomik ve Sosyal Tarihi, s. 160. 38 311 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies were maintained with the help and service of the villagers, and since the Cavalryman participated in the campaigns of Mehmed the Conqueror almost each year, 5 hassa asiyab and 18 hassa bağ were recorded as harap (devastated). In 1477, each Cavalryman were given 4 hassa bostan (the vegetable garden, whose income belongs directly to the Cavalryman), 112 hassa zemin (the field, whose income belongs directly to the Cavalryman), 77 hassa çayır (the meadow, whose income belongs directly to the Cavalryman), and 7 hassa ağaç (the tree, whose income belongs directly to the Cavalryman), besides hassa bağ and hassa asiyab. Conclusion The conquest process of Serbia, which began in 1389 with the I. Kosovo War, was partially concluded with the II. Serbia campaign of Mehmed the Conqueror. It is understood from the data in the cadastral record book dated 1455 that, through the period between these dates, Serbia region was negatively and highly influenced from the clashes. Since the data recorded just after the conquest of the region have reached to our day, it was possible to make a comparison about the situation before and after the conquest. While there was no Muslim population in 1455 in Vushtrri district, which had a constant market, there were 45 Muslim households recorded in 1477, and there was a decrease in the population of the non-Muslims. It is observed that a part of the city residents dealt with agriculture. Grain production, which was accepted as an important activity, increased in 15 % during the 22 years. Another agricultural activity as important as grain production in the region was grape production. While half of the grape production was being produced in the Cavalryman vineyards and the other half in the resident vineyards in 1455, the production rates turned out to be 12% in the Cavalryman vineyards and 88% in the resident vineyards in 1477. Another important development was for the beekeeping activity in the region. From 1455 to 1477, the number of the villages providing hive tax was increased from 48 to 119. It is necessary to attribute the motive behind these developments in Vushtrri to the stability of region under the Ottoman rule. Bibliography A. Archive Documentary BOA, TT.d. 02 M. BOA, TT.d. 1048. BOA, MAD.d 16. B. Survey Works 312 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 167 Numaralı Muhâsebe-i Vilâyet-i Rûm-ili Defteri (937 - 1530) II, Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, 2004. AKTEPE Münir, “XIV. ve XV. Asırlarda Rumeli’nin Türkler Tarafından İskanına Dair”, Türkiyat Mecmuası, C. 10, (1953), ss. 299–312, doi:10.18345/TM.56169. ARIKAN Zeki, “Tahrir Defterlerinde Geçen Deyimler”, Osmanlı Araştırmaları, C. XVI, (1996), ss. 1–13. ARUÇI Muhammet, “Vılçıtrın”, Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, 2013, C. 43, ss. 132– 34. DAĞLI Yücel, Seyit Ali KAHRAMAN, İbrahim SEZGIN, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi 5. Kitap (Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi Bağdat 307 Numaralı Yazmanın Transkripsiyonu Dizini), İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2007. DAVID Geza, 16. Yüzyılda Simontornya Sancağı, İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 1999. DELILBAŞI Melek, Muzaffer ARIKAN, Suret-i Defter-i Sancak-ı Tırhala I, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2001. EMECEN Feridun M., “Defter-i Köhne: Pirlepe-Kırçova Kesiminin En Eski Timar Defteri (1445-1455)”, Osmanlı Araştırmaları, C. 43, (2014), ss. 341–474. ———, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun Kuruluş ve Yükseliş Tarihi (1300 - 1600), İstanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2015. HADÎDÎ, Tevârih-i Âl-i Osman, çev. Necdet Öztürk, İstanbul: Marmara Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1991. HINZ Walther, İslâm’da Ölçü Sistemleri, çev. Sevim Acar, İstanbul: Edebiyat Fakültesi Basımevi, 1990. İBN KEMâL, Tevârih-i Âl-i Osman VII. Defter, çev. Şerafettin Turan, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1957. İNALCIK Halil, “Mehmed II”, Kuruluş Dönemi (1302 - 1481) Osmanlı Sultanları, Istanbul: İSAM Yayınları, 2015, ss. 181–226. ———, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun Ekonomik ve Sosyal Tarihi, ed. Halil İnalcık, Donald Quataert, Istanbul: Eren Yayıncılık, 2000. ———, “Rumeli”, İslam Ansiklopedisi, Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı, 1964, C. 9, ss. 766–73. ———, “Stefan Duşan’dan Osmanlı İmperatorluğuna XV. Asırda Rumeli’de Hıristiyan Sipahiler ve Menşeileri”, Fatih devri Üzerine Tetkikler ve Vesikalar I, 4.Baskı., Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2007, ss. 137–84. ———, Suret-i Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, II. Baskı., Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1987. 313 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies İNBAŞI Mehmet, Osmanlı İdaresinde Üsküb Kazası (1455-1569), Atatürk Üniversitesi, 1995. ———, “Yeni Belgelerin Işığında Rumeli Yörükleri”, Osmanlı Ansiklopedisi, Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, 1999ss. 151–70. NEŞRÎ Mevlânâ Mehmed, Cihânnümâ, çev. Necdet Öztürk, İstanbul: Bilge Kültür Sanat, 2013. ŞAHIN Rahman, “Fatih Sultan Mehmed Devri Priştine Kazası (Tahrir Defterlerine Göre)”, Cappadocia Journal of History And Social Sciences, C. 10, (2018), ss. 207–21. SEZER Musa, XVI. Yüzyılda Köstendil Ilıcası, Kayseri: Erciyes Üniversitesi, 2017. TAŞKIN Ünal, Osmanlı Devleti’nde Kullanılan Ölçü ve Tartı Birimleri, Fırat Üniversitesi, 2005. ÜNAL Mehmet Ali, Osmanlı Tarih Sözlüğü, I., İstanbul: Paradigma Yayıncılık, 2011. ZINKEISEN Johann Wilhelm, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi, ed. Erhan Afyoncu, çev. Nilüfer. Epçeli vd., İstanbul: Yeditepe Yayınevi, 2011. Appendix: Appx-1: Vushtrri Timar Holder According to 1477 Date Detailed Cadastral Record Book Numb Explanation Timar Holder er Armored Armor Ten Sing Serva Tota Cavalry ed le l man Soldie Ten Coin rs ts s ts nts 1 Bariki - 1 - - - - 2 Bayezid - 1 - - - - 3 Ali - 1 - - - 300 Zaganos - 1 - - - 680 5 ---- - 1 - - - 800 6 Hamza - 1 - - - 810 Barak 1 3 1 - 1 1083 İsa 1 - - - - 1511 Katip Branoş 1 - - - 1 1972 Gulam-ı Hızır 1 1 - 1 Çeribaşı-yı 4 7 Vulçıtrın Köprülü 8 9 10 Karaca Bey 314 2396 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 11 12 ---- 1 - - - 1 2669 Vidinli Mustafa 1 1 - 1 - 2994 Çeribaşı-yı Ali veledi 1 1 - 1 - 3052 Ohri. İsmail 1 1 - 1 - 3183 1 1 3911 Hizmetkar-ı 13 Zağonos paşa İsa bey Süleyman tezkiresiyle 14 yer. 15 Mehemmed 1 1 16 Köse Yusuf 1 1 - 1 1 3983 17 Dursun 1 1 - 1 1 4313 ve 2 - - 1 1 4629 Yakub veledi 1 1 - 1 1 4691 1 1 - 1 1 4946 1 1 - 1 1 4975 Yusuf veledi 1 1 - 1 1 5056 Müşterek Yusuf yiyip her yıl Sungur ikisi 18 bile eşerler. Solak Sarıca 19 Kafir-i kadim Lukaç 20 sipahisidir. Nikola birader-i 21 Zagor 22 Mehemmed 23 Mehemmed - - - - - 5058 Fahreddin 1 1 - 1 1 5071 veledi 24 Mehemmed 25 Ahmed 1 2 1 - - 5354 26 Kara İlyas 1 2 1 - - 5546 27 Arnavud Sermed 1 2 1 5694 28 Zağarcı Balaban 1 2 1 5944 315 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Kadim Bayduh sipahidir. oğlu Gorki ve 2 1 1 - 6130 ve 2 1 1 - - 6148 Müşterek yiyüp 29 ikisi bile eşerler Müşterek Turkul yiyüp her yıl Murad. ikisi 30 bile eşerler 31 Musa ve … 2 1 1 - - 6334 32 Yusuf 1 2 1 - - 6464 Kurd ve 2 1 1 - - 6752 Mustafa 1 2 1 - 1 7081 Mehemmed 1 2 1 bey Ahmet veledi 1 4 1 - - 7135 1 2 1 - 1 7448 ve 2 1 1 1 7505 Ali ve Hamza 2 1 1 1 7522 Müşterek yiyüp her yıl kadırndaşı bile Köpek ikisi 33 eşerler. 34 Vardarî veledi İkiz Hüseyin 35 İsa tezkiresiyle 36 7104 Uruz eşdi. Vardarî İsa bey Yusuf tezkiresiyle 37 yer. Müşterek Mustafa yiyip her yıl Karındaşı ikisi 38 bile Balaban eşerler. Müşterek yiyüp 39 ikisi veledan-ı bile eşerler Yahşi. 316 - CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Germiyani 40 3 1 - - 9386 Tahir Hizmetkâr-ı 41 Yapa veledi 1 Musa 1 3 1 - - 9647 Savcı 1 3 1 - 1 1002 Zağanos Paşa Kostandini. Kadim tımar 42 1 eridir Müşterek Süngülü yiyüp her yıl Barak ikisi 2 2 1 - 1 ve 1026 0 bile oğlu Yusuf eşerler. Ellerinde İsa Bey tezkiresi 43 vardır. Gulam-ı mir. Murad 44 1 3 1 - 1 Rikabdar Çeribaşı 1026 5 Timurtaş 1 3 1 1 Vulçıtrın, 1048 8 Gulam-ı Mîr Elinde padişahımız 45 46 47 nişanı vardır. Elinde Kara padişahımız Danişmend 1 6 - - 1049 6 nişanı vardır. Elinde İbrahim padişahımız birader-i nişanı vardır. Uğurlu Kadim tımar Mehemmed erleridir. ve 1 3 1 - 3 1058 2 2 3 Ömer 1 - - 1200 7 veledan-ı 48 1 Yusuf. 317 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 49 Elinde Umur veledi 1 padişahımızn Hasan Bey 4 1 - 1 1357 5 işanı vardır. Ellerinde Mehemmed padişahımız ve Mustafa nişanı vardır. ve Yusuf 2 5 2 1 1660 9 evladı 50 Mahmud Gulam-ı mir. Hızır 1 6 1 - - Elinde 1840 4 padişahımız 51 52 nişanı vardır. Evrenosî, İlyas veledi 1 Elinde Kara Hızır padişahımız Bey 13 1 - - 2636 4 nişanı vardır. 55 Toplam 104 30 13 25 3343 48 Appx-2: Vushtrri Timar Holder According to 1477 Date Detailed Cadastral Record Book Armored Armor Ten Sing Serva Total ts le nts Coin Numb Explanatio Timar Cavalry ed er n Holder man Soldier Tent s s s 1 --- - - - - - 307 2 Yunus - 1 - - - 1208 - - - - - 1257 - 1 - - - 1590 veledi Tüfekçi Karaca 3 Topçu Kala- Mustafa i İzveçan 4 Aydın 318 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Vukaç 5 - 1 - - - 1686 Hızır veledi 1 - - - 1 2113 ve 1 - - 1 1 2392 veledi - 1 - - 1 2432 1 1 2614 veledi Rayko 6 İlyas 7 Müşterek Yunus tasarruf edip Bali nevbetçe eşerler 8 Ali Zağanos 9 Yunus 10 Kasım 1 1 - - - 1 2672 ve 2 1 - 1 - 2882 İlyas 1 1 - 1 - 3216 Hüseyin 1 1 - 1 - 3320 1 1 - 1 - 3372 1 1 - 1 - 3412 1 1 - 1 - 3526 Birader-i İvaz 11 Müşterek Ali tasarruf edip Ahmed her yıl ikisi bile eşerler. 12 Karahisar erenlerinden 13 veledi Ali 14 Sofyalı Hızır 15 16 Hamza Gulam-ı Mir Sakalluca Yusuf 17 Paşayiğid 1 1 - 1 - 3617 18 İstepan 1 1 - 1 - 3754 1 1 - 1 1 3905 veledi Mikail 19 Çalış 319 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 20 Yunus 1 1 - 1 1 4406 İlyas 1 1 - 1 1 4677 Musa ve 1 - 1 1 1 4835 ve 1 1 - 1 1 5022 Hüseyin bin 1 1 - 1 1 5073 veledi Yusuf 21 Karahisar erenlerinden dir. 22 Müşterek tasarruf edip İlyas Bali nevbetçe eşerler. 23 Müşterek Hacı tasarruf edip Mahmud nevbetçe eşerler 24 Abdullah 25 Aşçı 26 Karagöz 1 1 - 1 1 5078 Hüseyin 1 1 - 1 1 5286 1 1 - 1 1 5459 1 2 - 1 - 5469 veledi 1 2 - 1 - 5524 1 2 - 1 - 5621 ve 1 2 - 1 - 5815 veledi İlyas 27 28 Atmaca an tahvil-i Abdulbaki Mevlana Muhyiddin Kadı-yı Vulçıtrın 29 Ali Tahir 30 Mehter Karagöz 31 Müşterek Musa tasarruf edip Süleyman be-nevbet eşerler. 320 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 32 Müşterek Timur ve 2 2 - 1 - 6009 Kasım 1 2 - 1 - 6467 Nevbetçe İsmail ve 1 2 - 1 - 6638 eşerler Karındaşı 1 2 - 1 1 6713 Bazarlu 1 3 1 1 7183 İsmail 1 2 - 1 1 7712 tasarruf edip Hamza ikisi bile eşerler 33 Serasker-i Vulçıtrın 34 İshak 35 Silahdar Mustafa 36 Paşa sancağına eşer. 37 38 Kastamoni Yusuf 1 2 - 1 1 7835 39 Kâtip Ahmed 1 2 - 1 1 8302 Kasım 1 3 - 1 - 8888 Süleyman 1 2 1 - - 9075 1 3 1 - - 9395 ve 1 1 1 - 1 9888 Yusuf veledi 1 3 1 - 1 1054 çavuş 40 41 Kastamoni veledi Mezid 42 Bayezid veledi Yapa 43 Müşterek Yakub tasarruf edip Yusuf 44 nevbetçe evlad-ı eşerler Mustafa Alparslan 45 Ulufeci 6 1 3 Paşayiğid 1 1 1055 2 321 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 46 Masar 1 4 1 1 - veledi 1335 0 Kastamonul u Yusuf 47 Müşterek Mahmud ve 2 Tasarruf Barak 6 2 - 3 2035 5 edip her yıl ikisi bile eşerler 48 Bu Gorki mezkûrun Surgeş doğancılar Kosdandin kimesneye veledi - 1 - - - - - 1 - - - - ve raiyyet ve Dançul ve yamak Yovan olmayıp veledi o ve sipahizadele Nikola r oldukları veledi sebepten Gozdiç kendü Gurko öşürlerine birader-i yılda ve o bir ve Radoslav cebelü veledi eşmeğe Nikola iltizam Nikola gösterip veledi eşküncü Gorko ve kayd olundular 49 Bu Brayan mezkûrun veledi Vuk doğancılardı ve r. Nikola veledi o ve 322 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Kimesneye raiyyet Gorki veledi ve Dabzyo yamak Radoslav olmayıp birader-i sipahizadele ve r ve o Milasin oldukları veledi sebepten Kovaç kendi İstepan öşürlerine veledi yılda ve biri Mihayil ve cebelüyle İstepan eşmeğe diğer veledi iltizam Yovan gösterip eşkinci kayd olundular. 50 Bu Gurin veledi - mezkûrun Branislav ve 1 doğancılardı Radiç r. birader-i Kimesneye ve raiyyet o Dimitri ve veledi yamak Radonya ve olmayıp İstepan sipahizadele birader-i r oldukları ve Radiç sebepten birader-i kendi ve öşürlerine veledi yılda o o Todor biri Klaviç cebelüyle eşmeğe iltizam 323 - - - - Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies gösterip eşkinci kayd olundular Toplam 43 73 10 32 25 2604 48 324 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 325 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 326 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Sejm Constitutions as Sources for the History of Ruthenian cities of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth Tetiana HOSHKO* The attitudes of burghers towards the surrounding world can be traced on the basis of sources created by the burghers themselves and of the normative documents that regulated their lives. The sources like these are the best to tell about varied aspects of the history of urban early Modern society. Therefore, they are most commonly used by researchers to study cities in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, in addition to these main sources, there are a lot of so-called “minor” ones. They include resolutions of the Commonwealth Sejms that would occasionally consider issues related to cities, among other things. Such sources as Sejm constitutions help us understand how townspeople were treated by representatives of the nobility (szlachta), as well as to better understand the burghers themselves, their role within the structure of the state, and their attitudes towards the state. As we know, cities were rather closed communities, often rather self-sufficient. It is the first impression, though. Trade, crafts, education, culture, and defence practices in cities required communication with the rest of the world. For instance, an important aspect was related to the connection of the city and the central state authorities. Polish Crown was in substance a democracy of the nobility. However, given all the advantages of the nobility who were equal before the law and had a decisive impact to actively promote their rights, it was not a closed environment. Maria Leskinen would appropriately state: “Social development of Poland in the 16th century was largely different from the similar process in Central Europe. Polish society had a peculiar social structure when a decisive factor was not the property status but the legal status of a person. The structure was characterized by the blurred and flexible boundaries between the social groups of Polish society. Until the early 17th century, despite the formal detachment, social estates have not become either hermetically sealed, or strictly hierarchized.”1 It can be best illustrated by relations between the townspeople and the nobility that were rather ambiguous, in mild terms. On the one hand, representatives of certain estates defended their * Doctor of Philosophy, Associate Professor at the Department of Classical, Byzantine, and Medieval Studies Ukrainian Catholic University, Postdoctoral Researcher at the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Ukraine 1 Лескинен М. Мифы и образы сарматизма. Истоки национальной идеологии Речи Посполитой. М., 2002, с. 13-14. 327 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies own interests, whereas, on the other hand, since the boundaries between the estates were rather blurred, there was an active mutual penetration. Diffusion between the social estates did not always imply favourable attitudes of townspeople to the nobility, or vice versa. At the same time, the perception of the problem is different depending on the perspective, for instance, as emphasized by a Lviv researcher Oleksiy Vinnychenko: “…Historians who mostly deal with sources of “urban” or “burghers” origin developed a negative interpretation of the role of the nobility in urban life, or of their attitudes towards townspeople. The opinion is expressly presented not only in the early papers on the history of cities but still adhered to by contemporary historians dealing with urban issues. Instead, the position of researchers of the nobility in the Kingdom of Poland is different. They describe the attitudes of average noblemen to a city dweller as ambiguous, however not bluntly anti-townspeople.”2 The opinion is hard to disagree. Moreover, in different periods, the relations between the representatives of the social estates varied significantly. According to Maria Bogucka, in general, the old Polish culture was opposed to urbanization3 but it was rather about the attitude to big cities. “A small town located nearby where noblemen or village people would often visit, hence knew it well enough and felt safe therein, did not generally provoke any hostility or distrust. There were many links between small nearby towns and a rural suburban area, such as commercial, crediting, or even family bonds (mixed marriages).”4 The assumption can be confirmed by testaments and inventories of citizens of the towns that have quite a few records of joint affairs with the noblemen from the suburbs. That is why, in actual fact, relations between the representatives of the nobility and the citizens were not so bluntly simple. Besides, they evolved in time. Вінниченко О. Львів очима сеймикуючої шляхти Руського воєводства (остання чверть XVI – перша половина XVII ст.) // Львів: місто – суспільство – культура. Т. 6: Львів – Краків: діалог міст в історичній перспективі. Львів, 2007, с. 122-123. 3 According to some estimates, at the edge of the Middle Ages and the Modern Times, the Polish Crown had about 80% of rural population (Bogucka M. Obraz miasta w kulturze staropolskiej // Bogucka M. Człowiek i świat. Studia z dziejów kultury i mentalności XV-XVIII w. Warszawa, 2008, s. 98). According to other data, it was ab. 75-85 % (in particular, in the early 15th century, the number of urban citizens of the Commonwealth was ca. 15 % (while in Poland one city was located within the 210 km2), whereas in the early 17th century, the number increased to 25 %. However, the nature of cities had not changed, when small towns prevailed, such as towns with the population of 500 to 1 500 residents. The urbanization level was unequally distributed in the regions: from 30% in the Royal Prussia, to below 10 % in the eastern areas of the country. See.: Bogucka M. Polish town between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries // A Republic of Nobles. Studies in Polish History to 1864 / Ed. by J.Fedorowicz, M.Bogucka, H.Samsonowicz. London, 1982, p. 138-139). Therefore, it is evident that manifestations of anti-urban attitudes in the Polish society of the times could be treated as a typical phenomenon of agrarian society. 4 Bogucka M. Obraz miasta w kulturze staropolskiej, s. 101. 2 328 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE However, there had not been any open antagonism between the nobility and the cities only before the mid-15th century.5 It is when the representative authority of the state began to develop. Although in the middle of the 15th century, on the territory of the Crown, the foundations of the limited monarchy became firmly established, the city did not immediately feel these changes. Initially, there were sporadic attempts to involve common burghers in resolving national issues. However, the external and internal policies of the Jagellonias increasingly more required support from the nobility, thus, the cities were gradually ousted from representative institutions. The decisive factor in this process was the Sejm in Piotrków, which took place on March 13 – May 25, 1496.6 By the decision of this Sejm, burghers and other plebeians were forbidden to buy land, to rent or to own it in any form, whereas whoever owned any, had to sell it within a specified period. The decision of the Sejm was explained by the fact that the townsfolk “used to seek the opportunity to avoid military campaigns” and had no place in the ranks of the noble estate7. Also, at the same time, burghers were prohibited from embracing the ranks of bishops and members of the cathedral chapters8, while voivodes had to determine the prices guided by the interests of the nobility, as the products from their estates were exempt from duties. In addition, it also stated: “...Navigating the rivers of our Kingdom, up and down, with all sorts of goods, shall be free to all people of any estate, cancelling any obstacles or duties. On the Toruń obstacle in navigation. For the Toruń people not to prevent, arrest, or detain the sailors, so that anyone could be free to sail up to Gdańsk.” 9 Moreover, during this Sejm, a decision was made against the beggars, which was definitely to the benefit of the cities. To be true, in the early 1503, Alexander I Jagiellon (Aleksander Jagiellończyk) was trying to revive a more favourable policy on cities. It is known that with the consent of the Sejm participating nobility, the king invited the representatives of large cities to participate in the Sejm. It was supposed to create a precedent for their participation in the following Sejms. The Sejm lasted from March 12 to April 2, but without the king participating, as he was busy on the Ptaśnik J. Miasta i mieszczaństwo w dawnej Polsce. Kraków, 1934, s. 262. See more in: Volumina Constitutionum. T. 1: 1493-1549; Vol. 1: 1493-1526 / Do druku przygotowałi S.Grodziski, I.Dwornicka, W.Uruszczak. Warszawa, 1996, s. 60. 7 Volumina Legum. – T. I. – Petersburg, 1859. – S. 124; Volumina Constitutionum. T. 1. Vol. 1, s. 78. 8 Wiek V-XV w źródłach: Wybór tekstów źródłowych z propozycjami metodycznymi dla nauczycieli historii, studentów i uczniów / Opracowali Melania Sobańska-Bondaruk, Stanisław Bogusław Lenard. Warszawa, 1999, s. 193-194. 9 Wiek V-XV w źródłach, s. 193. 5 6 329 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Lithuanian-Moscowian front at the time10. However, according to Jan Ptaśnik, we have no information whether cities accepted the invitation and whether they received any more invitations for the next Sejm.11 Probably, not. It is hard to claim definitively, mostly due to the fact that the materials of the next Sejm did not survive, and there is no detailed record either in the Crown Metrics, or the Łasky Statute. Still, there are some records in Bernard Wapowski chronicles.12 The Sejm took place in the late October – early November, in Lublin, and the key focus was on international affairs, such as relations with Lithuania, Mazovia, Prussia, and Pokuttia. As to domestic affairs, they adopted a tax universal and appointed Jan Łasky to the position of the Chancellor of Poland.13 In this respect, it is worth noting that back in 1503, Aleksander was supposed to be looking for an ally in their fight against the barons, while in 1505, he had the allies among the small and middle gentry who were unfolding their fight for their political rights led by young educated supporters and officials of the King (Jan Łasky, Michael Glinsky, a.o.). Cities lost their relevance for the king as a possible political ally because in the early 16th century they did not present any integral economic or structural power (due to variety of rights cities possessed, and also due to low urbanization level of the region). It became obvious during the 1505 Sejm in Radom, when the resolution was adopted not to include representatives of the cities to the House of Representatives (Izba Poselska, lower chamber in the Sejm).14 The most important resolution of that Sejm was the Constitution referred to as “Nihil Novi.”15 Pursuant to this Constitution, since cities did not have any land property, they could not claim any representation in the House of Representatives, except for Kraków. On February, 21, 1493, the latter received a ‘сonfirmationum per terrestrium’, in addition to its rights and freedoms. Nonetheless, the actual seats during the Sejm sittings was only obtained by Kraków in 1513, as a separate preference from Sigismund І (the preference was confirmed by the nobility of Kraków Land at the sejmik (local parliament) in Nowy Korczyn). Thereupon, 10 Volumina Legum. T. I. S. 124; Volumina Constitutionum. T. I. Vol. 1, s. 117; See more in: Papee F. Aleksander Jagiellończyk. Kraków, 2006, s. 71-74. 11 Ptaśnik J. Miasta i mieszczaństwo w dawnej Polsce, s. 274. 12 Kronika Bernarda Wapowskiego z Radochoniec kantora katedr. Krakowskiego. Cześć ostatnia. Czasy podługoszowskie obejmująca (1480-1535) / Wyd. J. Szujski. Kraków, 1874, s. 52. 13 Volumina Legum T. I, s. 124; Volumina Constitutionum. T. I. Vol. 1, s. 124-126. 14 Bogucka M., Samsonowicz H. Dzieje miast i mieszczaństwa w Polsce przedrozbiorowej. Wrocław; Warszawa; Kraków; Gdańsk; Łódź, 1986, s. 322. 15 See more in: Гошко Т. Ян Ласький та перші спроби кодифікації права в Польському Королівстві // Соціум. Альманах соціальної історії. Вип. 13-14. К., 2017, с. 191-214. 330 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Kraków had been represented during the Sejm meetings. Another confirmation for that right was granted to Kraków as a privilege in 1518.16 However, in general, according to the resolution of the 1505 Radom Sejm, representatives of cities had not received any permanent seats in the Sejm.17 Later, during the reign of Sigismund І the Old, and of Sigismund August, cities failed to achieve their potential as a monolith political power. The question here is not only about the policy of Polish kings on the nobility but also about the position of the townspeople themselves. General state affairs engaged representatives of only several big cities. However, they were not ready to represent the interests of the entire estate. We might identify several reasons why cities failed to consolidate their efforts: 1. A relatively low urbanization levels of the region. 2. Small number of big cities, small towns prevailed. 3. Big number of private towns. 4. Incomplete town law, often limited to the power of the governor (voivode) or the prefect (starosta). 5. Agrarian type of towns in the area. 6. Privileged cities in the region functioned on the grounds of the privileges granted onto them; every city was trying to expand their privileges, often at the expense of other cities. As a result, competition between cities was rather big, that is why no external consolidated voice was possible. 7. Multiple ethnicities and religions in cities. This aspect is also mentioned by Maria Bogucka who claims that despite an active process of Polonization in the 16th century cities, there were still separate groups (rather numerous) who tried hard to preserve their identity (Ruthenians, Jews, Germans in Prussia, etc.). In the second half of the 16th century, a new wave of migration from Europe actively resumed, due to religious wars. It was another factor against the consolidation of the nobility as a social estate. Nonetheless, in addition to all the abovementioned preconditions, we should highlight a decisive fact that in the moment of economic growth of cities, when they could attempt to have certain settled and regulated political role in the state, Polish kings had already acquired the allies to enhance their power. The allies were the executionists. The king’s maneuvering between the executionists and the magnates helped him find certain balance in political affairs. 16 17 Ptaśnik J. Miasta i mieszczaństwo w dawnej Polsce, s. 272, 275. Bogucka M., Samsonowicz H. Dzieje miast i mieszczaństwa w Polsce przedrozbiorowej, s. 322. 331 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies It might be roughly stated that peculiarities of the Crown’s cities reflected on the peculiarities of political life in the country. Cities could not be claimed to have no attendance at the Sejms in Poland. In addition to tax collection universals adopted during almost all Sejms that focused on different kinds of duties and taxes to be collected from different categories of urban residents, some resolutions were also adopted to support development of the cities. In addition to being an economic basis for the king’s power, especially in the early modern times, citizens would rather often lobby certain decision to be adopted during Sejms in their favour. The ‘methods’ used to support such decisions can be well seen from the accounting books of cities where they indicated all details of how much, when and to whom they paid.18 One of the items considered many times during Sejms was the issue of urban margins. The analysis of the resolutions helps trace the change of attitudes of townspeople under effect of Reformation, including also the change of the concept of charity donations.19 Even though cities in the Polish Crown and in the Commonwealth were not represented at Sejms, many decisions were directly related to the cities. Any important issue for big cities was addressed individually, either with the support of money, or personal relations. Sejms would actively discuss taxes, trade, storage facilities for commodities, defence of cities, protection from arbitrary practices of the nobility and of varied marginal groups, granting noble titles to citizens, land issues, etc. In addition to tax collection universals adopted at almost every Sejm that largely focused on collecting taxes from different categories or urban citizens, some resolutions were adopted to enhance the development of cities. For example, during the Warsaw Sejm, in April, 1598, a resolution was adopted: “62. All towns newly established in the Crown shall be exempt from all taxes due in the Commonwealth for 8 years: aimed at increasing permanent settlement of craftsmen and merchants for the welfare and beauty of the Commonwealth. Thereupon, they would have to carry all the burden on par with others.”20 The Constitution does not clarify the cities implied, but Andrzej Wyrobisz believes it might refer to private cities in particular, since at the end of the 16th century, the Crown fully rejected the creation of new cities, thus, the process was related to the privately owned entities only.21 After all, it fully satisfied the interests of residents of the newly established cities. See more in: Левус Н. Представницькі видатки магістрату 1577-1583 рр. на прикладі книг щотижневих видатків м. Львова // Місто: історія, культура, суспільство. № 1(5). К., 2018, с. 46-58. 19 See more in: Гошко Т. Жебраки у руських містах XV – першої половини XVII ст. // Україна в ЦентральноСхідній Європі. Вип. 17. К., 2017, с. 462-490. 20 Volumina Legum. T. II. Petersburg, 1859, s. 375. 21 Wyrobisz A. Rola miast prywatnych w Polsce XVI i XVII, s. 25. 18 332 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE In addition to such general decision, the same Sejm also adopted a constitution on a very local case about receiving funding to build a bridge in Lutsk: “We shall allow to Lutsk citizens, our subjects, to have reimbursed the construction of the Lutsk bridge across the rivers of Styr22 and Styrets23, and also from the other side across Hlushets.24 For that purpose, this Sejm resolution shall enforce the collection of duties from the merchant loaded carts, such as a halfgrosz for a horse, and two whites [grosz] for a head of cattle brought for sale.” 25 The decision must have been adopted after a series of abuse by local authorities and complaints about the repairs of the bridge. Sejms have multiple times considered some minor issues of local context, such as bridges, hospitals, mills, etc. One of the most important issues during the Sejms was that of security in cities. Consideration of those issues was often related to the foreign policy problems and wars of the Commonwealth. Fortification of cities and the city walls, and allocating funds therefor were significant points that could not be ignored for public interests. Usually, municipal authorities were in charge of the defence of the city but the control over this process was often commissioned onto the prefects (starosta). In particular, such decision was adopted at the 1565 Piotrków Sejm.26 Similar thing also happened at the 1631 Sejm. “It is established by the constitutions that the citizens of our estates shall allocate the funds from the annual revenues of the city for the procurement and maintenance of the munition. Therefore, pursuant to the acting law, the starosta and the government officials shall do the accounts on an annual basis.”27 Some city defence aspects were considered during the 1620 Warsaw Sejm, during the war with Turkey. Having considered the defence issues for the cities, the Sejm imposed the responsibility on the starosta and deputy starosta officials (podstarosta).28 Pursuant to the Sejm resolution, frontier cities had to be provided with all the equipment or ware required for defence needs, according to hetmans and military deputies, while the gentry arriving to the city with their wives seeking protection had to be provided with the weapons and food supplies for six months. Those who did not have the required provisions available were not allowed into the Styr – right tributary of Prypyat River. Styrets – an arm of the Styr river. 24 Hlushets – an old river, tributary of Styr, often dried out. In the 19 th century, Hlushetska street was formed on top of it. In the 1920s, the Hlushets river bed was covered with soil, while in 1933, a public garden grew on the site of the drained river bed. See: Вулиця Глушець // https://uk.wikipedia.org/wiki/Вулиця_Глушець. 25 Volumina Legum. T. II, s. 377. 26 Volumina Legum. T. II, s. 53. 27 Volumina Legum. T. IIІ. Petersburg, 1859, s. 337. 28 Ibidem, s. 184. 22 23 333 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies city. In fact, it protected the interests of cities, since they did not have to incur extra costs to provide for the unexpected visitors. The constitution also mentioned the cities of Kraków, Lviv, Kamyanets-Podilskyi, Sniatyn, Halych, Kyiv, Belz, Kremenets, Khotyn, Lutsk, Przemyśl, and Sanok. However, special focus was on Lviv and the High Castle fortification facility in the city, with the specific letter to be issued thereon.29 There were multiple cases of considering such issues during Sejm sessions. Sejm constitutions would sometimes protect cities against arbitrary practices from the nobility. Most often, it was related to the duties charged during the convocation of the national campaigns, such as during the 1635 Sejm. “Since against the will of the city of Kraków, that had never happened before, some of our soldiers organized the placement for them near Kraków last year, and charged the duties from the Kraków suburban residents; which we deem not only przejudiciosum civibus, but also periculosum30 for our capital: therefore, we do prohibit such dispositions and duties in all territories within the jurisdiction of the cities of Kraków, Kazimierz, Stradom, Kleparz, and other adjacent areas sub poena infamia, in perpetum.31 We hereby notify the forum32 in the City of Kraków, sine appellation33. The same constitution shall be valid in Poznań, Lublin, Piotrków, Lviv, and Olkusz, with the adjacent areas, and they shall have a forum cum contraventoribus34 in their cities.”35 Sometimes, the nobility did a lot of harm to the cities hosting the sejmik sessions. The defence issues of such cities were also brought forward for the consideration of the general Sejm but in such case it was also focused on individual cities, not cities in general, even though they might be facing the same problems. At the 1633 general Sejm, a resolution was adopted on the town of Vyshnia hosting the sejmik of the nobility of Ruthenian voivodeship.36 Thus, irrespective of the motivation of central authorities and the noblemen, cities were far from being ignored in the Sejms. One of the important issues considered in the Sejms of the Commonwealth was that on ennoblement (nobilitation). For the most part, the process of ennobling burghers was a personal matter, as citizens were ennobled on an individual basis, and depending on financial capacity of the candidate. In fact, it was the Sejm in charge of ennoblement itself, also for citizens. 29 Ibidem, s. 181-182. Periculosum – небезпека. 31 Sub poena infamia, in perpetuum – under the punishment of infamy for good. 32 Forum – court. 33 Sine appellation – no appeal. 34 Forum cum contraventoribus – court on violations 35 Volumina Legum. T. III, s. 421. 36 Ibidem, s. 392. 30 334 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE One of the most interesting cases was about approbation of ennoblement of Lviv citizen Sawa Greczyn considered at the Warsaw General Sejm in 1616, along with other cases of such cities as Kyiv, Sniatyn, Drohobych, Sokal.37 Eventually, Sawa Greczyn received a coat of arms to represent his family only.38 The ennoblement process was finalized by the decisions of the Sejm. In 1578, at the Warsaw General Sejm, a respective decision was adopted: “We hereby resolve that plebeians shall not be nominated for nobility, except for the cases considered at the Sejm subject to the consent of the Council of Lords (Panow Rad), or on the grounds of their military achievements and courageous activities.”39 Sejms have multiple times recorded requests to submit evidence for the assigned noble titles. For instance, at the 1601 General Sejm: “There has been a lot of new noble title distributed, and the umbers keep growing with various methods. In order to prevent this, we shall resolve for the future that either us, or our descendants, shall not admit any more ennoblement, except for those candidates authorized by the Senate and the Council Deputies, as well as in the Army as recommended by the Hetman for the significant merits for the Commonwealth. To avoid any secret procedures, each such ennoblement shall be justified by the constitution, otherwise each letter of application for the ennoblement shall not be valid. In addition, we shall not admit any subjects to ennoblement against the will and permit of the lord. In case the noble title was awarded or is planned to be awarded otherwise, it shall not be deemed valid […].”40 Regulations on the control over the ennoblement process were reiterated at the 1613 Sejm.41. At the 1633 general Sejm, a rather detailed constitution was adopted, among other things, “On Awarding Noble Titles.” Pursuant to the law, proving of nobility was made possible only at the powiat (county) level sejmik, while all other possibilities were cancelled.42 Even more so, the high-born noblemen risked the loss of their titles if they accepted ignobilem43 to their coats of arms, whereas such cases had to be considered by the Tribunal.44 At the 1641 General Sejm, they tried to strip of ennoblements acquired in different way but not confirmed after 1607.45 However, any attempt to stop the process turned futile. 37 Ibidem, s. 146. Szymański J. Herbarz rycerstwa polskiego z XVI wieku. Warszawa, 2001, s. 23. 39 Volumina Legum. T. IІ, s. 187. 40 Ibidem, s. 390. 41 Volumina Legum. T. III, s. 83. 42 See more in: Вінниченко О. Доведення шляхетства на сеймиках Руського воєводства у Вишні (XVIIсередина XVIII ст.): правова регламентація та повсякденна практика // Повсякдення ранньомодерної України. Історичні студії в 2-х томах. Т. 1: Практики, казуси та девіації. К., 2012, с. 13-58. 43 Ignobilem – в значенні «простолюдин». 44 Volumina Legum. T. III, s. 382. 45 Volumina Legum. T. IV. Petersburg, 1860, s. 10. 38 335 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Even though the nobility (some of whom got into the urban environment) would occasionally try to protect their ranks from plebeians, the ennoblement of the bourghers was gaining momentum since they were attracted by the broad privileges of the noblemen, and the equality within this social estate. In the early 17th century, the recently ennobled gentry were the subject for mockery in poetic texts. For example, Jan Dzwonowski wrote in the “Statute or Legal Articles”: “Ktoby się zwał szlachcicem a niebył taki, Powinna go opatrzyć iakimkolwiek znakiem, Puł wusa mu ogolić, żeby wiedziano, Iże go tu niedawno Nobilitowano.”46 Some similar attitudes to the “new” nobility was declared by Walerian Nekanda Trepka. His treatise is by far the most poignant expression of disrespect to people of plebeian origin. The author believed that a true nobleman had a distinct appearance, good manners, and high education level, unlike the offshoots from another estate.47 It is notable that in his work, Nekanda Trepka mostly mentioned the cases when the “under-noblemen” were coming from peasants and urban residents. In particular, out of 2534 persons, according to the estimates of a Polish researcher Adam Burakowski, the true origin of 2361 persons could be traced,48 including 1167 peasants, and 1012 city residents (bekards (noble-born extramarital children)49 – 86, foreigners – 54, clergy-born illegitimate children – 26, persons under infamy – 16).50 However, the researcher emphasizes that most of the new noblemen originating from peasantry were first becoming city residents, or pretended to be such, and upon disillusionment in the possibilities granted by the city dweller’s status resorted to ennoblement with different methods.51 Nonetheless, the merits of the nobility were somewhat exaggerated, when in reality the situation was rather questionable. Paradoxically enough, but in the 16th century, the education level among the city dwellers was not much lower than that of the noblemen. For example, in the Lesser Poland cities, 70% of the patriciate, and 30% of the lower class were literate, whereas in the Kraków voivodeship, only 31% of noblemen were literate. Maria Bogucka assumes that the situation was similar in many regions of the Crown. What is more, Statut Jana Dzwonowskiego to iest Artykuły prawne, jako sądzić lotry i kuglarze jawne. 1611, s. 15. See: Walerian Nekanda Trepka. Liber Generationis Plebanorum (“Liber Chamorum”). Część 1: Wstępy wydawców i tekst / Wydali Włodzimierz Dworzaczek, Julian Bartyś, Zbigniew Kuchowicz. Pod red. W. Dworzaczka. Wrocław; Warszawa; Kraków, 1963. 48 Burakowski A. Geografia “Liber chamorim” // Przegląd Historyczny. 1999. T. 90. Nr 1, s. 77, 79. 49 Bekard – bastard. 50 Burakowski A. Geografia “Liber chamorum”, s. 83. 51 See: Walerian Nekanda Trepka. Liber Generationis Plebanorum (“Liber Chamorum”). Część 1, s. 75. 46 47 336 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE in the late 16th – early 17th century, Kraków university had 40% of students coming from cities.52 This urge of city dwellers to get education was rather understandable, since it opened to them the way to careers, recognition, and eventually, to money. Subsequently, it could lead to ennoblement, and receiving the privileges the high-born noblemen enjoyed. In addition to education, the lifestyles of wealthy city dwellers also reminded that of the noblemen. In 1613, 1620, and 1629, there were some failed attempts of the noblemen to ban to city dwellers to wear silk and expensive furs. For example, in 1613, they resolved: “Since we see it as a large harm to the Commonwealth, when the noble estate is becoming equal a plebeijs: we hereby resolve that no city dweller, nor plebeius, excepto Magistratu,53 shall wear silk clothes or silk lining, or expensive furs, except for fox for or inferior; or not to wear goatskin, with the sub poena 14 marcarum ad cujusvis instigationem,54 for the violation assigned to the delator.55 The forum ex termino tacto56 shall be informed thereon.”57 The practice of sumptuary law had been known in the Polish Crown since the 13th century. Often, the regulation was enforced on the level of individual cities through the city statutes.58 However, as the sumptuary laws were submitted to the Sejm, it implies the immediacy of the problem, not even on the local but already on national scale. Since the ennoblement process was only possible at the Sejm, it was supposed to be approved by the noble members of the Sejm upon submission of the king, not personally by the king, it is natural that the Polish kings did not have any dedicated ennoblement policy to create new noble estate who could become a social support for the royal power.59 Thus, total number of the ennobled burghers was rather small.60 After all, some representatives of the noblemen at the time would not mind receiving the urban rights but they would not usually engage in the advocacy of urban interests. The presented cases describe only part of issues under consideration at the General Sejms related to the affairs of the city dwellers in the Commonwealth. The range was much wider. Bogucka M. Między obyczajem a przwem. Kultura Sarmatyzmu w Polsce XVI-XVII wieku. Warszawa, 2013, s. 53. 53 Plebeius, excepto Magistratu – plebeian, except for the magistrate. 54 Sub poena 14 marcarum ad cujusvis instigationem – to be penalized with 14 marks for all instigators. 55 Delator – complainant. 56 Forum ex termino tacto – court within the set terms. 57 Volumina Legum. T. III, s. 89. 58 See, e.g.: Myśliwski G. Leges sumptuariae w średniowiecznym Lwowie // Świat średniowiecza. Studia ofiarowane Profesorowi Henrykowi Samsonowiczowi / Red. A. Bartoszewicz, G. Myśliwski, J. Pysiak, P. Żmudzki. Warszawa, 2010, s. 222-233 59 Belzyt L. Szlachta w mieście rezydencjalnym. Szlacheccy obywatele Krakowa i Warszawy około 1600 roku (Analiza porównawcza struktury). Zielona Góra, 2011, s. 143. 60 See: Trelińska B. Wstęp // Album armorum nobilum Regni Poloniae XV – XVIII saec. Herby nobilitacji i indygenatów XV – XVIII w. / Opr. B. Trelińska. Lublin, 2001, s. 15. 52 337 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Hardly any Sejm could do without touching any issues pertaining to city dwellers either from the royal or privately owned cities. It is especially notable since there were no separate representatives of citizens at Sejms, except for Kraków citizens. Due to peculiarity of the citizen status in the kingdom, they were not interested to create any Sejm representation, mostly for fear of facing interference with their affairs, restriction of their city rights, and financial factors (few big cities would have to represent the interests of the many small and medium towns). Within the Crown, no estate-based bourgeois consciousness developed. The boundaries between the social estates were rather blurry, which was especially expressed in the 16th – early 17th century. Townspeople would rather consolidate with local nobility to protect their regional interests (the confederation of the townspeople and nobility of Ruthenian voivodeship in 1464, in 1611, a.o.), than join the endeavours of cities from different parts of the state to promote shared interests of their class. The new so called “town nobility,” either the nobility adopting urban law, or the ennobled burghers, did not even create any separate social group, and were not ready to engage in the protection of interests of cities, as they originated from very different sources to form this strata of urban dwellers, and their goals were very different, too. It was not the nobility themselves who were willing to restrict the rights and interests of cities, but rather cities were pursuing separate policies. All the processes can be vividly seen in detailed analysis of Sejm constitutions most of which have been published today but seldom included in the study of urban history. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Vinnychenko, O. (2012). Dovedennia shliakhetstva na seimykakh Ruskoho voievodstva u Vyshni (XVII- seredyna XVIII st.): pravova rehlamentatsiia ta povsiakdenna praktyka. Povsiakdennia rannomodernoi Ukrainy. Istorychni studii v 2-kh tomakh. T. 1: Praktyky, kazusy ta deviatsii. Kyiv. 13-58. 2. Vinnychenko, O. (2007). Lviv ochyma seimykuiuchoi shliakhty Ruskoho voievodstva (ostannia chvert XVI – persha polovyna XVII st.). Lviv: misto – suspilstvo – kultura. T. 6: Lviv – Krakiv: dialoh mist v istorychnii perspektyvi. Lviv. 122-145. 3. Hoshko, T. (2017) Zhebraky u ruskykh mistakh XV – pershoi polovyny XVII st. Ukraina v Tsentralno-Skhidnii Yevropi. Vyp. 17. Kyiv. 462-490. 4. Hoshko, T. (2017). Yan Laskyi ta pershi sproby kodyfikatsii prava v Polskomu Korolivstvi. Sotsium. Almanakh sotsialnoi istorii. Vyp. 13-14. Kyiv. 191-214. 338 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 5. Levus, N. (2018). Predstavnytski vydatky mahistratu 1577-1583 rr. na prykladi knyh shchotyzhnevykh vydatkiv m. Lvova. Misto: istoriia, kultura, suspilstvo. - № 1(5). Kyiv. 4658. 6. Leskinen, M. (2002). Mify i obrazy sarmatizma. Istoki natsionalnoi ideologii Rechi Pospolitoi. Moskva. 7. Album armorum nobilum Regni Poloniae XV – XVIII saec. Herby nobilitacji i indygenatów XV – XVIII w. (2001), opr. B. Trelińska. Lublin. 8. Belzyt, L. (2011). Szlachta w mieście rezydencjalnym. Szlacheccy obywatele Krakowa i Warszawy około 1600 roku (Analiza porównawcza struktury). Zielona Góra. 9. Bogucka, M. (2008). Człowiek I świat. Studia z dziejów kultury I mentalności XVXVIII w. Warszawa. 10. Bogucka, M. (2013). Mędzy obyczajem a prawem. Kultura Sarmatyzmu w Polsce XVIXVII wieku. Warszawa. 11. Bogucka, M. (1982). Polish town between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries A Republic of Nobles. Studies in Polish History to 1864, ed. J.Fedorowicz, M.Bogucka, H.Samsonowicz. London. 135-152. 12. Bogucka, M., Samsonowicz, H. (1986). Dzieje miast i mieszczaństwa w Polsce przedrozbiorowej. Wrocław; Warszawa; Kraków; Gdańsk; Łódź. 13. Burakowski, A. (1999). Geografia “Liber chamorim” // Przegląd Historyczny.T. 90. Nr 1. Warszawa. 75-83. 14. Kronika Bernarda Wapowskiego z Radochoniec kantora katedr. Krakowskiego. Cześć ostatnia. Czasy podługoszowskie obejmująca (1480-1535) (1873), wyd. J. Szujski. Kraków. 15. Myśliwski, G. (2010). Leges sumptuariae w średniowiecznym Lwowie // Świat średniowiecza. Studia ofiarowane Profesorowi Henrykowi Samsonowiczowi, red. A. Bartoszewicz, G. Myśliwski, J. Pysiak, P. Żmudzki. Warszawa. 222-233. 16. Papee, F. (2006). Aleksander Jagiellończyk. Kraków. 17. Ptaśnik, J. (1934). Miasta i mieszczaństwo w dawnej Polsce. Kraków. 18. Statut Jana Dzwonowskiego to iest Artykuły prawne, jako sądzić lotry i kuglarze jawne. (1611). 19. Szymański, J. (2001). Herbarz rycerstwa polskiego z XVI wieku. Warszawa. 20. Volumina Constitutionum. (1996). T. 1: 1493-1549; Vol. 1: 1493-1526, do druku przygotowałi S.Grodziski, I.Dwornicka, W.Uruszczak. Warszawa. 21. Volumina Legum. (1859). T. I. Petersburg. 22. Volumina Legum. (1859). T. IІ. Petersburg. 339 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 23. Volumina Legum. (1859). T. IIІ. Petersburg. 24. Volumina Legum. (1860). T. IV. Petersburg. 25. Walerian Nekanda Trepka. Liber Generationis Plebanorum (“Liber Chamorum”). Część 1: Wstępy wydawców i tekst. (1963), wyd. Włodzimierz Dworzaczek, Julian Bartyś, Zbigniew Kuchowicz. Pod red. W. Dworzaczka. Wrocław; Warszawa; Kraków. 26. Wiek V-XV w źródłach: Wybór tekstów źródłowych z propozycjami metodycznymi dla nauczycieli historii, studentów i uczniów (1999), opracowali Melania Sobańska-Bondaruk, Stanisław Bogusław Lenard. Warszawa. 340 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 341 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 342 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Importance of Kadi Records in Depicting Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in Ottoman Empire: Seventeenth Century Istanbul Jewish Community Sample Vesile TANINMIŞ Kadi records is the name given to documents related with legal proceedings on cases like marriage, divorce, inheritance sharing, real estate sales, guardianship by kadis, who performed the duty of judge in Ottoman courts. These documents are projections that reflect the Ottoman social structure and the functioning of urban life. Since the Ottoman courts were respected institutions1 to solve the problems of Christians and Jewish communities as well as Muslims; it is possible to witness the daily life of Muslim or non-Muslim Ottoman citizens, and any kind of relationship based on reconciliation or conflict in kadi records. Kadi records are important sources to comprehend the history of Ottoman State in a macro sense and Istanbul in a micro sense, regarding their ethnic and cultural diversities. In this paper, we will try to understand the place of the Jewish community in the Ottoman society based on the kadi records. The Jewish community has been present in Istanbul before the conquest of city by Muslims and their numbers have increased with immigration and exiles. In this paper, we will also see the problems experienced by Istanbul Jews in 17th century, their relations with the Muslim and Christian communities, the conflicts within the community and the changes experienced after conversion under the guidance of cases and legal actions before Ottoman court. This will also show us the contribution of kadi records to social history studies. There are approximately ten thousand kadi records that can be used, and they are from different jurisdictions within Istanbul2. The examples to be used are selected from various courts such as Eyüp and Bab and Hasköy which has a high density of the Jewish population in the city. Thanks to these records, we can determine the specific neighborhoods where Jews lived in Istanbul. Documents in kadi record related with the sales of real estates indicate that the Jews did not live in an isolation within the Ottoman society, that they resided in the same neighborhood as the Muslims and Christians, and all communities had neighboring shops and 1 In fact, Ottoman Empire has granted rights to non-Muslims in certain fields of the law, especially the family law, to seek assistance in community courts and to carry out their own religious law. On the other hand, non-Muslims, even in the field of family law, have preferred Ottoman kadi courts. Akif Aydın, Kadı Sicillerinde İstanbul: XVI. ve XVII. Yüzyıl, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2010, p. 89- 90. 2 Ahmet Akgündüz, Şer'iye Sicilleri Mahiyeti, Toplu Kataloğu ve Seçme Hükümler, Volume I, Istanbul 1988, p. 85- 166. 343 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies houses3. As the neighborhoods were mixed, the communities had all types of relations with one another. Having Muslim and non-Muslim witnesses in cases regardless of their religion, and establishment of positive relations among the communities by being a guarantor for each other's debts and behavior, establishing partnerships with one another and providing power of attorney to each other are not surprising. However, in order to preserve their primary status within the society, all actions that might cause unrest to Muslims were carefully examined by the state. Jews living in Hacı Şaban neighborhood, Hasköy as tenants were requested to be expelled by the Muslims in neighborhood. The Jews expressed the unjust treatment with a petition and requested not to be expelled from their house during winter. However, these houses rented by Jews from the Muslims after the Great Fire in 1660, were very close to the neighborhood mosque. This situation caused the number of Muslim community to decrease. This kadi record brings the fatwa of Ebussuud Efendi4 in mind. According to this fatwa; if Jewish houses are built near a mosque that would cause disturbance among the Muslim community, the Muslims will be able to expel the Jews5. In this case, although we do not see building of a Jewish house, the decreasing number of Muslim community has disturbed the Muslim population. As a matter of fact, there was an order for the Jews to be expelled in 20 days6. The Great Fire (Harik-i Kebir), which lasted for 49 hours, started on 24 July 1660 and caused destruction of 280 thousand households7. As a result of the fire which involved the neighborhoods where Jews were inhabited, many Jews lost their houses, and at least eight synagogues were unusable. The records about the sequel of Jewish synagogues, foundations, houses and other real estate in this period also shed light on the problems faced by the Jewish community after the fire. The reflections and changes caused by Imperial Order of Sultan Mehmet IV, which commanded the transfer of damaged Jewish properties in the fire to Muslims, can also be seen in sample cases before kadi records. Same Imperial Order has 3 For an example of the views advocating that in Ottoman State, Jews lived in their neighborhoods as isolated or in lower parts of neighborhoods, please see: Stanford Shaw, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Yahudiler, translated by Meriç Sobutay, Kapı Yayınları, İstanbul 2008, p. 76- 77. There are numerous records in Kadi records that indicate Muslims and Non-Muslims were living as neighbors. For a few of those, please see: İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi, Registry no. 15, p. 84 / 1; İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Eyüb Mahkemesi 61 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011, p. 168; İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Balat Mahkemesi 2 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011, p. 185. 4 A religious scholar of Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century. 5 Ertuğrul Düzdağ, Kanunî Devri Şeyhülislâmı Ebussuud Efendi Fetvaları, Kapı Yayınları, İstanbul 2012, p. 114. 6 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi, Registry no. 14, p. 10 /1. 7 Abdurrahman Abdi Paşa, Vekâyi‘-nâme [Osmanlı Tarihi (1648-1682)], adapted by Fahri Ç. Derin, Çamlıca Basın Yayın, İstanbul 2008, p. 142- 143; Ziya Akkaya, Vecîhî, Devri ve Eseri, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Doktora Tezi, Ankara 1957, p. 233- 235. 344 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE prohibited the settlement of Jews in the region between Hoca Paşa and Zeyrek8. Following the fire, Jewish properties were sold to Muslims and the residences and lands of Jewish Foundations were transferred to Muslims. For example, the plot of the synagogue which belonged to the Zeytun Jewish congregation near the Rüstem Paşa Mosque was sold to a Muslim by auction 9. The members of the Jewish community who had lost their houses and synagogues had to settle in different parts of Istanbul. Due to all these developments, the economic decline was also felt in following years, and various problems were experienced within the community. After the Great Fire, some wealthy Jews claimed that they were rabbis and refrained to pay their taxes10. However, this offended the members of the Jewish community and they have expressed this situation by submitting a petition to the palace. As a result of this, an order was issued addressing the kadi of Istanbul to dismiss those individuals who became rabbis in this way and not to appoint those as the leaders of community11. Clergymen did not approve the problems within the Jewish community to be handled before the kadi courts. However, the community courts had no power of sanction, and if the problem had a characteristic that could not be settled within the community, then it was handled to kadi12. The most important issues involving the members of Jewish community were tax issues. The most important tax non-Muslims were obliged to pay to the state was jizya. Tax collectors appointed by the state would collect taxes in certain periods from persons recorded in the books they had. However, some controversial issues were encountered during tax collection. A disagreement regarding this issue occurred in 1612 between Salti, who was the Head of Ohri congregation and Yehuda. Head of congregation, Salti, has claimed that Yehuda was recorded in jizya book instead of his dead brother and that he had debts. When asked about his opinion before the court; Yehuda admitted that he had been recorded in the jizya book instead of his brother, and that he was a member of Portagal congregation. However, Salti proved that Yehuda's father and his deceased brother were from the "Sürgün" group, and that they paid their jizya to Ohri congregation and he won the case 13. As it is understood from the 8 Timur Kuran, Mahkeme Kayıtları Işığında 17. Yüzyıl İstanbul'unda Sosyo-Ekonomik Yaşam, Volume 1, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, İstanbul 2010, p. 573- 576. 9 Kuran, Mahkeme Kayıtları Işığında 17. Yüzyıl İstanbul'unda Sosyo-Ekonomik Yaşam, p. 558- 560: 8 July 1661 (11 Zilkade 1071). 10 In the Ottoman Empire, clergymen were exempted from poll tax (jizya). Bilal Eryılmaz, Osmanlı Devletinde Gayrimüslim Tebanın Yönetimi, Risale Yayınları, İstanbul 1999, p. 45. 11 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Bâb Mahkemesi 3 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011, p. 885- 886: 27 March5 April 1667 (Evail-i Şevval 1077). 12 Kemal Çiçek, “Cemaat Mahkemesinden Kadı Mahkemesine Zimmilerin Yargı Tercihi”, Pax Ottoman, SotaYeni Türkiye, Haarlem-Ankara, 2001, p. 33- 48. 13 Kuran, Mahkeme Kayıtları Işığında 17. Yüzyıl İstanbul'unda Sosyo-Ekonomik Yaşam, p. 505- 507. 345 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies case records, in order to carry out the tax collection in the most accurate way, it is very important for each Jew to be recorded in a congregation and group and to mention that specific membership14. In addition, head of each congregation was responsible for their own community and they monitored the specific amount of jizya to be paid by each member and who was indebted. The collectors who are charged by the state in order to collect the jizya were in fact dealing with the heads of congregation while performing their duties. Records representing the existence of Jews in the economic life of Istanbul are not limited to the cases related with tax. The documents related with all kinds of activities of Jews, including their occupations, business partnerships, their positions in the tax farming system, and domestic and foreign trade are included in kadi records. Examination of cases related with debt help us to gain insight about the economic situation of Jewish community. When we examine the case records at kadi records, we see that the common idea about Jews that they lend money in return for high interest rate15 is not true. In the vast majority of these cases, it was seen that Jews borrowed money from the Muslims. And in cases when they could not pay their debts and the creditor suffered because of this, the problem was solved before kadi. Such cases were sometimes concluded with conciliation on a lower amount with the help of intermediaries16. In some cases, defendant requested to pay the debt with installments by expressing that he/she was not able to pay and the mentioned debts were split into installments17. Kadi court has vital importance regarding the solution of problems Jews have faced with Muslim or Christian artisans in the economic activities they were involved in. As an example of that, in 1696, the silk spinning artisan Jews of Istanbul were in the Court facing with Christians who did the same work. According to Jewish silk spinners, Jews were involved in dyed silk spinning and spinning of raw silk was made by Muslims, Armenians and Greeks. 14 Jews in Istanbul consisted of various communities with different historical origins. These communities were classified in jizya books under two main groups: "Kendi Gelen" and "Sürgün". Congregations recorded as "Sürgün" included the Jews who were brought into Istanbul after the conquest by Mehmet the Conqueror in order to enliven the city. "Kendi Gelen" refers to Jews who have migrated to the Ottoman lands as a result of the oppression and persecution they were subjected to in Europe. Portagal congregation was an “Kendi Gelen” group, whereas Ohri congregation was an “Sürgün” group. Regarding the classification of Istanbul Jews in tax books, please see: BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD.d), no. 4036, p. 12- 52. 15 Jean Thévenot, Thévenot Seyahatnamesi, translated by Ali Berktay, Kitap Yayınevi, İstanbul 2009, p. 243; Ali Ufkî Bey, Albertus Bobovius ya da Santuri Ali Ufki Bey'in Anıları Topkapı Sarayı'nda Yaşam, translated by Ali Berktay, Kitap Yayınevi, İstanbul 2002, p. 40; Avram Galanti, Histoire Des Juifs De Turquie, The Isis Press, Volume II, Istanbul 1961, p. 26- 27. 16 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Bâb Mahkemesi 54 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011, p. 221: 9 March 1691 (8 Cemaziyelahir 1102). 17 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri İstanbul Mahkemesi 12 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2010, p. 311- 312: 25 June 1663 (19 Zilkade 1073). 346 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Jewish silk spinners accused their Christian colleagues of breaking this tradition. The court asked about this case to Muslims, who were the notables in this trade. They also expressed their opinion about the complaints of the plaintiff Jews. As the related Christian artisans have accepted the opinion of plaintiffs, Court has warned the Christians not to break the tradition again18. Disagreements between artisans were not always experienced among individuals of different religions and races. Especially when there was a common interest; Jewish, Muslim or Christian artisans could act together and faced off against those who believed in same religion with them. In June 1619, a group of Muslim and Jewish artisans who were herb and spice sellers in Yemis Pier (Yemiş İskelesi) were in the court against Jews named Ishak and Yagob who were also herb and spice sellers. As no one within this artisan group could purchase goods from merchants without informing the chamberlain (kethüda), the assistant of chamberlain (yiğitbaşı) and other artisans first, and despite the presence of various orders on this matter, they have claimed that Ishak and Yagob have secretly purchased goods from some European merchants. Artisans have stated that these goods should be divided among them, however they could not prove their claims. As a result, although Ishak and Yagob won the case, the point that should be taken into consideration here is that various segments of the society have acted together regarding the common problems and benefits19. The records of various subjects related to the slaves ownership of the Jews have been very important in kadi records. According to these records, Jews employed slaves from different nationalities such as Georgian, Hungarian and Persian. The number of male slaves were quite a little. The preference of Jewish women and men were mostly the concubines. In kadi records, Jews were not only mentioned as the slave owners, but also as slave traders20. In cases of slave trade, any problems were reconciled before the kadi by the suffered party. Such a problematic sale case was experienced between the Genoese ambassador and the Jewish female Asya who lived in Balat. Asya claimed that she still had receivables from the ambassador for the concubine she sold two years ago, Toma has claimed that as the sold concubine was not a virgin, Kuran, Mahkeme Kayıtları Işığında 17. Yüzyıl İstanbul'unda Sosyo-Ekonomik Yaşam , p. 723- 724: 19 August 1696 (20 Muharrem 1108). 19 Kuran, Mahkeme Kayıtları Işığında 17. Yüzyıl İstanbul'unda Sosyo-Ekonomik Yaşam, p. 197- 198: 2 June 1619 (18 Cemaziyelahir 1028). 20 Regarding the Slaver Jewish female Sara, please look at: İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi 10 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2010, p. 94: 23 May 1678 (1 Rebiülahir 1089). 18 347 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies the sales process had been canceled. When Toma proved the situation with the testimony of two Jewish witnesses, the case was concluded against the Jewish female21. In the Ottoman Empire, a non-Muslim was prohibited to have a Muslim slave. If the slave of a non-Muslim was converted to Islam, that slave should immediately be entrusted to a prominent person such as an Imam and then sold to a Muslim22. Ilya, who resided in Piri Paşa, has acted in accordance with this when his concubine Haniye converted into Islam and the concubine was sold to a Muslim through Abdulkadir Efendi23. However, despite the edicts that prohibited ownership of Muslim slaves, Jews and Christians continued to possess Muslim slaves in their houses. In fact, the chamberlain of slavers has mentioned that some people secretly sold Muslim slaves to Christians and Jews24. Some Jews and Christians residing in Haslar borough have purchased the converted concubines and used them for their own with the excuse of teaching them some arts and sell them to Muslims; however, as the provisions of shariah did not allow that, a decree was issued stating that attention should be paid about not having any Muslim concubines in the households of non-Muslims25. Kadi records regarding the conversion of Jews to Islam and the impacts of conversion on family are also important in order to understand the scope of converted individual's relation with the family and community. According to the records we have examined, it should be noted that the majority of those who converted to Islam were the Jewish men. The records do not say anything about the motives of Jews for conversion, however they shed light on the problems experienced within the families following conversion. The primary problem associated with conversion is the weakening of the ties between the husband and wife and the dissolution of the family union. In Islamic law, since a Muslim woman is not allowed to marry a non-Muslim man, divorce is inevitable when a female is converted. Of course, along with divorce, various problems, especially alimony (mehr) came to agenda. The divorce of Rahime Hatun and her husband, Menahim who was a Jew, occurred in such a disputable case. Rahime Hatun had converted into Islam and as Menahim was also offered to convert into Islam, he did not accept that offer. As a result of this, Rahime Hatun has requested an alimony from Menahim in the amount of 100 kurus, however this ended up with a dispute between the two parties. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Bâb Mahkemesi 3 Numaralı Sicil, p. 823- 824: 1 April 1667 (10 Şevval 1077). İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi, Registry no. 7, p 78 /1: 15 June 1665 (1 Z 1075). 23 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi, Registry no. 9, p 39 /2. 24 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi, Registry no. 9, p 38/2: 1674-1675 (H. 1085) 25 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Eyüb Mahkemesi (Havass-ı Refia) 90 Numaralı Sicil , ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011, p.572: 13 April 1680 (13 Rebiülevvel 1091). 21 22 348 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Intermediaries stepped in and a reconciliation was reached in a lower amount, and Rahime Hatun has stated before the Judge that her case regarding the alimony was completed26. In cases where the converted party is a male, divorce was realized mostly upon the request of female in which she waived from her all rights. The spouses visited the court and they requested a divorce by saying that they were having problems due to irreconcilable differences. At the end of the divorce with the waiver of female for alimony and residence expenses, the parties agreed that they did not have any rights at one another by the end of divorce27. Divorce requested by the Jewish female by waiving from her rights let us think that the conversion has caused a crisis within the family. However, there are cases in which the converted individuals claim rights in the portion of inheritance upon the death of their parents or other family members. Mehmet Bey had converted before the death of his father Salomon, and brought a lawsuit against his brother Yako because of his expectations from inheritance. Mehmet Bey's argument was that his father had made a testament saying that half of his property should belong to Mehmet28. Although Mehmet Bey was unable to prove his claim, the fact that he fell in disagreement with his Jewish brother and sister indicates that his family did not completely exclude him as a result of conversion. We can see that there was no limitation on the establishment of foundations in the Ottoman lands by non-Muslims to help poor. Similar to the issues related with Muslim foundations, there are records in kadi records examining the status of the Jewish foundation buildings and their detection and repair if they are in need of repair. The wealthy members of the Jewish community devoted their property to the benefit of other Jews who were in need or they had a damaged building repaired and provided for the benefit of public. One of these philanthropists is Lazari, who lived in Hasköy. Lazari devoted his range in 1642 for the use of poor members of Karai in Istanbul29. Individual moral benefits were also considered along with social benefits regarding the charities made. For example, in the Keçeci neighborhood, Salomon has devoted a fountain "to have less suffering after death"30. According to Jewish beliefs and traditions, it is considered as a good deed to help the needy within the framework of İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi, Registry no. 8, p. 51/ 1: 10 September 1662 (26 Muharrem 1073). For an example of divorce following the conversion, please see: İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi, Registry no. 17, p. 37/ 2: 28 March 1690 (17 Cemaziyelevvel 1101). 28 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri İstanbul Mahkemesi 12 Numaralı Sicil, p. 477- 478: 17 August 1663 (13 Muharrem 1074). 29 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Eyüb Mahkemesi 74 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011, p. 89- 91: 11 March 1662 (20 Receb 1072). 30 İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi, Registry no. 9, p. 21/ 3. 26 27 349 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies philanthropy. Salomon must have thought that he was preparing the hereafter by offering his goods to the needy. As can be seen in the documents examined, the Ottoman court was not only open to the Muslims who constituted the majority of the society, but also to the Christians and Jews. All cases before the judicial system in that period and all transactions of kadi were recorded to kadi records. In this context, kadi records appear to be indispensable sources to understand the relationship among individuals, their communities and the state in the Ottoman cities such as Istanbul with various social and cultural groups. Without considering these sources, it is not possible to determine the social, economic and cultural history of the Ottoman society which had an ethnic and cultural diversity. BIBLOGRAPHYA Archival Sources BOA (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi), Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD.d), no. 4036. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi, Registry no. 7, 8, 9, 14, 15, 17. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Bâb Mahkemesi 3 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Bâb Mahkemesi 54 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Balat Mahkemesi 2 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Eyüb Mahkemesi 61 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Eyüb Mahkemesi 74 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Eyüb Mahkemesi (Havass-ı Refia) 90 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri Hasköy Mahkemesi 10 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2010. İstanbul Kadı Sicilleri İstanbul Mahkemesi 12 Numaralı Sicil, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2010. 350 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Other Sources ABDURRAHMAN ABDİ PAŞA, Vekâyi‘-nâme [Osmanlı Tarihi (1648-1682)], adapted by Fahri Ç. Derin, Çamlıca Basın Yayın, İstanbul 2008. AKGÜNDÜZ, Ahmet, Şer'iye Sicilleri Mahiyeti, Toplu Kataloğu ve Seçme Hükümler, Volume I, İstanbul 1988. AKKAYA, Ziya, Vecîhî, Devri ve Eseri, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Doktora Tezi, Ankara 1957. ALİ UFKÎ BEY, Albertus Bobovius ya da Santuri Ali Ufki Bey'in Anıları Topkapı Sarayı'nda Yaşam, translated by Ali Berktay, Kitap Yayınevi, İstanbul 2002. AYDIN, Akif, Kadı Sicillerinde İstanbul: XVI. ve XVII. Yüzyıl, ISAM Yayınları, İstanbul 2010. ÇİÇEK, Kemal, “Cemaat Mahkemesinden Kadı Mahkemesine Zimmilerin Yargı Tercihi”, Pax Ottoman, Sota-Yeni Türkiye, Haarlem-Ankara 2001. DÜZDAĞ, Ertuğrul, Kanunî Devri Şeyhülislâmı Ebussuud Efendi Fetvaları, Kapı Yayınları, İstanbul 2012. ERYILMAZ, Bilal, Osmanlı Devletinde Gayrimüslim Tebanın Yönetimi, Risale Yayınları, İstanbul 1999. GALANTİ, Avram, Histoire Des Juifs De Turquie, The Isis Press, Volume II, Istanbul, 1961. KURAN, Timur, Mahkeme Kayıtları Işığında 17. Yüzyıl İstanbul'unda Sosyo- Ekonomik Yaşam, Volume 1, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, İstanbul 2010. SHAW, Stanford, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Yahudiler, translated by Meriç Sobutay, Kapı Yayınları, İstanbul 2008. THEVENOT, Jean, Thévenot Seyahatnamesi, translated by Ali Berktay, Kitap Yayınevi, İstanbul 2009. 351 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 352 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Features Of The In Fluence Of Dualistik Religious Representations On The Trends Of Socio-Cultural Life And The Formation Of A Sacred Type Of State Authority On The Territory Of Eastern Europe Viacheslav MORDVINTSEV, Alisa LUKASHENKO* It is impossible to imagine the medieval days without an influence of religious factor. The central idea of Christianity is the dualistic beliefs that are projected not only in the Church postulates but also reflected in the socio-cultural life which demonstrates the peculiarities of the mentality of the epoch. For the first time, the mentality was the subject of research by L. Fevr and M. Blok (School of Annals). By synthesizing their lessons in historical reconstruction, the socio-cultural life in our study represents a system that includes the features of social structure, lifestyle, people's thinking, beliefs, customs, moral principles, ideals and creative process of its individual representatives. Analyzing materials regarding peculiarities of influence of dualistic religious beliefs on the tendencies of socio-cultural life and the formation of a sacred type of state power in Eastern Europe, the works of such Russian historians as M. Galkovsky [3, p.35-72] are noteworthy. He described the difficulties of Christianization and difficult penetration of religion into the sociocultural life of the population; A. Kuzmin [16, p. 147-162] considered the problematic aspects of Rus Christianization and the crisis of pagan world view; O. Kilbanov [13, p. 539-547] highlights the early period of Christianity and its confrontation with the reformed paganism; I. Froyanov [49, p. 75-92] proves the non-connectivity of the processes of Rus Christianization and feudalization which was accepted axiomatically before his research. Russian historian A. Dvornichenko [4, p. 19-57, 45-51] disclosed the forcible penetration of Christianity into the socio-cultural life of the Ancient Rus. Russian historian M. Melginer [25, p.82-95] substantiated the peculiarities of the formation of Christian everyday culture in Rus which differed sharply both from the Byzantine and Russian post-Mongol era. Russian historian B. Floria [47] considered the peculiarities of the formation of a church community on the territory of the Russian state, comparing with a parish of Western Europe. Russian historians I. Kurukin and O. Nikulina described in their work the peculiarities of the life and activities of the Oprichniks * Doctor of History, Professor, Head of the Department of History of Central and Eastern Europe; Doctor of Philosophy, Associate Professor, Doctoral Candidate of the Department of History of Central and Eastern Europe, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Ukraine, mordvintsev@knu.ua, al.lukaschenko@gmail.com 353 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies who were actually devoted to struggle against the followers of the Devil and the Antichrist [17, p.88-103]. The problem of everyday life in Eastern Europe which, under the influence of dualistic religious beliefs and official policy, turned into a set of rituals, is disclosed in the writings of Russian historians P. Begichev and I. Levin. The study of the Russian historian P. Begichev [2, .72-99], having a theological and historical character, reveals the essence of historical processes of a religious nature in view of their correspondence with the God's book and therefore claims that pseudo-Christian neo-paganism was formed on the territory of the Russian state in which there was no place for Christian God. In order to highlight the tendencies of everyday rituals, the customs of the festive calendar and transformation of the woman's status, the work of the Russian historian I. Levin [19, p. 85-119], which convinces Christianity in Eastern Europe to become almost a collection of rituals the fulfillment of which has become the pledge of godliness and salvation from the Devil, is valuable. The exception was the life of followers of the Hesychast tradition, which is disclosed in the work of the Russian historian P. Kazansky [11, p.138-155]. The important element of the socio-cultural life were heresies. On the territory of Eastern Europe, the Devil's servants are announced to be Judaizers, Khlysty and Kapitons who were studied in the works by such Russian historians as P. Smirnov [46], Ya. Lurie, N. Kazakova [10], V. Milovidov [24], V. Rumyantseva [40], O. Zamalev, O. Ovchinnikova [7]. The idea of a special divine mission assigned to a tzar played a leading role in formation of the sacred type of state power in Eastern Europe. Thus, among the Russian researchers of the mentioned scientific problem, we will distinguish the following names: the historian O. Klibanov studying the spiritual culture and reform movement in the territory of Eastern Europe, considered in details the religious origins of a number of such historical phenomena and processes as, for example, the emergence of heresies, ideological discussions of the end of XVXVI concerning the way of development of the Orthodox state [14, p. 72-86; 91-133]; historian R. Skrinnikov discovered the era of Ivan the Terrible as a whole and created his historical portrait which, in synthesis with the analysis of Oprichnina, provides exhaustive answers in the study of the messianic motives of the worldview of Ivan the Terrible and Oprichnina [45, p. 109 - 187], the influence of dualistic beliefs on the formation of spiritual values of everyday life embodied in the formation of the sacral type of state power are highlighted in the work of historians O. Zamaleva, O. Ovchinnikova [7, p. 72-141]; historian L. Andreeva [1, p. 19-56] proves the formation of a special type of government based on the religious worldview on the territory of the Russian state, namely, Caesaropapism, according to which the king becomes not only the power of God on earth but also its real embodiment, "the Messiah"; Steven Ransimen 354 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE (British historian) [39, p. 17-22] proves the formation, on the basis of the religious worldview of the Middle Ages, the emergence of imperial power with signs of oriental despotism and rejects any parallels with the Byzantine. Russian historians O. Panchenko and B. Uspensky tried to establish the motivational mechanisms of the activities of Ivan the Terrible and Peter I, in which dualism and eschatological expectations played not the last place [28. ] The work of the Russian historian I. Froyanov reveals deep religious roots of Oprichnina [48]. As is known, the official date of the baptism of Ukraine-Rus is 988. Although researchers insist on the date of 990 [18, p.19]. After this remarkable event, the involvement of the Rus people in the Byzantine civilization begins. The Rus kniazs adopted baptism voluntarily before the official date of the adoption of Christianity in Rus. Thus, the baptised were the kniazs of Kiev Askold and Dir, Princess Olga. However, despite these facts and even the official baptism of Ukraine-Rus, Christianity completely penetrated all spheres of life and eradicated paganism only in the XIII century. Christianity though penetrated the territory of Rus long before the official baptism of Vladimir the Great, however, despite this, the Christian ideology for a long time was rooted with pagan beliefs not only in the consciousness of ordinary people, but also in the minds of those in power and bearers of Christianity (priests). Thus, until the XIII century, the so-called "religious optimism" prevailed on the territory of Ukraine-Rus, according to which a rather flexible and fairly accessible moral code for each newly-adopted was formed. The purity of thoughts, conscientiousness, compassion, moderation, minimum of good deeds (almsgiving) were required from man, as well as the lack of involvement in such sins as blasphemy, slander, envy, lust, drunkenness, alacrity. The desire for wisdom was equated with the contemporary ideas of the quest for God, and true wisdom was perceived as life in God [8]. In this way, a positive image of the merciful God was created, concepts of divine craft and miracles appeared in the beliefs and there was no need to speak of a "diabolization" of socio-cultural life. By the XIII century, the excessive service of Christ and pursuit of Christian morality were not perceived seriously by ordinary inhabitants, as eloquent literature testifies, in particular, the biography of Theodosius [5]. However, monks thought that if someone choses asceticism and reclusion, then one could not refuse the chosen path not to look like a liar in the eyes of God. Along with the formation of "religious optimism" and the positive image of the merciful God, we have to talk about the use of the figure of the Latter in strengthening the authority of the knyaz's power - the will of the kniaz was equated with the will of God. It might not be resisted because the kniaz was considered an instrument of disposition of Providence. The existing gap between the rich and the poor was also sanctified by the disposition of Providence [8]. However, 355 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies according to the Life of Theodosius, the kniaz power does not always act as infallible, since kniaz himself acted as an instrument in the hands of the Devil but was forced to give in which testifies to the authority of the clergy in the eyes of those in power. In addition, the Devil and his assistants chased only the clergy during this period, and they did not touch the everyday life of ordinary Rus inhabitants. The Devil has persuaded people to hurt the servants of God, and the demons wounded and messed up. Thus, the figure of the Devil and his servants at the time was quite unstable, and it was easy for a believer to fight with dirty tricks of demons whom even God himself could appear and give strength. Another method of fighting the Devil and his servants was collective prayers attended with more than 2-3 people [5,6]. Approximately in the XIII century, Christianity transforms from the religion of a small number of people, clerics and elites into the religion of ordinary people. Monasticism was perceived not as eccentricity but, on the contrary, began to be respected among ordinary people. Somewhere in the middle of the XIII century, Christian mentality also changes. If there was enough Christian optimism in the past, in which the emphasis was on the Divine and the shading of sinfulness took place, and the antipode of God and His helpers was portrayed only to strengthen the omnipotence of God and His followers, in the period of the XIII century we encounter detailed stories about sinners and the whole doctrine of sins and methods of atonement [50]. The Mongol-Tatar invasion and accompanying devastation affected negatively not only the economic, but also the moral side of Rus' daily life. In Muscovy, cruelty reigned, human dignity diminished, and human life itself was depreciated. The rigor and cruelty of war life could not but be reflected in the system of education which began to play a secondary role. The Booklore of Ukraine-Rus was lost. The first place in the church was taken by ceremonies and formal external piety. The monasteries became the stronghold of true spirituality. Dualistic religious beliefs also influenced the formation of daily routine and customs related to weddings, family life, women's place and role, celebrations, death, exorcism and endof-world expectations. Attitude to the wedding was ambiguous: on the one hand, the marriage sacrament was magnified, on the other hand, the imperfection of human relationships was reflected in the ironically negative attitude to marriage as evil [26]. After the Christianization of Ukraine-Rus, marriage began to be strictly regulated. Although evasion from "church engagement" was traced back to the fifteenth century, nevertheless, as among the top of society, the cult of a chaste marriage was gradually instigated among common people which was considered a pious matter. Celibacy and depravity were condemned and considered a manifestation of sinfulness. The word "love" in the sources is predominantly used in the context 356 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE of love for God, love for parents, love for others. The love between man and woman is often treated as evil, disastrous temptation [33]. Death in minds of medieval authors is an inevitable end of human life and people should have been ready for the transition to another one, afterlife. Therefore, a grief of the funeral ceremony was to be "worthy", and spiritual death was considered much worse than a physical death. The death was considered as a stage in the life of a Christian, but, in the literature of that time, there was no accentuation of possible martyrdom after death for the sins and paradise existence of martyrs. The death was given more as an intimate part of life, which everyone must experience and realize the prospects and horrors of receiving or losing further spiritual life [34]. However, it was possible to increase the chances of saving the soul from the Devil through prayers. Every major church holiday, such as Christmas, Easter, Trinity and Transfiguration of the Lord was commemorated not only by special church services but also by public gatherings, songs, dances and special occasions. Thus, the celebration of religious holidays was a kind of glorification of God. A drunk man was strictly condemned by society but was also considered a victim and worthy of divine healing. The sin, in its turn, was considered the use of hops by priests. The use of "hops" by women was outspokenly critical by public morals; women were considered unworthy of divine healing from drunkenness [41]. The generalized image of a good wife appearing on the pages of Orthodox texts is an image of a woman of chaste and faith, diligent, intelligent in economic affairs, good mother, man equal in social and material status, silent, religious, socially passive, submissive, internally (spiritually) beautiful other than externally. Examples of good wives are found in chronicles, stories, "words" - these are wives, mothers, sisters of famous kniazs, famous for good deeds, and by birth were the bearers of "innate capital of virtues." However, instructive literature is more full of images of evil wives (unfaithful, lazy, bad mother, beautiful, man unequal, etc.), which are similar to eyes of the Devil, tempt and endanger. Over time, the image of a woman was transformed. Thus, the woman's mind was no longer considered a flaw, on the contrary, it was valued. But the woman should have been a moral example for her husband and should not pay attention to his unfaithfulness [38]. With the adoption of Christianity, the humiliation of women gradually established throughout the life cycle. Thus, for physiological reasons, a mother was considered impure for forty days after a childbirth and she was not allowed to enter a church. Also, a woman was not allowed to be present at a baptism of her child. Moreover, a woman could not be eaten with for 40 days after childbirth. If a child died at childbirth, the woman was considered a fallen beast, 357 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies a sinful one. If a woman died before childbirth, she was considered to be pure. Also, a cruel treatment of wife was not listed as a reasons for divorce [19]. In East European tradition due to irrationality of Orthodoxy, there were no domination in the early stages of the so-called religious optimism and absence of the Devil's cult; there was no urgent need for exorcism as such. So, the exorcism rank was not known in Eastern Europe until the writing of Trebnyk by Petro Mohyla. The demons exile rank under the Trebnyk was very similar to the procedure in the Catholic tradition described above. Characteristic features of the Trebnyk were the lack of mass revelations, superiority of individual prayers and prohibition of talking with the demon: "A conjuror not to be admonish by verbosity or excessive questioning about future and hidden things for the rank of his will not be listened to: but command an unclean spirit to remain silent." [31]. In the Orthodox tradition, unlike the Catholic one, only the priest who received the permission of the Metropolitan received the right of exorcism. The distinction of the Ukrainian Orthodox tradition from Western European and typical Eastern European ones was belief that a shrine frees from demons and not a priest. Therefore, in almost all cases, the ritual of exorcism is carried out near the famous shrines with the help of miraculous icons and relics [12, p.170]. In Eastern Europe, there was no mass cult of the Devil, Antichrist and death; the main focus in the context of eschatological expectations unlike Western Europe is focused on repentance and not punishment, therefore, on the figure of God and his anointed one, and not on his antipode (Devil, Antihrist). The personification of the Antichrist in the Orthodox tradition does not fall under the category of mass distribution, but rather the occasional rumors of disgraced schismatic-heretical movements. Signs for the Orthodox Christians in the context of end of the world was the invasion of a devilish nomadic people, Ishmaelites (nomadic tribes, the main axis of the Apocalypse) [21, p.174]. In the territory of Moscow state, the dualistic religious movements became popular which have fallen into disgrace although not immediately. Features of the ideology and life of followers of non-traditional doctrines reflect the dualistic beliefs of a certain part of the population. On the territory of Muscovy in the 30's of XVII century, the religious movement, which is called today the Kapiton movement, has become widespread. Since the founder of this religious movement has not been questioned, his doctrine remains poorly investigated and undiscovered to the end. Kapitons were the forerunner of the ruthless fanatics known to us as God's people, or people of Christ. Later, the people not belonging to this movement called them "Khlysty" [9, p. 95]. Khlysty believed Daniel Philipov to be their direct founder and prophet who lived in the middle of the XVII century and may have been a disciple of Kapiton. So, there 358 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE are no official recordings about the Khlysty during the seventeenth century. The first mention of the Khlysty is a brief description by Metropolitan Dmitry Rostovsky in his work on the Old Believers written in 1708-1709. The common idea of Kapitons and Khlysty was deification or theosophy (the Christian doctrine of connecting man with God through divine grace). The Kapitons denied the divine nature of Christ and Kapiton declared himself a messenger of God and practiced severe asceticism as a way to escape the misfortunes of the Devil's servants before the end of the world. Since the founder of this religious movement has never been questioned, his doctrine remains poorly investigated and undiscovered to the end. Khlysty argued that the spiritual world was created by God, and the material world by the Devil. According to their teachings, God could be embodied in people an indefinite number of times. Thus, Daniel Filippov was allegedly embodied with God the Father, and other deserved followers with the Son of God, Christ; and the majority of adherent with the Holy Spirit impinged. According to the Khlysty teachings, the embodiment of the Divine into man was continuous. Most often, the embodiment of Christ, in their opinion, was achieved through the long fasting, prayer and good deeds. The good deeds in the first place meant the implementation of 12 commandments which were an example of severe asceticism. The basis of the state idea in the countries of Eastern Europe was the concept of Metropolitan Ilarion, who likened Xth century Kiev to IV century Constantinople and expressed the idea of the God-chosenness of Ukraine-Rus. In The Tale of Igor's Campaign, Ilarion first expressed the self-consciousness of the Rusyns as a Christian nation: the place of Rus is firstly realizes here, as well as its Church and people in the Orthodox world. The author opposes the "Old Testament" here, which is likened to slavery, to the grace of Christ's doctrine associated with freedom. The "Old Testament" for Ilarion is "the old jars oldened in Judaism" in which the "new wine" of grace (faith in Christ) does not pour into [44]. When the Jews rejected Christ, His doctrine began to spread among the former pagans: "For the blessed faith stretched throughout all the earth and reached our Rus people" [44]. Of course, Ilarion opposed the Christian doctrine not only to "old Judaism," but also to ancient Slavic paganism. In this case, the Orthodox baptism of Ukraine-Rus is likened by Ilarion to enlightenment of a blind or a transition from the animal-like way of life to the human-like one. From the moment of baptism, according to Ilarion, the Rus people praise and glorify the true God after the righteous men of Old Testament and Christianity. Vladimir and Olga are equated by Ilarion to the Roman emperor Constantine and his mother, Elena, who legitimized Christianity in the Roman Empire. Vladimir and Yaroslav the Wise, according to Ilarion, spreading Christianity in Rus, created the state and Rus Orthodox culture. 359 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Subsequently, dualistic religious beliefs formed the basis of the state ideology of Muscovy in which a special place was given to a tzar. At the end of the XV century, a new era in the history of Muscovy begins. This is primarily due to the need to justify the reasons that the end of the world did not take place in 1492. Therefore, despite the fact that the Paschal cycle was written for the next 20 years after 1492, it was necessary to find arguments and ideas on how to live further. In addition, chronologically, this necessity almost exactly coincides with the fact of getting rid of the Mongol-Tatar yoke. It is during this period that the concept of "Moscow is the Third Rome" is formed, according to which it is necessary to focus on the existence of three kingdoms that change each other, and in which the grace of God passes. According to this concept, the grace of God transits from Rome and Constantinople to Moscow [42]. For the first time, this idea of God's grace transition was announced by Zosima [7, p. 41]. Then this idea was intercepted by Joseph Volotsky. The followers of Joseph Volotsky (monk Philotheos is also the follower) contributed to the popularization of such concept. In practise, this idea began to be realized in the national symbolism and introduction of the tradition of Russian rulers' genealogy from the time of the Roman Empire. Over time, the idea of Zosima was clarified by Philotheos in the following way: "Two Rome has fallen, the third one stands, and the fourth one will to be"; "All the existing Christian kingdoms decayed, and eventually united in a single kingdom of our sovereign" Philotheos wrote [36]. In 1547, Ivan IV was coronated which equated him to the Roman emperors. But understanding the features of imperial power in the territories of the Byzantine Empire and North-East Europe was different [22]. Renaissance was primarily associated with ideological discussions about the nature of the sovereign's power and methods of ruling. F. Karpov, for example, insisted on the necessity of a strong institute of sovereign power, in which the sovereign ruled on his own accord, and the Church is completely subordinated to him [37]. One of the central ideas of F. Karpov is the need to rule with truth, law and mercy, which firstly must be used by a ruler. The idea of F. Karpov was not new. Thus, the story of F. Kuritsin about Dracula, who acts as a righteous ruler, fair judge and the Devil at the same time, has unpopular methods of ruling, namely violence and various forms of execution [43, p. 551]. The fate of F. Kuritsin, an influential proponent of the Judaizers' heresy, remains unknown. His story is quite controversial and has no conclusions. The author left the questions open in this way: what features should a ruler have and how to rule? At the beginning of the novel, F. Kuritsin immediately notices the main character and connects him to the Devil himself: "There was a voivode in the Muntean land, a Christian of 360 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE the Greek faith, his name was Dracula in Wallachian and the Devil in our language. Such a cruel and wise man he was that his name was of his life" [43, p.552]. In several places on the plot, the author demonstrates the brutal methods used by the devil-ruler [43, p. 554, 557]. The severity and bloodthirstiness of Dracula-Devil is explained by the author due to the struggle against evil: "And Dracula hated evil in his land so much that if anyone would commit any crime, steal or plunder, or deceive, they will not escape the death. Let him be a nobleman, or a priest, or a monk, or a simple man, let him possess countless riches, yet he will not repay himself from death. So terrible was Dracula "[43, p.558]. With all this, F. Kuritsin speaks of a disposition of Providence in his thoughts, and, consequently, of Dracula's actions. At least, this conception is spoken by the Devil's subjects [43, p.561]. Thus, Dracula-Devil acts as an arbiter of fate of his subjects. In addition, the author demonstrates the controversy of the Devil's reign because of the relative concept of "evil" and "good", if it is a God's established sovereign [43, p.565]. Logical continuation of the above ideas was the activity of Ivan the Terrible who combined a ruler and a thinker. The state ideals of Ivan the Terrible consisted in acquiring secular authority institutions with the qualities of church power which tended to fulfill Christian goals. This idealism provided the basis of not only the notions of the tzar crowned in 1547, but also the basis of the national idea of his descendants. Certainly, in practice, the fulfillment of Christian goals by the secular institute of power remained as a mythical halo and declarative setting only, which, however, like any declaration, was only recommended for execution. Christian ideology put a strong imprint on the formation of the essence of state concept in the views of Ivan the Terrible. Thus, the tsar power in his opinion is not electable or civil. The tsar power is represented as an add-on recognised by the people, as a gift of God and blessing. Ivan the Terrible defends the idea of God's choice of the tzar, and therefore, in fact, infallibility, in which counteraction to the tzar qualifies as the counteraction to God. Ivan the Terrible wrote to the Swedish king as follows: "As for the seal of the Roman kingdom that you wrote about, we have our own seal from our ancestors, and the Roman seal is also not alien to us, we have our generation from Caesar Augustus, and you judge us in contrary to the will of God; you take away from us what God has given us; you have little to persecute us, you infringe God" [35]. God established royal power Ivan the Terrible proves in a message to Alexander Polubensky: "And at first the Lord rejected the kingdom, and then blessed it, because he glorified Caesar August with his divine birth, having the will to be born during his reign, and thereby glorified him and expanded his kingdom, and gave him not only the Roman state, but 361 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies also the whole Universe" [35]; "From the time of the reign of Augustus and up to Maxentius and Maximinus Galerius, there was a persecution of Christians in Rome. Our Lord Jesus Christ did not neglect the prayers of his servants and after hearing the prayers of his mother and fulfilling his promise "I am with you to the end of this world, amen", created the pillar of piety - the great, shining Constantine Flavius, the king of the Christian truth, who united the priesthood and the kingdom, and from this time on, the Christian kingdoms have multiplied everywhere. And then, in favor of the Trinity, in the glory of my God in the Russian land, a kingdom was created, when, as I have already said, Augustus, Caesar, Roman, possessing all of the Universe, put his brother here. By force and mercy of the Trinity, this kingdom was created: Rurik, Prusus' descendant in the fourteenth tribe, came and began to reign in Rus and in Novgorod" [35]. In his correspondence with Andrey Kurbsky, Ivan the Terrible emphasizes that the resistance to tsar power, even with blood and violence, is a resistance to God himself. And then it is logical to conclude that the tzar in his actions is responsible only to God and nobody else [29]. Ivan the Terrible does not forget to emphasize the priority of the royal power: "Remember, when God freed the Jews from slavery, did he put a priest or many rulers over them? No, he set the only king of Moses over them, and ordered the priesthood to take by his brother Aaron, but Aaron was forbidden to deal with secular temporal affairs, so when Aaron took up temporal affairs, he took people away from God. You see that it is not appropriate for a priest to do royal affairs. Nowhere you will find a kingdom reign by a priest which is not bankrupt. Who besides you will talk about such nonsense as to obey the priest?" [29]. Ivan the Terrible considered that he was not only entitled for the kingdom, for he was the anointed of God, but also the souls of his subjects whom he wants to arrive at God: "I try to bring people closer to the truth and light, so that they know the only true God in the Trinity and the sovereign given to them by God and abandon the civil strife and criminal life that undermine the kingdom" [35]. Awareness of his chosenness gave the tzar a reason to behave himself arrogantly with the monarchs of other states. Here is how Ivan the Terrible writes to the Queen of England: "We thought that you were a sovereign in your own country, and possess and worry by yourself about your sovereign's honor and the benefits of the state, so we started such negotiations with you. But it is obvious that, besides you, other people possess and not only people but also trade men, and do not worry about our state heads and about the honor and benefits of the state, but are looking for their own benefits. And you are in your maiden rank as any simple maiden" [35]. 362 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE In the correspondence of Ivan the Terrible with Andrei Kurbsky, it is clearly traced the idea expressed by the autocrat which is in the special status of royal power. Thus, Ivan the Terrible emphasises that it is a bad practice for a tzar to offer a second cheek, unlike the clergy, more than that, it is allowed to save the subjects with a fear and prohibition [29]. Ivan Peresvetov's figure is quite likely to be Ivan the Terrible himself, and it is not surprising that Peresvetov refutes one of the principles of F. Karpov, namely the use of mercy in menacing rule. Ivan Peresvetov notes that it was through the mercy of rulers that the Devil destroyed the Greeks, which he calls a lie: "The Devil has defeated the Greeks through lie" [30, p.142]. He continues this opinion in the "Great Kowtow": "Let God help everyone who wants to know that when the king's innate military prowess disappears and humbleness descends upon him, this is the merit of enemies" [30, p.143]. Ivan Peresvetov depicts God and tzar as follows: "God does not help lazy, but those who work and call God to help those who love the truth and judge the righteous judgment. Truth is the heart's joy to God, and a great wisdom for a tzar" [30, p.138]. The author then describes the role of Ivan the Terrible: "And so wise philosophers say that such justice as in your kingdom will not be in the whole universe, from the great thunderstorm of your wisdom, as from a dream, the royal sinners of the judge will awaken in order to be ashamed with their evil deeds. You are a formidable and wise sovereign, you will lead to the repentance of sinners, you will bring justice into your kingdom, and give your heart-warming joy to God" [30, p. 139]; "In which kingdom true is, there God is, and God will not be angry with such kingdom" [30, p.140]; "Yes, we realize the will of God. After all, God loves the army and whoever is killed in battle, he will be bestowed, because we wash our sins with blood. Our souls Lord takes on a holy hand, and the heavenly heights are filling with such pure warriors" [30, p.141]. Thus, the idea of a divine mission to keep "in truth" the kingdom was the forerunner of formation of the mighty empire. Confirmation of the special status of royal power is Oprichnina of Ivan the Terrible, which appears as a kind of faith mystery, and the autocrat acts as the executor of God's will on Earth [20]. L. Andreeva emphasizes that legal and political history is determined by religion and states that in the Middle Ages of Western Europe, the tradition of papacycaesarism was formed (the kings served as the governors of the Pope), and caesaropapacy in the territories of the Byzantine Empire. Ivan the Terrible draws up a religious-political doctrine, according to which the Moscow autocrat is not only the power of God on Earth, but also the "Messiah" actually embodied; so the principle of caesaropapacy gradually becomes asserted [1, p.248]. 363 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies In the Times of Troubles, the fact that the concept of "Moscow is the Third Rome" with the messianic role of an autocrat, and also the fact that states do not exist without a tzar [32, p. 412], has become apparent in the worldview. The appearance of 38 False Dmitrys for the first half of the XVII century confirms this opinion. The concept of "Moscow is the third Rome" which united all the religious people is relevant to this day [23]. Consequently, the central figure in the social structure of Rus was kniaz (and the tsar in the Russian state later). The will of the kniaz in Rus was equated with the will of God. It could not be resisted, because the kniaz was considered an instrument of a disposition of Providence. The divide between the rich and the poor was also sanctified by a disposition of Providence. A common example for imitation until the XIII century was an image of a man of pure thoughts, conscientious, sympathetic, moderate and alms giver. An example to imitate excludes the involvement of such sins as blasphemy, slander, envy, lust, drunkenness, alacrity. By the XIII century, the ascetic way of life and imitation of Christ were lightly perceived by ordinary inhabitants for the period of the XIII century. From the XIII century, a daily image for imitation is formed, which includes the following: God-fearing, obedience, restraint, observance of rituals, sins repentance. The desire for wisdom was equated with the pursuit of God at that time, and true wisdom was perceived as life in God. Attitudes toward marriage in Eastern Europe were ambiguous. On the one hand, its mystery was magnified, and on the other, considered as evil. Over time, among the top of society common people, the cult of a chaste marriage was instigated which was considered an honorable affair. Celibacy and apostasy were condemned. Love between man and woman was treated as evil. Only love for God and neighbor was permissible. A generalized image of a good wife is the image of a woman of chaste, faith, as well as hardworking, intelligent in economic affairs, good mother, man equal at social and material position, silent, religious, socially passive, submissive, beautiful internally (spiritually) and not externally. However, instructive literature is more full of images of evil wives (incorrect, lazy, bad mother, beautiful, man unequal, etc.), which are similar to the eyes of the Devil, tempt and endanger. With the adoption of Christianity, the humiliation of women throughout the life cycle was confirmed. Eschatological expectations in Eastern Europe have not become a cult. First of all, this is due to the peculiarities of dualistic representations of Ukraine-Rus that time, in which God was merciful and the signs of the end of the world were perceived only as a call to repentance. The central date for the end of the world was 1492. The concept of "Moscow is the third Rome" formulated the idea of existence of three blessed kingdoms, according to which until the third kingdom exist, the world will stand. 364 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE In the territory of Eastern Europe, there was no mass exorcism practice due to the fact that the cult of fear, guilt and devilish hysteria did not occur. Thus, in Orthodoxy, demons act as helpless before prayer and for the first time the exorcism procedure is found in the Trebnyk by Petro Mohyla, but there is no evidence of how often it was used. In addition, in the Orthodox tradition, a priest could not conduct an exorcism without the permission of a bishop and metropolitan. The common idea of Kapitons and Khlysty was the adoration or theosophy (Christian doctrine of connection of man with God through divine grace). Kapitons denied the divine nature of Christ, and Kapiton declared himself as a messenger of God. Khlysty argued that the spiritual world was created by God, and the material one by the Devil. In the concept of "Moscow is the third Rome", the central place was given to the sovereign. On the territory of Moscow and then the Russian state, a messianic understanding of the sovereign (tsar) power was established, who in fact became infallible and ruled at its own discretion. Thus, the cause of the Byzantium fall was considered to be gentleness and falsehood, which became an instrument in the Devil's hands. 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Available from: http://www.bibliotekar.ru/rus/48.htm 367 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 368 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Reflection the stage formulation of the Turk ethnos “burjān” in the information of the erudites of Arabian Khalifat of the ІХth – Хth centuries Viktor KRJUKOV* Study of the information of Arabian writing documents of the ІХth – Хth centuries about of Turkic ethnos group of East Europe is important for the knowledge of ethnic and historical processes which had been taken place in this region during the first stage formulation of East Europe ethnos. Revelation of the evolution of the ethnonym “burjān” / ‫ بُرْ َجان‬/ because at the present time the paralogism had arisen in the Arabic source study according to that some ethnic designation, which contains in the works of the erudites of Arabian Khalifat of the IXth – Xth centuries are being characterized by some modern researchers as logical constructs that are an the abstract concepts. It has been created by these researchers for the description of the reality depending on their own ideas and one of such logical construct is calling oneself ethnonym [8, p.15]. Therefore the purpose of this article is the analysis the degree of the accordance the semantics of the ethnonym ‫ بُرْ َجان‬available of IXth – Xth centuries Arabic geographical writing tradition by those historical reality, which had defined its nature as the token of the historical phenomenon and as result, had determined the transformation different stage its semantic. With reference to etymology this ethnonym, it is considered that, it is twisted Arabian form Latin ethnic name “burgani” [31, І, s. 24; 42, s. 359 – 360], which has been mentioned near 555 in Syrian historical work which is known as “History of the Church”. It is consideration that this work has been wrote in the VIth century by Byzantine historian Zachary Ritor [14, с. 165]. External difference of the shelling the ethnic name “burgani” from its Arabian way of writing “burjān” it is expediently to expound exactly what the letter “g” presets in the Latin reading of the spelling this ethnic name in the Romance languages sometimes designates by the sound which resembles Turkic sound “j” (French Général, gelée). There is alike sound in the Arabian language. It is identic of the Turkic sound “c” and definite by letter “‫”ج‬. Thus, It is possible to suppose that the Arabian translators ancient and Syrian books worked in the ُ ‫ بَي‬/ [37, s, 157 – 158] Baghdad scientific centre known as “The House of the Wisdom” / ‫ْت أل ِح ْك َمة‬ what had been founded in the time of the ruling the caliph Abū al-ʻAbbās ʻAbd Allāh al- * Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University 369 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Maʻmūn (813 – 833) understanded this sound exactly such the pronunciation of the sound “g” by ethnonym “burgani”. We keep to the idea that just is this way the Latin ethnonym assumes the form spelling by Arabian graphic ‫ بُرْ َجان‬. However, we consider that the both forms are not first at spelling the research ethnonym. In fact, in the works of the erudites of the Arabian Khalifat which had been originated from the Xth century, it are available such forms spelling this ethnonym: “burġār”, “bulkār” / [28, p. 126, 141], “burġar” [32, VII, p. 133; 30, p. 66 – 67, 141, 180 – 184, 191, 196, 225]. But forms what had been mentioned have the unified semantic because they indicate the total Türkic nomad tribes. This nomad tribes made inroad in the numerical strength of the Huns hordes into the steppes of North Black Seaside in the 375, and settled in the steppe strip of East Europe which defended from the North piedmont foothills of West Caucasus on East to the delta river Danube on West [40, І, 39 – 41; 45, V, 35, 37, 39 – 43, VI, 6, 11]. The historical period which continued from of the end Vth century till the middle VIIth century was the meantime when on the Türkic hordes of the above-mentioned region, each of its have one’s own tribe self-name, had expanded the total ethnic name “bol-ogur” [35, s 109; 13, p. 72; 18, p. 61, 107 – 108]. Just the ethnic and historical situation exists in North Black Seaside by the middle VIIth century had been reflected in “The Book of the Picture of the Earth” / ‫ُورة األرْ ض‬ َ ‫ ِكتَابُ ص‬/ had been written between 836 and 847 by Arabian astronomer, mathematic and geographer Abū Jаʻfаr Muḥаmmаd іbn Mūsā аl-Huwārizmī [38, р. 9; 44, р. 1070; 10, p. 31 – 47]. The information about “the country Sarmāṭīya and its – land of the burjān” / ُ‫اطيَه َو ِه َى أَرْ ض‬ ِ ‫بِالَ ُد َسرْ َم‬ ‫ بُرْ َجان‬/ sites in this work [24, s. 104]. For all that mark this information had been borrowed from the work as is well – known “Geography adviser” / ή γεωγραφική υφήγησις / by ancient astronomer and geographer of the II century Klavdy Ptolemaei [22, III, 5, 1]. According to this information “Europe Sarmatia” / Σαρματία η εν ’Ευρώπη / locates in the grounds extending from West to East from the river Vistula no the river Don and from the North to South from South Baltic Sea coast to Carpathian Mountains. However at the designation of this “country” is observed reinterpretations by аl-Huwārizmī the information by Klavdy Ptolemaei according to realia of those ethnic and historical situations existing in North Black Seaside three century in the death of Klavdy Ptolemaei, namely the nomad’s buglers group by the time that this scientific lived in this region. Besides referring by аl-Huwārizmī coordinate indices of the spatial disposition the centre of the “the country Sarmāṭīya”, is turns out that this scientific had been imported about the ethnic changes happenings in the steppe strip of South Black Seaside after of the beginning the expansion by Khazar against “Great Bulgaria” (642): horde unnugundur under stress of Khazar went to West towards the land of Dniester – Danube 370 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE intermountain region. Later, by 650th unnugundur had established a Türk state formation in the lower land along the river of Later Danube with the administrative center in the settlement Pevka that is near of the town Isakkeja. After 29 years of this fact the unnugundur place seven Slavs tribes which settled the land of the Byzantine provinces Dobrudga and Mizia and annexed the territory that is location between the river Dniester to North and the mountain range Stara Planina. As a result of these historical facts there was establishment Bulgaria State with the capital in the town Pliska [2, p. 16 – 87; 17, p. 47 – 56; 16, p. 156 – 219]. In the work “The Book about the Heavenly motions and collection knowledge about the ّ ‫او‬ stars” / ‫ى َو َج َوا ِم ُع ِع ْلم النُّجُوم‬ ِ ‫ ِكتَابُ ْال َح َر َكاة ال َّس َم‬/ which had been wrote by Arabian astronomer Abū аl-ʻAbbās Muḥаmmаd ibn Kaṯīr аl-Fаrġānī between 838 and 861[31, I, s.191]. In particular, in the description of six and seven “climates” of Earth and lands disposing outside the seven “climate” sites the information about “country of burjān” / ‫ بِالَ ُد بُرْ َجان‬/ [36, p. 38]. According to аl-Fаrġānī, this country disposes in the land that is situating to West from the town Constantinople / ‫ ْألقُ ْسطَ ْن ِطي ِنيَة‬/ and near from the Black Sea coast / ‫ بَحْ ُر الرُّ وم‬/. Analysis of the information аl-Fаrġānī about South bound of the seven “climate” of Earth displays that this conventional line stretched to North from Anatolia Peninsula and Constantinople and reached the “country of burjān” in the land which was being disposed to South from the delta of the river Danube. Situating the “country of burjān” is such a historical fact is the reason for our statement that the ethnonym “burjān” in the work аl-Fаrġānī indicates only the population Danube Bulgaria [11, p. 203]. The information about ethnos “burjān” has more profound capacity and subject variety in the works by erudites of the Arabian Khalifat which originated of much late times. For all that mark sites in the work “The book of the Routes and the Czardoms” / ‫ك َو ْال َم َمالِ ِك‬ ِ ِ‫ ِكتَابُ ْال َم َسال‬/ which had been wrote gear 272 of the Hegira (885 – 886 after Christmas) by Abū al-Qāsim ʻUbayd Allāh ibn Hurdāḏbih [33, s. 390]. The mentioning is not comprehensible in the enumeration of the rules subjecting to founder the Iran House of Sassanid of the Shah Ardashir Papakan (226 – 241), “ruler of burjān” / ‫ بُرْ َجان شَاه‬/ [29, p. 17]. Taking into consideration that in this fragment of the original text is mentioning “ruler al-lān” / ‫ ْألالَن شَاه‬/ too, we spoke out version in according with it’s the name designation “burjān – shāh” can to signify the Chan of the “Great Bulgaria” Kubrat. This version is based on that case this army-political alliance bordered on East with grounds in which inhabited the Allan’s [12, c. 126]. Thus, in all probability this information was borrowed by Ibn Hurdāḏbih from a some historical written documents with original earlier on. 371 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Another sense of the semantic ethnonym “burjān” looks over in the description of the spatial setting the provinces of the Byzantine Empire. These provinces are located “behind the watercourse [Bosphorus]” / ‫ َخ ْلفَ ال َخلِيج‬/, that are to East from this watercourse [15, p. 105]. According to the information for oneself Ibn Hurdāḏbih the research material this description was borrowed by him from the book by Arabian author Muslim ibn Abī Muslim al-Jarmī of the IXth century. This author is taken prisoner luring the conquest by Byzantines of the border Mussulmen town Zibaṭra in 837 – 838 after Christmas [19, III, p. 1234 – 1236; 30, p. 169; 5, с. 114]. After of the freeing prisoner al-Jarmī had wrote the book which represents the description of the contemporaneous by him the Byzantine Empire and neighbour with it countries [33, s. 28 – 29; 31, I, s. 60]. According to reports al-Jarmī had been borrowed Ibn Hurdāḏbih the “country burjān” / ‫ بِالَ ُد بُرْ َجان‬/ settles down to West from Thracia / ‫ تَ َراقِيَة‬/ and to North from Macedonia / ‫ َم ْقدُونِيَة‬/ [26, р. 12]. Thus, in the fragment the conversation is about Danube Bulgaria by middle of ІХth century. Ibn Hurdāḏbih borrows the information from the work by al-Jarmī which had been placed in the enumeration the countries located to north from the Musssulman town Spain / ‫ األ ْن َدلُس‬/ too. The country of burjān had been named later on Italy / ‫ رُو ِميَة‬/ it this enumeration of َّ ‫ بِالَ ُد ال‬/ what the country, but this country had been named in front of the “country Slav” / ‫صقَالِبَة‬ in due course precedes of Avarian Khaganate / ‫ األبَر‬/. Its possessions located envelopes the lowlands of Middle Danube [29, p. 92]. To our opinion it is indispensable to take into consideration in this fragment the enumeration of the countries happened in the direction from South West to North East. On this direction after country Italy lands settle neighboring to North-East Adriatic Sea coast. The Slovenes inhabit on these Lands, Danube Bulgaria late on victory operations against Thracian the Bulgaria host leading by Khan Omurtag takes under one’s control East Slavonia and lower reaches river Tisa that is those lands which from South West contiguous to low-lands Middle Danube in 826 [20, p.158, 173]. Expounding facts give grounds to assert that in this fragment the appellation “burjān” signifies Danube Bulgaria and its inhabitants. The importation deserves the peculiar attention what presents attention in the part “Story ْ / by about the country al-burjān” / ‫ ِذ ْك ُر َم ْملَ َكة ْالبُرْ َجان‬/ of the work “News of the time” / ‫أخبَا ُر ال َّز َما ِن‬ anonymous authors of the Хth century [46, p. 74 – 75 Arabian pagination]. For all that mark in َّ ‫ ال‬/ and this part is reported that “al-burjān” wages war with Byzantines /‫ الرُّ وم‬/, Slavs / ‫صقَالِبَة‬ Chazars / ‫ ألخَ زَر‬/. Thus, it can to assert that the region want at the same time bordered with possession this ethnos is maybe Dniester – Danube interstream area and lands, which have stretched from Law Danube on South to the ride of the mountain Stara Planina that is exactly this grounds which to be reckoned with Danube Bulgaria in the Хth century [16, p. 60 – 62, 120 372 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE – 124, 156 – 219]. The descriptions of the heathen customs and funeral rites of al-burjān, the fixing their natural economy and the sings of the clan and tribal organization their armed forces are evidence what this information from the times what was remote ages 865, from the date of the christening of the Danube Bulgarians. At the sometime the reports what the al-burjān forced sales the Slaves to Byzantines and about the rites of the burning up dead bodies what exists of their human environment [33, s. 205 – 206] and was identical with funeral rite of the Türk, give grounds to rate by this is meant the Türk which had not assimilated with Slav and was among themselves the ruling stratum of population of Danube Bulgaria and kept themselves aloof from Slavs. So, to our opinion the time of the origin the information what existing in the part “Story about the country al-burjān” expediently defined of the middle of the VIIIth century. The source of information of the works by Arabian scientific of the Xth century Abū alHasan ʻAlī іbn аl-Husayn аl-Masʻūdī “Gold Meadows and layer Treasures” / ُ‫ب َو َم َعا ِدن‬ ِ َ‫ُمرُو ُج ال َّزه‬ ‫ ْال َج َوا ِهر‬/ and “The book Direction and Observation” / ‫اف‬ ِ ‫ ِكتَابُ التَّ ْنبِي ِه َواإل ْش َر‬/ to be the accounts of from the history Byzantine which are available intelligences about the ethnos “burjān”. In particular we took into consideration the account about the wars of the “burjān” against Byzantines in the time of the ruling of “Constantine, son’s Elena” / ‫ قُ ْسطَ ْن ِطين بْنُ ِهالَنَة‬/, that is the Emperor Great Constantine (306 – 337) [32, II, p. 311, 314; 30, p. 141 – 142] which ruled long before until of the nomad hordes Bulgarians in East Europe. It is indispensable to such circumstance this account by аl-Masʻūdī from Byzantines written documents and that is way it descripts the mistaken semantics of the ethnonym “Bulgare” / Βουλγαροι / which was knew for Byzantines chroniclers during this life and had been extended to ethnic group that made a round the steppe of the Dniester-Danube interstream area in the first half of the IVth century, namely alaniessarmaties. With reference the account about the gift of the Byzantine Emperor Mavriky (582 – 602) for Iran Shah Parviz / ‫ أ ْب َر ِويز‬/ slavers – the daughters by the rulers of the “burjān” [32, II, p. 220], we take into consideration that this account represents the armed engagements of Byzantines against enemy horde of the kuturgur which led a nomadic life in the Donets – Azov Seaside steppes in the during the ruling this emperor [3, p. 85 – 98]. The Danube Bulgarians was designated of the of the ethnonym “burjān” in the account about the interference Bulgarian Khan Tervel / ‫ طُرْ فَال‬/ in the struggle for power between the patrician Leonty (695 – 698) and Justinian II Rinotmet (685 – 695 and 705 – 711) [30, p. 164 – 165]. With reference the events of the Byzantine history of a later time the ethnonym “burjān” exists in the accounts about the wars Byzantine against of the neighboring countries and about the dynasty straggle which take place in this country. In the first from the subjects of these accounts the Bulgarian ethnos is showed both the ally and the enemy of Byzantine. In particular, 373 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies it reports about the downfall Emperor Niekifor / ‫ نِقِفُور‬/ during the war against Danube Bulgarians that happened in 193 Hegira (808 after Christmas) [30, p. 168]. In all probability the conversation is about the war of Niekifor I (802 – 811) against Bulgarian Khan Krum (802 – 815), which real had happened in 811. At the same time it is reported about of the participation of the rulers of “burjān” as the allies of the Byzantine Emperor Phaeophyl / ‫ تُوفِيل‬/ in military ْ َ‫ ِزب‬/ and Malaṭīya / ‫ َملَ ِطيَة‬/ in 223 Hegira operations against the Musulman towns Zibaṭra / ‫ط َرة‬ (837 after Christmas) [32, VII, р. 133]. It is expediently to compare this information with the war of the Emperor Phaeophyl (829 – 842) against Arabian Khalifat during of which Byzantines seized the town Samosata. Grounding one’s arguments on this facts, we can assert that the ethnonym “burjān” in the works of the erudites of the Arabian Caliphate of the IXth – Xth centuries means real ethnos which were active component of the ethno historical development of the South west part of East Europe and that is why ethnonym “burjān” necessary to consider doesn’t a construct, which is not be scientifically worked. Thus, this ethnonym is the historical original and singular occurrence, what was reflecting concrete process of the formulation of the ancient ethnosis. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Агафий Миринейский. О царствовании Юстиниана / [пер. с греч. и прим. М. В. Левченко]. – Москва – Ленинград: Академия наук СССР, 1953. – 221 с. 2. Ангелов Петар. България и българите в представите на византийците (VII – XIV век) / Петар Ангелов; ред. Йордан Соколов. – София: Издателство “ЛИК”, 1999. – 285 с. 3. Артамонов М. И. История Хазар / М. И. Артамонов; отв. ред. Л. Н. Гумилев. – Ленинград: Гос. Эрмитаж, 1962. – 523 с. 4. 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II (część II), 1956, 1969, 1977. – 383, XIV s.; 159 s.; 151 s. 32. Maçoudi. Les Prairies d’or / [texte et traduction par C. Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de Courteill] // Société Asiatique: collection d’ouverages orientaux. – Paris: Edition “Imprimerie Imperiale”, 1864 – 1877. – Tome premier. – XII, 572 , [8] p. – Tome deuxième. – V, 467, [7] p. – Tome troisième. – 464, [10] p. – Tome quatrième. – XI, 480, [8] p. – Tome septième. – X, 438, [11] p. – Tome huitième. – X, 446, [11] p. 33. Marquart J. Osteuropäische und ostasiatische Streifzüge. Ethnologische und historishtopographische Studien zur Geschichte des 9 und 10 Jahrhunderts (ca. 840-940) / von J. Marquart. – Leipzig: Dieterich, 1903. – L, 557 s. 377 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 34. Miquel A. La géographie humaine du monde musulman jusqu’au milieu du 11e siècle. Géographie et géographie humaine dans la littérature arabe des origines à 1050 / par A. Miquel – Paris: La Haye Mouton, 1967. – XLIX, 420 p. 35. Moravcsik G. Byzantinotiurcica / von Gyula Moravcsik. – Budapest: Pazmany Péter Tudomanyegyetemi görög filologia intezet, 1942. – Band 1: Die Bizantinischen Quellen der Geschichte der Türkvölker. – 378 s. 36. Muhammedis Filii Ketiri Ferganensis qui volgo Alfraganus dicitur Elementa Astronomica. Arabice et Latine. Cum notis ad res exoticas sive Orientales, quae in iis Occurant / [edidit Jacob Golius]. – Amstelodami: Opera Jacobi Golii, 1669. – 238, 288 p. 37. Mžik H. Ptolemaeus und die Karten der arabischen Geographen / von H. Mžik // Der Islam: zeitschrift für Geschichte und kultur des islamischen orients / herausgegeben von C. H. Bekher in Berlin und H. Ritter in Hamburg. – Berlin und Leipzig: Verlag „Walter de Gruyter und Co.”, 1915. – Band 6. – Heft 2 – 5. – 335 s. 38. Nallino C. A. Al-Huwarizmi e il suo rifacimento della geografia di Tolomeo / C. A. Nallino // Memoire della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filosofiche della reale Aceademia dei Linci. – Roma: Publisazipni dell ’Instituto per l’Oriente, 1894. – Tomo CCXCI. – Volumi 11. – Parte 19. – P. 5 – 55. 39. Pritsak O. The Slavs and the avars / by O. Pritsak // Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo. XXX. Gli Slavi occidentali e meridionali neill’alto medioevo. Spoleto, 15 – 21 aprile 1892. – Spoleto, 1893. – P. 353 – 435. 40. Rutilii Claudii Nametiani de reditu Suo, Libri Duo: The Homecoming of Rutilius Claudius Namatianus from Rome to Gaul in Year 416 A. D. / [translated into English verse by George F. Savage Armstrong]. – London: Bell, 1907. – 236 p. 41. Sarton G. Introduction to the history of Science / by G. Sarton. – Volume I: From Homer to Omar Khayyam. – Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins; and London: Balère, Tindal and Cox, 1927. – XXI, 840 р. 42. Šišmanov L. Étymologie du nom “Bulgare” / par L. Šišmanov // Keleti Szemle. Kozlemények az Urab Altaji nép-es nyelvtudománi köréböb a M. Tud. Akademia támogatásával A Korosi Csoma-társaság közép-es keletázciani bizottságának folyóirata Budapest: V. Hornyánsky, 1903. – Éof. 4. – S. 47 – 85, 334 – 361. 43. Theophanis Chronographia / [ex recensione Joannis Classeni] // Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae / [edidit emendatior et copiosior, consilio B. G. Niebuhrii. Opera eiusdem Niebuhrii. J. Bekkeri, L. Schopeni, G. Dindofii. Aliorumque philologorum parata]. – Bonnae: Impensis E. Weberi, 1828 – 1898. – Volume I. – № 2. – 1839. – LIV, 786 p. 378 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 44. Vernet J. Al-Khwarizmi / by J. Vernet // The Encyclopaedia of Islam. A dictionary of the geography, ethnography and biography of the muhammadan peoples. New edition / [edited by J. H. Kramers. Prepared by a number of leading orientalists. Under the patronage of the Іnternational union of the academs]. – Leiden: Verlag von E. J. Brill; London: Luzac. – 1954 – 1993. – Volume IV. – Fascicle 77 – 78. – P. 1070 – 1071. 46. Viae regnorum. Descriptio ditionis moslemicae auctore Abu Ishak al-Farisi al-Istakhri // Bibliotheca geographorum arabicorum / [edidit M. J. de Goeje]. – Lugduni Batavorum: Verlag von E. J. Brill, 1870 – 1894. – Pars I. – 1870. – VIII, 328 p. 45. Zosimi comitis et exadvocati fisci Historia nova / [edidit Ludovicus Mendelssohn]. – Lipsae: B.G. Teuber, 1887. – LIX, 306 p. 46 ...‫ تَصْ نِيف أَبِى أَ ْل َح َسن َعلِى بْن أَ ْل ُح َسيْن بْن َعلِى أَ ْل َم ْسعُو ِدى‬...‫ أَخبَار أَل َّز َمان َو َم ْن أَبَا َدهُ أَ ْل ِح ْدثَان َو َع َجائِب أَ ْلب ُْلدَان‬. ْ ‫َم‬ .‫ م‬1938 / ‫ ه‬1348 ,‫ أَ ْلقَا ِه َرة‬.‫طبَ َعة َعبْد أَ ْل َح ِميد أَحْ َمد َحنَفِى‬ 379 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 380 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Cultural Axes And Sociopolitical Borders Of Eastern Europe Yücel ÖZTÜRK Ideological Approaches to Western and Eastern European Definitions The boundaries of today's Eastern and Western Europe have been identified in the Yalta Conference, by Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill, after the Second World War. The historical process setting up the two different Worlds, which borders are defined by the River Elbe, was completed by the establishment of pacts of the Nato in 1949, and of the Warsaw in 1955. Following Nato and Warsaw pacts, the world was divided into two camps as capitalist and socialist, which caused the cold war period that lasted for nearly half a century between Western and Eastern blocks. The reason we make such a commencement to our presentation is to prepare the substructure of the question we shall ask now and try to answer. Is the concept of Western or Eastern Europe an exceptional historical event that emerged as a result of the political polarization after the Second World War or a product of the accumulation of social, cultural, political, economic and other factors? The first option would mean that Western and Eastern European concepts are artificial, the second one is a natural formation. We think that the question we ask can be responded more realistically by analyzing the geopolitical concept, by its elements. The concept of "geopolitics", which is the combination of "geo" and "politics", necessarly includes the components of “state” and “society”. Because the politics means something only if the state and society exist together. The geopolitical perspective represents geography itself, the human and cultural heritage and the management dynamics. Although geography is always constant, cultural heritage is dynamic and variable. Given the diversity of geography and the human elements in it and the variability in vertical history, it is understandable that the geopolitical concept contains a great deal of complexity. If we come back to Western and Eastern European concepts again, were the main factors that played a role in determining the borders of the two worlds identified in the Yalta Conference, different values representing the two worlds, or different areas of interests emerging from the historical process? Researchers who deal with the Renaissance, Reform, Enlightenment and Industrial Revolution in causality, connect the historical background of the developments that created the  Prof. Dr. Sakarya Üniversitesi Fen Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü. 381 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Modern Age to the Western Roman Empire and the Carolingian Empire. Next step of this approach is to make Western Roman heritage identical to Western Europe. Western Europe as the founder of the Modern Age owes its dynamics to Western Rome, the Carolingian Empire and Feudalism. Feudalism evolved into a free property system, capitalism has emerged from it, and has been passed into a stage defined nowadays as the "Modern World System". According to the same understanding, the difference in historical development between East and West is either due to the late realisition of the stages that emerged in West or lack of complete experience of these stages. Thus, on one side, Western Europe where the freedom of ownership, market economy and the pluralist parliamentary democracies dominate, on the other, Eastern Europe where the absolute dominance over society do not give way to liberal capitalism, the individual, the pluralist social structures and parliamentary democracies. From this point of view, based on Western Europe and West Rome, civilization began in Rome and today it continues its adventure in Western Europe at its peak. It should be remembered that such interpretations based on the supremacy of the West are ideas containing ideological obsessions tailored to the realities of the present time. If we were in the Middle Ages, we would see an opposite analysis, that civilization belonged to the East, and a claim on the backwardness of the West was not irrational because the dominant power back then was East. One of the new historical interpretations is the Chaos theory. According to the Chaos theory, when the next stage is incompatible with the previous stage, it becomes necessary to eliminate the older. Roman and other universalist structures were no longer valid within the Modern World System, and building new concepts was therefore compulsory. Rome ruled the whole Europe through the language, thought, art, and belief forms of the Catholic Culture, didn’t accept the legitimacy of another world. In the Middle Ages, however, the mature ethnicities had passed into the stage of building new worlds according to their own cultures. Western Europe was a pluralistic structure, each defined by its own ethno - cultural structures, rather than a holistic world built on the universalist conception of Rome. At the heart of modern Western Europe lies not the Western Rome, which represents universal unity within Catholic belief, but the new national structures opposite to it, which led to the collapse of Western Rome. Western Europe, which emerges not through the systematic restruction of Rome but by the destruction of it, can be described as a structure contrary to Rome. The West Roman people could find a place in the Modern World System to the extent that they destroyed the values, structures, beliefs and ideas that Western Rome represented. The most dramatic examples of this fenomenon happened in England since Hanry VIII. France managed to be a part of Modern 382 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Age, maybe starting earlier, by slowly destroying the universalism that Rome represented through the Pope. The historical contradictions created by the Holy Roman-Germanic Empire and Modern Germany can be defined as the Modern German Depression. The German national formation was completed late due to the imperial inheritance, and for this reason Europe was the scene of major crises. Contrary to the idea of building Western Europe according to the Western Roman base, we have defined it as a new formation, the opposite of Western Rome. By contrast, we want to say that if Rome were to live, the Western Europe would not emerge. We note that the early destruction of Rome is the cause of the early formation of Western Europe. Assume a retrospective, that East Rome was destroyed at 476, like the West. What would happen then? We can not know this for sure. However, we may think that developments similar to the emergence of new national structures following the collapse of universalism in Western Europe could be experienced in Eastern Europe. The thought of emperorship ignored the ethnic structures, brought them under a single political power and made nationalization impossible. With the collapse of Western Rome, the nationalization of the people of Western Europe has become possible. Enduring of the Eastern Rome until the beginning of Modern Era was an important factor preventing the nationalization of Eastern European Orthodox Christians. On the other hand, the Ottoman Empire, which took the place of East Rome, was also a political structure that maintained the old and medieval political system in the Modern Age. The nationalization of all communities in this structure would not be possible. All christian and muslim ethnicities under Ottoman Empire were subjected to delayed nationalization. There were two major powers in Eastern Europe besides the Ottoman system. One of them was Poland, the other Moscowian Russia. Interestingly, in terms of cultural orientation Poland was an extension of the Western European empire system, not Eastern Europe. The universalist imperial structures of East and West Europe were similar. Poland was bound to the same historical development process as the Habsburg Empire. There are significant political and economical similarities between the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires, the Kingdom of Poland - Lithuania, Iran and other eastern empires. The empire is based on the concept of suppressing subcultures by universalizing the dominant culture elements belonging to the founding gentry. Throughout the Middle Ages, the Latin in Western Europe and the Greek in Eastern Europe became the essential elements for Christianity. In the Arab and Turkish empires emerging after the birth of Islam, the cultural leading elements became Persian and Arabic, other national cultures were humiliated and not allowed to develope. 383 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies As nationalism grew in the modern age, conflict grew as well, and national cultures struggled constantly to create their own geographical areas. The collision or alliance of the nations is not a conflict or similarity of values, but a struggle to share the same geographical area. It is seen that the Europeans mostly fighted Europeans, and likewise, the Asians fighted Asians in the Middle and Modern eras. Conflicts between Turks speaking the same language and subject to the same belief system are the most obvious example of this. There have also been constant conflicts among the Slavs. History shows us that conflicts arise not from values but from conflict of interests. Ethno - Political Boundaries of Eastern Europe In the modern era, the universal - ideological boundaries of civilization have been replaced by ethno - cultural boundaries. In this respect, the cultural content of the old geographical borders of East and West Europe has changed entirely. The European geography is divided into four regions: West, Central West, Central East and East. Each region has its own sub-regions. Ethno - cultural and geographical difficulties arise in the separation of sub-regions. Central Eastern Europe has sub-regions like the Balkans, the Danube Basin, and the Carpathian Mountains. Bohemia also belongs to the same geographical system. It is difficult to distinguish these zones from each other with certain lines. In particular, the Balkans were under the domination of both Western and Eastern Rome, and then they remained under Ottoman rule. There are many ethnicities that determine the socio-political boundaries of Eastern Europe. There have been disputes about their origins and constructions. The Ethnicities who have the most influence in Eastern European ethnic structuring are Slavs. The Slavs, beginning to settle in Eastern Europe from the beginning of VIth century, were separated into arms such as Venedi, Sclaveni and Ant. Among those, Venedi represents the Western, Sclaveni Southern, and the Ant Eastern Slavs. The Sclaven, which usually forms the southern branch, is incorporated into the Western arm, and Slavic family is reduced to two main branches. Thus, the western arm of the Slavic family is represented by the Poles (Poland), the Czechs (Czech) and the Slovaks, and the eastern one by Russia, Belarus (Byelorussian) and Ukrainians. The first homelands of the Poles, the most important of the Western Slavs, are Vistula and Oder basins. Polabians and Sorbians (Serb) who form the other sub-branches of the western arm, lived in the Elbe shores, Silesia and Upper Vistula. The homelands of the Czechs, the third line of Western Slavs, were Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia. Serbs and Croats left early this group and settled in the Danube Basin, Balkans and Slovenia, through the Carpathians to the Byzantine borders. 384 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The boundaries of the first homelands of eastern Slavs can be roughly determined by Ukrainian borders of modern-day. The eastern Slavs, divided into two large branches as Belarus (Belorus) and the Great Russian (Veliko Rus), have spread to the area between the DnieperDon basins since the fifth century. They became political forces in the time of Kievan Principality, which was founded in the ninth century. The second of the major ethnic groups that make up central Eastern Europe is the Balt. The Balt ethnicity has subdivisions such as Litvins, Letts and Latvins. The political history of the Balts, including the Prussians, can go as far as the tenth century. Fin - Ugor ethnicity is also one of the oldest and most fundamental constructive elements of Eastern Europe. There are many theories about Finns, whose origins are controversial. According to the old theory, Finns are included in the ethnic structure of Mongols. The new understanding is based on the Post - Swederians, the first ancestors of the Finns, Balts, Slavs and other Eastern European tribes. Some of the ancient tribes that were in the ethnical scheme of Eastern Europe are also Alan, As and Kaspi. It is seen that the resident communities in the northern and southern parts of the Caucasus do not play a political role in history. The Basic Contradiction of Eastern Europe: The Different Formation of Ethnic Structures and Political Constructions The basic character of the ethnic communities that make up Eastern Europe is that they either couldn’t build political structures that fill and represent their geographies, or they were too late at building it. We will not touch on the theorie linking the foundation of the first Russian state to the Danish merchants, and the opposit theories upon the subject. The lack of political structures became the most important problem of the Eastern European people. The inability of the Slavs to form their own political systems has led to external forces entering Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages. Goths, Alans, Huns, Avars, Sabirs, Khazars, Pechenegs, Cumans are the peoples joined to the history of Eastern Europe from the outside. For this reason, Germans and Turks should be added to the ethnic heritage of Eastern Europe as well as the ethnic elements mentioned above. One of the first and largest political formations in Eastern European history is the domination of Eastern European geopolitics in the fourth and fifth centuries by the Western Huns. With the advent of the Huns to Eastern Europe, the Gothic period (200 - 370) was over. Following Huns, Turkish tribes have continued to enter Eastern Europe and play historical roles. From the beginning of the sixth century, Avars created pressure on Central Europe as 385 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies they were the opponents of Byzantium. Avars, which penetrated over the wide area between the River Don and Gaul, played a major role in the ethnic structure of Eastern Europe, in particular by ensuring that the Slavs were placed in the south. The emergence of the Slavs in the Balkans, the Danube Basin, and the Carpathian area is connected to the consequences of the policies of Avarian Kingdom. The Turkish tribes entering into South – Eastern Europe were assimilated into Slav by those slavic tribes. After the Avars, the Great Bulgarian Khanate was influential on the territory from the Caucasus to the Danube Basin. Khazar Khanate was the first political power that brought the Eastern Eruope under one sovereinty similar to the Western Rome. The Khazars represented the different ethnic structures listed above in a single political system and integrated Eastern Europe into the Asian and Western European economic system. Under the Pax Khazarica, the people of Eastern Europe lived in peace, continued their cultural development, and gained economic prosperity. The Pax Khazarica has united the Finn, Balt, Slavic, Turkish and Caucasian tribes in the geographical region of Eastern Europe from the Volga to the Carpathians and the Baltic Basin. The Russian political tradition was going emerge in the footsteps and effects of the Khazarian ancestry. According to the first Russian chronicles, the Russians gave the title of Kagan to their first princes. It must be also emphasized that the Khazars have connected the Islamic and Iranian worlds to the Northern world. It is known that the Middle Dnieper Russians, who lived under the Pax Khazarica, gained a political structure in 838 and gave taxes to the Khazar Khanate. There is no information about the details of this political foundation. This political structure with the title of "khaqan", which is said to have been established in the north of Kiev and called "Rhos", was going to become a systematic state organization within a century. For the first time in 940 with Prince Igor, the Russians had a systematic political body. Prince Igor was killed by the attack of the Derevlians, who resisted taxation, but the structure that he built continued to develop. The famous epic attributed to the founder, Igor, is like a document showing the intertwining of Slavic and Turkish elements. The First Independent State Constitution of Eastern European Slavs and its Consequences The sovereignty established by the Igorean dynasty in the Kiev center reached a level that would oppose against the Khazarian rule in Olga and Sviatoslav reigns. Sviatoslav, who destroyed the capital of the Khazars in 965, was the first to create an independent Russian state. In the army of Sviatoslav, who had destroyed the Khazars, there was a large amount of Oghuz 386 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Turks. The Lower Dnieper at this period was invaded by Pechenegs. Sviatoslav was later ambushed by Pechenegs in the rapids on the Dnieper (972), later, the center of the Zaporozhian Cossacks . The death of Sviatoslav led to the collapse of the Kiev dynasty structure and constituted the substructure of the future political turmoil of the Principality of Kiev. From this date on, Kiev political power has been fragmented and all energy has been directed to wars between fragmented structures. Vladimir who reigned after Sviatoslav was baptisted and became Christian in 989. Then the people of Kiev were baptized collectively. The embracing of the Orthodox belief by the Eastern Slavs is one of the most important factors that distinguish them from the Western slavs who have entered Catholic beliefs at a later stage. The situation would have been very different if the Eastern and Western Slavs were attached to a single-sectarian belief system. As noted, however, decomposition is not due to large-scale values, but rather to conflict of interest. Although Moscow Russia and Kiev Russia are included in the same belief system, the separation between them is at a level that can not be seen in any society. Kievan Rus and the Turks The period extending from the death of Vladimir Sviatoslavich in 1015 till 1125 is considered as the golden age of Russian history. In this period known as the Kievian Rus’, Russians made great progress in the fields of architecture, art and literature under the influence of Christianity. The Vladimir's long-standing reign had created a solid and sustained political structure. However, it is a fact that after the death of Vladimir the central administration of Kiev by single authority couldn’t continue. After the Vladimir, the Kiev Principality was divided up as family estates and transformed into a dispersed structure composed of many principalities. The political structure, known as the Kievan Rus, refers to the whole of the small principalities which were independent from each other in remote areas such as Turov, Kiev, Novgorod, Tmutorokan, Kerch, Azakdenizi, Rostov, Murom, Polotsk since 1015. The time from Vladimir's death in 1125 to the date of 1246, that is, the time of the Mongol invasion, was called by the Russian historians as "the period of the Principalities." From this date on, a management based on a kind of center-periphery separation has been implemented, which defined Kiev as the inner ring and the outside of Kiev as outer ring. According to the system known as Izgoi, the permanent members of the dynasty would reign in Kiev, which 387 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies constitutes the center, while the dynasties deprived of the right to reign in Kiev would reign in the provinces. In the period when the Kievan Rus turned into a scattered political structure, the Volga - Carpathian area was the scene of new Turkish immigration. Some Turkish tribes, while living calmly because of the strongness of the Principality of Kiev, were involved in these conflicts, depending on the rise of political struggles between the Russians, and in some stages they became the chief actors. In the early Russian chronicles, the Turkish tribes called by the names of the Turkmen, Pechenek, Torque, Kuman, are linked to the line of Ammon in the belief system that the Russian ruling elite belongs to. Both the Igor epic and the Pechenek and Cuman family in all early Russian sources are treated as the negative maker of Russian identity. Russians describe themselves as the opposite of the Turkic peoples, whom they see as pagans. The presence of the Turkic tribes beside the Kievan Rus’, is not temporary but continuous. Those Turkic tribes, consisting of Khazars' remnants and newcomers, joined under the Cuman entity and fighted the Russians for centuries. The Muslims were able to reach with their identities to our time, and those who embraced Christianity were assimilated and took their places in Eastern European ethnonym except for the small population like Gagauz. It is possible to define the period from the eleventh century to the Mongol invasion as the dual sovereignty era where the Russians in Middle Dnieper and the Turks in Lower Dnieper were dominant. With the advent of the Mongols, all the balances were upset. The New Balance of Power Established by the Golden Horde and Effects of Jagellonic System In the 1220s, when the Mongols crossed the Caucasus and started the first phase of the Eastern European invasion, the Kyiv Russians and Cumans were allied. Contrary to the perception of animosity between Cumans, other Turkic tribes and Russians, kinship ties were established through neighborhood relations and marriages. The Mongolian Occupation put an end to the sovereignty of all the fragmented political structures that had arisen after the destruction of the Khazars, and re-determined the system of the administration of the Eastern European steppe again according to universalist concept. Although the birth of Pax Mongolika after Pax Khazarika was cosidered negatively as the "Tatar yoke", Ukrainian Turkologists such as Pritsak and Dashkevich realistically examined the subject in the context which it belonged to. According to Pritsak, the political force blockading the cultural and civilized accumulation of the Kievan Rus is not the Mongolian invasion but the Jagellonic system from the North subject to Catholic faith. 388 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Golden Horde soon became Turkic through the Kıpchaks and accept Islam. During the period, which was later referred to as the "Kıpchak Khanate", cultural assimilation and the imposition of religion were not carried out and the local cultures continued to develop. Especially the principalities, which regularly paid their taxes, did not enter into the weary civil wars between them like before because the power balance was not enough to make peace and, they focused their attention partially on the internal development they pursued independently. The transfer of sovereignty in Golden Horde was not tied to solid bases, and a system prevailed, in which all members of the dynasty were entitled, as in all the Mongol states. For this reason, since its establishment every change of power ended with civil war. In Golden Horde, indigenous people of the Caucasus and the Volga also took their place in these power struggles. For this reason, the changes in power resulted in the domination of one ethnic group and caused the other one being subjected to massacres. Under these circumstances, in the second half of the fourteenth century, the western wing of the Golden Horde, i.e., Dnieper and Don, was dissolved. Poland - Lithuania, which took advantage of this, held sway over the long line down to the Black Sea and took Ukraine under th rule of the Commonwealth. In the early 15th century, Poland established influence over the Crimean Khanate and Romanian principalities. It also took part in the Varna Crusader alliance against the Ottomans. After the Golden Horde had been destroyed, the main unit in the center was called the Great Horde. There was fierce competition between the Great Horde and Polish - Lithuanian Commonwealth until the beginning of the 16th century. Ottoman Islam and Moscow Orthodox System Against Jagellonic System The vacuum that consisted in a milieu, that the Byzantium was in collapse, the Ottomans were still at the beginning stage and the Golden Horde had no sea policy, was filled by the Latins in the Mediterranean, Aegean, Black Sea, Don and Danube lines. After the Ottomans gained supremacy in the Balkans, captured Istanbul, and dominated the northern and southern Black Sea ports, Latins retreated to their mainland, lost their political existence in this area and could have an economic role to the extent allowed by Ottomans. The liberation of all religions in accordance with the universalist - imperial system of Mehmet the Conqueror, especially the turning of the Patriarchate into a Turkish institution, provided great opportunities for Ottoman relations with the Orthodox world. After capturing the Balkans, the Ottomans did not face serious resistance in the regions they were subjected to direct or indirect administration. Even the Ottoman - Moscow relations, was on a peaceful level until the second half of the 16th century. 389 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The rise of the Ottomans and Moscow, from South and East reshaped the Eastern European balances. The Jagellonic system leaned its back on the Catholic Habsburg Empire and Pope in the West against the threat of both fronts. Poland - Lithuania was forced to implement a compulsory peace policy against the Ottomans, since the allies did not guarantee their protection. The Poland and Lithuanian kingdoms themselves were also within political and cultural incongruity. The Crimean Khanate, which completed its administrative organization in the sixteenth century under Ottoman patronage, was the main instrument of the Ottoman Northern politics. In the face of Poland being partially controlled by the Habsbugs and Pope, Eastern Europe's power balances were largely determined by the Ottoman and Habsburg empires until Moscow became a major power. Towards the end of the 16th century, Russia became a major actor in power balances. Ukraine, that was also a country where Poland nobility exploited in economic terms, entered into cultural confusion within the Catholic policy of Poland. On the basis of the Poland’s nobility Szlachta’s desire to expand southward laid the potential of Ukrainian lands becoming source of wealth. As its achilles heel, the Ukrainian crisis deepened, Poland was weakened in Ukraine and the emerging gap was filled by Turks in the south and by Moscow in the east. Ukrainian Crisis, Cossack Revolution and New Balances The Ottomans didn’t experience significant problems in countries such as Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, Albania and Bosnia - Herzegovina, where they had direct governments by the time they were strong. In the principalities where they had indirect governments such as Wallachia, Moldavia and Transilvania, they confronted with the serious problems created by the underground propaganda of the Habsburgs. The Habsburg monarchy had established an effective network of propaganda in Hungary against the Ottomans. These subjects, which are not included in the macro history or which do not attract attention, can be searched closely in Ottoman Divan-ı Humayun records. These sources provide powerful information in the form of an alternative history. There was a secret and deep intelligence network between the Habsburg Monarchy and Poland against the Ottomans. We can observe this in detail from the European newspapers that started broadcasting in the seventeenth century. The Habsburg Empire attempted to use even the Ukrainian Cossacks against the Ottomans, and sent ambassadors to the Zaporozhie. Poland, which constituted the extension of the Habsburgs in Eastern Europe, had to remain in peace with the Ottoman Empire. It didn’t have the power to the extent of declaring 390 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE an open war. However, the Zaporozhian Cossacks were put into action in order to undermine the Ottoman rule over southern Ukraine and Romania. The Ottomans responded with the Crimean Khanate. Thus, Zaporizhian Cossacks and Crimean Tatars were used as means of carrying out the proxy war by the Polish and Ottoman governments. In this process, Ukraine and the Crimea were relentlessly reduced to the border territories between the superpowers. The two country of Poland and the Ottomans, who seemed like both friendly states according to the treaty texts, were actually two enemy forces trying to destroy each other. The reason of Ottoman-Polish tension was the Ukraine problem. Moscow, away from the Ottoman-Polish tension during the sixteenth century, turned into a sleeping giant. Having a more active allience with the Cossacks than Poland on an area from Volga to Dnieper, Moscow was the most profitable power of the century. Moscow, which aimed to control the Crimean Khanate, revealed all its diplomatic skills to prove its friendship with the Ottomans. The rise of Moscow was the product of this successful diplomacy, rather than military strategy. Moscow was directing Cossacks, encouraging them to damage the land in the Crimea and Turkey, but when the anger in Ottomans reached a certain level, they were cooperating with Turkey to get them caught. In the case of Dimitri Vishnevetski, the first major Cossack leader, there are documents that clearly show this tactic. In the seventeenth century, the period of the proxy war of Cossacks on behalf of Poland had already been closed and the period of the Polish-Cossack wars had begun. Those wars coming to the climax in the beginning of the seventeenth century will draw Turkey and Moscow into the Ukrainian crisis. In the period when the Poland and Ukraine were almost irreconcilable opponents, Ukraine was forced to rely on either Turkey or Moskow. The first phase of the Cossack movement, which developed in the form of a revolt, resulted in defeat of the Cossacks, but it revived and reached the point where it could not be stopped after a certain period of calm. The Cossack crisis, which started from the middle of the seventeenth century, totally disrupted the relations between Ukraine and Poland and both countries became almost two adversaries. Ukraine’s historical facts required to approach Turkey against Poland. In this process, Ukraine’s historical bonds of friendship with the Turkey developed at utmost level. The leader of the second period of the Cossack revolt was Bogdan Khmelnitsky. Khmelnitsky led his movement based on his consultations in Turkey just as in the event of Dimitri Vishnevetsky. He entered an alliance negotiations through the official emissary he sent to Turkey. In the first phase of the negatiations that took place in 1650, Turkey – Ukraine alliance was established, and it was agreed that the Ukrainian state in the leadership of the Bogdan Khmelnitsky, to be taken under the protection of Turkey. 391 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies There was a serious obstacle to the Turkish-Ukrainian alliance. The Crimean Khanate, the main instrument of Ottoman northern politics, was determined to prevent this alliance since it considered Ukraine as its territory of domination. The Crimean Khanate in the alliance with Bogdan Khmelnitsky betrayed him in the first operation against Poland and ranged on the Polish side. Knowing well how influential the Crimean Khanate was in Ottoman govermental mind, Khmelnitsky turned his direction to Moscow on a conviction that the alliance could not be executed. At this stage, at the end of the negotiations with Moscow the Preslav Treaty of 1654 was signed. The Preslav Treaty, providing a basis that Ukraine was under the protection of Moscow, is one of the most important developments that redefines Eastern European power balances. With this Treaty, Poland and Moskow entered alliance against Turkey, and the Cossacks under the protection of Moscow were predicted to take place within this alliance. As a matter of fact, the provisions of the Treaty of Preslav was invalidated at the time of the Great Cossack Hetman and the Ukrainian statesman Petro Doroshenko. The TurkishUkrainian treaty signed in the time of Khmelnitsky, but unapplied,was re-made during the reign of Petro Doroshenko and was realized. Turkey helped to establish an independent Ukrainian state, under the leadership of the Petro Doroshenko. The Doroshenko movement took a great reaction of Poland and Moscow and made Doroshenko the target of both powers. The information obtained from Poland and Russian sources about Doroshenko shows that he is a great statesman trying to create an independent Ukraine by taking advantage of the contradictions of Turkish, Polish and Moscow forces. The Turks started the military operations of the period of 1672-1680, fulfilling the necessity of aggreement with Doroshenko. The Kamianets Podolski was captured at those operations. Poland had to recognize the independence of Ukraine. Moscow expeditions backed by Poland were impelled against Doroshenko. Turkey could not send Doroşenko necessary aid at this stage. Due to the inadequacy of Turkish support, Doroshenko had to surrender to Moscow forces. While Turkey strenghtened its protection upon Ukraine in highest level by impelling once again all its power in 1680s, turned its face towards Austria and suddenly realized the siege of Vienna in 1683. The reason for this change of goal, which is not reasonable enough, has not been examined properly. The results of the siege of Vienna in 1683 are known to everyone. The king of Poland, John Sobieski, hit the lethal blow to the Turks, the outcome of a quarter-century of anti-Turkish struggle. Before the disappearance of the traces of the Viennese period, the northern operations of Moscow and the civil war of Poland began. This new process that Sweden was also involved, 392 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE resulted in partition of Poland, liquidation of Turkey from Eastern Europe, and Ukraine and Crimea being possessed by Moscow. Swedish King Charles XII lost at Poltava and fled to Turkish garrison Akkerman with Hetman Mazepa and Philip Orlik. Turkey launched the Prut Expedition at this stage. Though it is a widespread conviction that the Swedish king who had been in Turkey for a long time convinced Turkish padishah for Prut Expedition, the main factor that led to the expedition was the geopolitical dynamics of the Eastern Europe. Upon the death of Hetman Mazepa in Akkirman, hetmanship of Ukraine was conducted by Filip Orlik. Orlik’s hetmanship was a form of hegemony in exile. The battle of Prut ended in great victory of Turkey, and Moskow recognized the independence of Ukraine with the Prut Agreement. Four years after Prut War, Turkey was in battle with Austria and its ally Venice and it couldn’t find the energy to ensure the implementation of the Prut Agreement. Taking the advantage, Moscow suspended the Prut Agreement and the independence of Ukraine existed on paper only. When Filip Orlik took refuge in Sweden, Ukraine was left under Moskow rule again. Russia first occupied Ukraine and then established its dominance over the Crimean Peninsula, the Caucasus, and the northern Black Sea. The Ottoman Empire was largely liquidated from Eastern Europe by Russian domination over Crimea. The Ukraine – born diplomat and historian Çehelski mentions in his instructive article he wrote to make contribution to the Turkish and Ukrainian friendship that Ukraine is a barrier for Turkey against Moscow, and draws attention to the resemblance of the destiny of both countries against Russia. Çehelski points out that the geographical area where the Zaporozhian Sic is the center, had created the foundations of the Ukrainian Republic since the Great Revolt of the Seventeenth Century. According to Çehelski, the Zaporozhian Sic was converted to Ottoman citizenship in 1775. As Çehelski emphasizes, Moscow destroy the Zaporizh Sic in 1774 and abolished the only independent body of Ukraine, one year after the Ottomans had been liquidated from Southeastern Europe. After the Russian distruction of Sic and the invasion of the Lower Dnieper Basin, the military structure attached to the Zaporozhian Republic was shifted to the area of Turkish dominance in the Danube Basin, and it tried to continue its activities there. Republic of Danubean Sic continued having its organized structure in such a way that it reminded the Zaporizhian Sic in the Lower Dnieper region. The governing body under the name of Tuna Sic continued its activities until the Ottoman-Russian war of 1828. After the Russian occupation of Turkish territories in Danubean basin and Causasia, it became impossible for the Danubean Sic to continue as an organized structure. 393 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies After 1828, some of the members of Tuna Sic lived in civilian circles in the Dobruca region. Some of them took refuge in Turkey and lived in Bursa, Canakkale and Sakarya regions. The Ignat Cossacks who are allowed to do fishing in the valley of Sakarya were maybe the Cossacks, coming to Turkey after the end of the presence of the Danubean Sic. According to the archival documents, they were fishing along the Sakarya valley just as they were in their homeland. Cossacks certainly were not just those who took refuge in Turkey. There were also cossacks living under the control of Moscow and Poland. The Moscow had benefited in every way from them, as fearless, superior and sophisticated warriors, especially against the Turks. Those who research the history of the Cossacks in the Turkish archives of eighteenth and nineteenth centuries will witness a very fundamental distinction on Cossack identity. There are numerous archival documents that make a distinction between the definition of "the Brother Cossack" and the Cossacks opposite to it. Pre- Modern Age roots of Moscow Russia’s utter patronage over all Eastern Europe after the Second World War, can be described in this way. BIBLIOGRAPHY Backus, Oswald P., III, “The Problem of Unity in the Polish-Lithuanian State”, Slavic Review, Vol. 22, No. 3. (Sep., 1963), pp. 411-431. Berend, Ivan T., “The Historical Evolution of Eastern Europe as a Region”, International Organization, Power, Purpose, and Collective Choice:Economic Strategy in Socialist States, 40 / 2, (Spring, 1986), pp. 329-346. Birken, Lawrence, “ Chaos Theory and "Western Civilization" ”, Review (Fernand Braudel Center), Vol. 22, No. 1 (1999), pp. 17 – 30. Dimnik, Martin, “Rus’ Principalities (1125–1246)”, The Cambridge History of Russia from Early Rus’ to 1689, I, Ed. Maureen Perrie, Cambridge University Press 2006, pp. 98 – 127. Franklin, Simon, “Kievan Rus’ (1015–1125)”, The Cambridge History of Russia from Early Rus’ to 1689, I, Ed. Maureen Perrie, Cambridge University Press 2006, pp. 73 – 97. Grzybowski, Tomasz, Malyarchuk, Boris A., Derenko Miroslava V., Perkova, Maria A., Bednarek, Jaroslaw, Wozniak, Marcin,“Complex interactions of the Eastern end Estern Slavic Populations with other European Groups as Revealed by Mitochondrial DNA Analysis, Forensic Science International: Genetics I (2007), pp. 141 – 147. 394 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Halecki, Oscar, Borderlands of Western Civilization A History of East Central Europe, İkinci Baskı, Yay. Andrew L. Simon, Safety Harbor 1980. Hruşevski, Mihailo, “Ukrayna Tarihine Raci‘î ve Tedkikî Bir Nazar”, Ukrayna, Rusya, Türkiye (Makaleler Mecmu ‘ası), İstanbul 1915, pp.13-33. Niskanen, Markku, “The Origin of the Baltic-Finns from the Physical Anthropological Point of View”, The Mankind Quarterly, XLIII / 2 (Winter 2002), pp. 121 – 153. Osmanlı – Rus İlişkileri Tarihi (Ahmed Câvid Bey’in Müntehabâtı), Haz. Adnan Baycar, İstanbul 2004. Ostapchuk, Victor, “1648 – 1681 Yılları Arasında Doğu Avrupa’da (Ukrayna, Rusya, Polonya, Türkiye) Yeni Bir Düzen Kurulma Yolunda Yapılan Mücadeleler”, Türk – Rus İlişkilerinde 500 Yıl 1491 – 1992, Ankara, 12 – 14 Aralık 1992, Ankara 1999, pp. 99 – 110. Öztürk, Yücel,Özü’den Tuna’ya Kazaklar, İstanbul 2004. Öztürk, Yücel, “Erdel - Eflâk – Boğdan Olayları ve Dimitriy Vişnevetskiy”, Türklük Araştırmaları Dergisi, Sayı:17(2005). s. 55 – 95. Öztürk, Yücel “Osmanlı Devleti’nin Rusya’ya Yönelik Dış Politikası ve Türkiye – Moskova İlişkileri (16 ve 17. Yüzyıllar)”, Türk Dış Politikası – Osmanlı Dönemi,3, Nşr. Mustafa Bıyıklı, İstanbul 2008, s. 217 – 281. Shepard, Jonathan, “The origins of Rus’ (c.900–1015)”, The Cambridge History of Russia from Early Rus’ to 1689, I, Ed. Maureen Perrie, Cambridge University Press 2006, pp. 49 – 52. Smith, Abby Finnogh, Prince V. V. Golitsyn: The Life of an Aristocrat in Muscovite Russia, Doctorate Dissertation, Harvard University 1987. Spiridon, Monica, “Discourses on Borders in Eastern Europe”, Comparative Literature, Vol. 58, No. 4, The Idea of Europe (Fall, 2006), pp. 376-386. The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016 - 1471, Rusça’dan Çev. Robert Michell – Nevill Forbek, Giriş, C. Raymond Beazly, Metin Değerlendirmesi, A. A. Shakhmatov, London 1914. The Russian Primary Chronicle Laurentian Text, Çev. ve Yay. Samuel Hazzard Cross, Olgerd P. Sherbowitz – Wetzor, The Mediaeval Academy of America, Cambridge, Massachusetts 1953, Wiik, Kalevi, “Who are the Finns ?”, A Man of Measure: Festschrift in Honour of Fred Karlsson on His 60th Birthday, Linguistic Association of Finland 2006, Ed. Mickael Suominen, pp. 97 – 108. 395 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 396 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Sharia Court Records (Seriye Sicils) Between The Basic Resources Of Eastern European Works Nuri KAVAK* Introduction The Eastern European region has been geography of great importance throughout history as a settlement area for Turks since the migration of the tribes. Eastern Europe is a place where many Turkish elements, especially Tatars, live in the history of the Turks, which is much older than the Anatolian settlements. It is for this reason that there is a need for a significant amount of studies on Eastern Europe and the richness of the literature. Especially the illumination of the Crimean Khanate, which has lasted 350 years, is very important for the lands we have mentioned. On the other hand, bringing the historical cultural heritage to the front of the researchers in this geography, which has suffered heavy damage, causes us to face difficulties. However, despite all the difficulties, the registration of the courts of the Crimean Khanate has been a very important gain in terms of both the structure of the khan and the understanding of the living people. As we will mention in the following sections of our study, even though many settlements and long periods of time are lacking, it is pleasing to find that about 120 notebooks have been found. The rich contents of the registers, the original structures and the problems related to daily life have given the researchers new horizons on the Crimea. The Sharia Court Records ( Seriye Sicils) The sharia court registers have an important place in the historical sources of the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate. The kadis holding the records of the registers acted as a bridge between the state and the public in establishing a two-way relationship and recorded every action taken in this direction. Therefore, it is possible to find all kinds of issues from the state to the expectations of the public, as well as the information on the socio-economic and cultural structure of the place as well as the legal regulations on the local administrations.1 As a continuation of the traditions inherited from the past, kadis also acted as intermediaries in this * Prof. Dr. Eskişehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi Fen Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü. Özer Ergenç, Osmanlı Klasik Dönemi Kent Tarihçiliğine Katkı XVI. Yüzyılda Ankara ve Konya, Ankara Enstitüsü Vakıf Yayınları, Ankara 1995, pp. 86-87 1 397 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies kind of activities in the Ottoman Empire2. These records are called as “şer‘iyye sicili ( court record)”, “kadı defteri ( kadı register)” or “zabt-ı vekâyî”3. On the other hand, there are a number of sources to help kadis who distribute justice. These sources are divided into several groups such as books, fatwa magazines4, legal codeand,5 sherry records. Such sources are serve those which are not sufficiently experienced, and are the works created by judges and court clerks who are well-versed in the documents they have prepared in their own time from previous registries by the scholars who know the procedure6. In addition, kadis in the judicial system of the khanete mainly judges in terms of Hanefi sectin the courts7. In the mentioned registry books, there are orders from the center and social and criminal events occurred in the district. They were kept with great care because they were given orders to store these books called “Şer‘iyye Sicili”. These registers, which were in various sizes, were generally written in an understandable Turkish. The clerks in the court, in a particular style and order, would register cases in accordance with the legal terminology. Those who came later could take precedents as well as return to the records in order to answer any objections that may arise. Among the document types that were recorded, the majority belonged to the kadis. At the beginning of the documents arranged by Kadi, there is hüjjat (senedât-ı şer'iyye). Hujjat is evidence, something that is proof of an act, i.e. deed, documents and others. The headings that use hüjjats, which constitute a large part of the records we examine, are very diverse. Indeed, there are hüjjats in processes such as power of attorney, testament, bail, alimony, waiver, purchase-sale, rent, grant, debt, exploration, proof of wisdom, trustees. Another frequently encountered type of document is i’lams. The dictionary meaning of ilam is to declare. Legally, the document containing the signature and the decision of the kadi who issued the verdict is called i’lam The subject of the i’lams; drink, adultery, and slander, as well Kenan Ziya Taş, “Arşiv Malzemesi Olarak Şer’iyye Sicilleri ve Taşra Üniversitelerinde Tarih Araştırmaları”, I. Milli arşiv Şurası, Başbakanlık arşivi Yayınları, Ankara 1998, p. 175. 3 Naci Aslan, “Milli Arşivimiz İçerisinde Şer’iyye Sicilleri Eğitim ve Terminoloji Problemi”, I. Milli arşiv Şurası, Başbakanlık Arşivi Yayınları, Ankara 1998, p.187. 4 Mehmet Akif Aydın, Türk Hukuk Tarihi, 3. Baskı, Beta Yayınevi, İstanbul 1999, İstanbul 1999, pp., 97-98. 5 The basis of the customary law is the works that gather the laws of the sultans. Edicts and warrants which belong to Sultan and Khan are recorded as a reference materials in court records. In the records of Karasu district, we find the edicts khans and kalgays rather than Ottoman sultans. For example, the khan orders sekbans and fuzz to provive security in Karasu district with edict in court record numbered (K.Ş.S.), 33-36b-340. Also in K.Ş.S. 65-8a-36 numbered record Kalgay is order not to suffer don’t public because of mansion issue. In short, there are many records such as these two examples. 6 Süleyman Kaya, “Mahkeme Kayıtlarının Kılavuzu: Sakk Mecmuaları”, Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi, Sayı: 5, Türk Hukuk Tarihi Sayısı, İstanbul 2005, Istanbul 2005, 379-416. 7 Ebu’ula Mardin, “Kadı”, İslam Ansiklopedisi, 1997, Vol. VI, 1997, p. 43. 2 398 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE as adultery, marriage and divorce and bail8. On the other hand, the documents that the kadi wrote to the executive authorities and the complaints filed by the public to the kadi or the executive authorities are called “ maruz”. Although such documents are few, they do not include any determination or decision of kadi. . In short, the request is written to a higher authority. If the kadi writes equivalent to him or the lower authorities, such documents are referred to “mürasele”9. On the other hand, as documents from other authorities; the documents sent from the center, especially the edicts, were also recorded in the registry. If there was a special place used as a court these records were kept in there but if not, records were kept in house of kadi or mosque. In the Ottoman court archives there were records that contain the records of the court reports, power of attorney, contract, deed, certificate of deduction, sales, marriage, permits, liquidation records, vouchers, and documents, borrowing, daily narh lists, heritages and charter notes, bookkeeping records of tradesmen inspections10. On the other hand, in recent years, court records is seen as the most important element of the history of social history writing the desire to write the history of the city11. With the identification of the architectural works, which have not yet survived from the past, a great lack of knowledge of the settlements has been eliminated. For example, although the foundations of the buildings, mosques, inns, baths, madrasas, castles, caravanserais and churches have not survived to the present day, their names can be learned by means of registers. On the other hand, without any court records, we do not have the possibility to examine the individual's individual or individual's multifaceted relationships and problems with the state with all its simplicity. In the light of all these scientific necessities, it is also important to determine the names of the places in the provinces and to provide information about the important personalities recorded in the registers. In addition, the law covers a large area within itself. Again, the law is a field of knowledge that can exhibit interesting results in practice, with many differences in interpretation. Therefore, in order to be able to eliminate these problems objectively and clearly, it is necessary for those who examine the history of law not to act without seeing the simple, interference-free and intermediary practices in the court registers12. 8 Aslan, op. cit.., p. 192. Ahmet Akgündüz, Şer’iyye Sicilleri Mahiyeti Toplu Kataloğu ve Seçme Hükümleri, Vol. II, Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı Yayınları, İstanbul 1988-89, p. 38. 10 İlber Ortaylı, “Kadı”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul 2001, Vol. XXVI, Istanbul 2001, p. 73 11 Mehmet İpşirli, Sosyal Tarih Kaynak Olaral Şer’iyye Sicilleri, İstanbul Ünv. Ede. Fak. Tarih Araştırma Merkezi Tarih ve Sosyoloji Seminerleri 828-29 Mayıs 1990, İstanbul 1991, p. 157. 12 Akgündüz, ,op. cit. ; personal law, P.245-246, family and inheritance law p.247-250, debts and property law p. 251-264, criminal, procedural and tax law p. 265-269, inheritance law p. 309-360, it is possible to find the example of many law branches together. 9 399 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies In particular, the records of the life and livelihood of the settlement where the registry belongs, the products grown, the prices of goods, the goods of the goods, the branches of art and profession, the records of the land, the names and amounts of the taxes paid by the outsiders and the products sold are possible to examine through court records. In general terms, the only way to reveal the standard of living of the whole country and the settlement where the registries are recorded is through a good examination of the registry. In short, it is only possible to find the data of the unique history that economic history cannot give up. In addition to the advantages provided by all these registries, these records are needed in order to follow the developments and developments in the military field. Because, when the demands of the military authorities are reported from the center to the judges in the provinces, the texts received are protected by being recorded in these registers.Taking these records into account, it is possible to clarify the military issues and to have an opinion on the public's view of the war13. The judges were subjected to punishment as a result of their loss of these books. For this reason, a kadi who was new to the office demanded the previous kadi's books and the two officials would be appointed to review them in front of them. The court registers were also the commercial records of the city and a notary archives14. Even after a long time, they are the main sources of reference for the resolution of backward disputes. On the other hand, it is possible to complete the deficiencies of the provisions of the Ottoman Archives, which are published by the imperial council ( Divan-ı Humayun), with the records in the registers15. Religious courts (Şer’iyye) were removed in 1924 and the archives were collected in archives for centuries and gathered in the National Library. However, as mentioned below, the Crimean Khanate's religious courts registers are not yet included in this classification and preservation. The Sharia Court Records ( Seriye Sicils ) Of The Crimean Khanate While the records of many parts of the Ottoman geography existed, we did not have a single record of the Crimean Khanate field until recently. This situation revealed a difficult deficiency on the researches on the Crimean Khanate. We were in agreement with the researchers that on the basis of the problem the Russian occupation that destroyed Crimea from Ergenç, op. cit.., p.. 87 İlber Ortaylı, Hukuk ve İdare Adamı Olarak Osmanlı Devleti’nde Kadı, Turhan Kitapevi, Ankara 1994, p. 67. 15 Fethi Gedikli, “Osmanlı Hukuk Tarihi Kaynağı Olarak Şer’iyye Sicilleri”, Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi, Vol. 3, Issue: 5, Türk Hukuk Tarihi Sayısı, Ankara 2005, p. 188 13 14 400 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE time to time. However, as a result of relations between Turkey and Ukraine, for the first time it was put in front of the scientific world that there are the records by Halil İnalcık16. his finding was in the presence of 61 records in the Crimean Tatar National Library of Ismail Gaspirali, in Simferopol, Crimea. It was later discovered that all of the registries were in the library of St Petersburg Saltıkov. As a result of the investigations, approximately 120 recordings were obtained. It is also possible to mention that there are 122 registrations when we add two registers that Hüseyin Badaninski mentioned who has prepared the catalog of Khan Palace archives, but could not verify their existence17. A part of the Khanate of Crimea court records was brought to Turkey in order to gain our science and culture. Through the project which carried out with the support of TIKA, of 61 records in the Crimean-Tatar National Library of Ismail Gaspirali in Akmescit have been delivered to the ottoman archives of the prime ministry. However, the original and all known volumes are still in the Saltıkov-Shchindrin Library in St. Petersburg18. n general, apart from the damage on the first and last pages, it is very easy to read and examine the remaining parts. The Sharia Register of the Crimean Khanate, which is now the General Directorate of Archives of the Prime Ministry, currently has a digital environment along with the number of volumes taken from the Crimean-Tatar National Library of Ismail Gaspıralı in Akmescit. Leaf numbers in the records are preserved. As the records in the archive have not yet been made ready for the researcher's work, the could not be reached. All numbering of the provision in this study are given by us19. It was observed in some heritage records that some of the records were headed, and others did not have the last part or both. This situation raises the possibility that the pages may be missing. However, as we mentioned above for the page numbers, since we have kept the numbers stored on the CD media, the negativities mentioned in these numbers are not skipped. We used the numbers exactly as we did. As a result, there was no lack of information despite these missing pages. Because, there were no problems of any kind which would create a Halil İnalcık, “Kırım Hanlığı Kadı Sicilleri Bulundu”, Belleten, LX/227, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara 1996,pp. 165-190. 17 Ahmet Nezihi Turan, “Kırım Hanlığı Kadı Sicilleri Hakkında Notlar”, Türk Kültürü İncelemeleri Dergisi, Issue: 9, 2003, p. 5. 18 V. Dubrovskiy pointed out in “Türk Kırıma Dair Tarihi Kaynak ve Araştırmalar”, Sovyetler Birliğini Öğrenme Enstitüsü, 2nd year, Issue: 4, p.53 that 124 leather-bound notebooks were found in the Leningrad Public Library in He also pointed out that during the Bahçesaray invasion of General Munich in 1736, the entire archive of the Crimean Khanate was burned, indicating that these were the only works that could remain so far. 19 For example, Bahçesaray Şer'iyye Sicili (B.Ş.S.), 34-8a-27 (34) express the number of the skin, (8) the leaf number, (a) the first page face in the leaf, (27) the provision number. 16 401 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies problem or meaning. This type of defect has often been seen in the heritage records due to its long duration. As a result of our investigations on the Crimean Registrations, many valuable information about socio-economic history has been reached. Again, it was possible to see places, architectural works and names of people, cultural structure, foundations, sections on village and city life, diplomatics and administrative structure and institutions20. In fact, even some information about the Kefe which is connected to the Ottoman Empire was recorded21. On the other hand; in addition to the Crimean Tatars, those people who came and migrated from different parts of Anatolia; Jewish, Persian, Armenian, Greek, Circassian, Cossack and Gypsy are seen to live in many different nationalities in the region through the registers 22. It is also seen in people who come and go from different countries for trade purposes23. It is also seen in the records of people of different ethnic origin as slaves. On the other hand, there is a lot of information about the population and structure of the Crimea, which is much debated. It is important that the neighborhoods where the register belongs, the neighborhoods and the ethnic and religious texture of the neighborhoods, as well as the fact that the number of households can be deducted from the inheritance records24. However, the fact that some of these households and some of the heritage records are reflected in the court records rather than the whole of the records requires a good criticism. Again, the names and nicknames of the men who give tax, their profession, the country they come from, their social status are also revealed. In addition, it is seen that not only men but women and children also have their names in Muslim and non-Muslim. In the registers, there are data that can be determined with the administrative structure of the foundations, their income and expenses, the services they produce, and the problems that arise in their social life25. When we look at the architectural and cultural history, we first see the architectural structures operated through the foundation such as mosques, madrasahs, schools, khans, Turkish baths, bazaars, mosques, bridges26. Today, since many of these structures have not been able to survive due to the damage they have suffered at different times, such information is of great use. As a matter of fact, in the write of urban history, it will be possible to fill a large Bahçesaray Court Record, 49-71b-1, B.Ş.S., 49-12b-1, Karasu Ş.S., 65-16a-56. The mukata’a of pier of Kefe, officials, salary and total tax revenues are included in B.Ş.S., 16-5a-1, B.Ş.S., 22-4b-7, B.Ş.S., 38-28a-1. 22 B.Ş.S., 40-50b-3, K.Ş.S., 25-107b-1071, K.Ş.S., 33-98a-884, K.Ş.S., 33-92a-821. 23 B.Ş.S., 64-52b-2, B.Ş.S., 36-53b-1. 24 K.Ş.S., 33-83b-755, K.Ş.S., 47-32a-215. 25 K.Ş.S., 47-84a-610, K.Ş.S., 25-40b-415. 26 K.Ş.S., 25-94b-963, K.Ş.S., 33-13b-98, K.Ş.S., 47-87a-631. 20 21 402 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE information gap. The only way out to erase the traces of long-lasting Russian destruction on the Crimean Khanate is from the registers. In addition to architecture, it can be identified from the heritage records of works that people have or have produced, such as pots and pans, clothing and other textiles, wood, iron goods, jewelery and jewelry27. In addition, although it is not in every heritage record, many books, musical instruments, weapons and ammunition that they own with personal writing tools, can be revealed important data about the cultural history of the district in which the record belongs28. When we look at socio-cultural life, family, marriage, engagement, divorce, the situation of children, polygamy, inheritance and sharing, disagreements between people, criminal law, killing, wounding, theft acts are seen in the recordings29. In addition, the social facilities, where the people can be together, places such as coffee houses, coffee houses, pubs, taverns and the services provided with the minimum amount of financial means and goods are included in the records. Again with human labor, there is very clear information about the status of slavery in the registry30. Slave acquisition, places used, price and wealth values and their positions in social life are seen. Business life groups (baker, butcher, draper, donut, carder , grocery, a seller of zythum, bookmaker, blacksmith, hatmaker, crispin potter, loriner, stabber, candle maker, delicatessen, miller, felter, maker of felt, booker, locksmith, coffeehouse, shopkeeper, merchant, tobacco seller, lime burner, jeweler, furrier, attar etc)31, labor and value, goods and service groups subject to sale, commercial life, partnerships, commercial disputes, important for money and money order data is included32. In particular, the price of goods and the price of the balance of the documents with all the aspects of the balance of labor, as well as the amount of daily wages of labor and how we can make comments on how a purchasing power is available33. In short, almost everything about economic life is seen in the registry34. As a matter of fact, professional organizations and their roles in daily life as well as application methods and methods are K.Ş.S., 47-42b-286, K.Ş.S., 33-27a-236. B.Ş.S., 23a-130a-1, Bahçesaray ve Karasu Şer’iyye Sicili, 66-30b-1, K.Ş.S., 33-64a-582, K.Ş.S., 65-6a-27, K.Ş.S., 47-82a-600. 29 K.Ş.S., 25-81b-862, K.Ş.S., 25-68a-732, K.ş.S., 33-23a-191, K.Ş.S., 47-57b-390. 30 B.Ş.S., 37-46b-2, B.Ş.S., 54-14a-7. 31 B.Ş.S., 36-41a-4, B.Ş.S., 52-27a-5, B.Ş.S., 60-31a-2, B.Ş.S., 30-12a-1, B.Ş.S., 62-4a, B.Ş.S., 71-93b-1, B.Ş.S., 9-43a-1, B.Ş.S., 26-68a-1, B.Ş.S., 53-11a-3, K.Ş.S., 47-60a-4, B.Ş.S., 57-3a-2, B.Ş.S., 40-3a-1, B.Ş.S., 18-2a-1, B.Ş.S., 68-49a-2, K.Ş.S., 47-60a-4, B.Ş.S., 52-21b-2, B.Ş.S., 3b-27a-1. 32 K.Ş.S., 25-37b-383. 33 B.Ş.S., 18-1a., B.Ş.S., 60-4. 34 K.Ş.S., 47-59a-402, K.Ş.S., 47-67a-488. 27 28 403 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies included in the records. Commercial life and trade countries and cities, as well as commercial relations with the imperial lands can be recorded in detail. There are also economic data on the situation of mines extracted from Crimea and all modes of production based on these mines35. On the other hand, the kadi record all documents edicts to him in records sent by the Khan and Kalgay36. In general, the Crimean khans have sent many edicts on issues such as tax, security, recruitment and justice37. This situation shows the relationship between the provincialcenter as well as some administrative data about the administrative structure in the country38. It is also seen that examples of the relations between the Ottoman Empire and the Khan are recorded39. The practical applications of the administrative structure beyond the theoretical and subsequent problems are exhibited with all its nakedness. In addition, it is seen that the kadis occasionally wrote an interesting events in the registry. For example, the first fall of the snow or vegetables to be sold in the writing, as announced to the people of the county records are outstanding40. On the other hand, the existence and operation of the judicial system implemented can be determined by looking at the registers. Both the identity and duties of judicial personnel and the application of the law in the implementation of the law, as well as the existence and status of legal rules are observed in the registry41. The Crimean Khanate's Sharia Courts Records (İsmail Gaspıralı Library Akmescid / Crimea) Item The Book No No 1 1 The Area Date Number of Page Gözleve (1-6a-4) H.1017/1022-M. 1608/1613 Kapak+93/186 B.Ş.S., 11-20b-3, Dibtarhan Ş. S., 19-47a-2, B.Ş.S., 48-88a-1, B.Ş.S., 8-115a-1, B.Ş.S., 10-119a-1, B.Ş.S., 5220a-1, B.Ş.S., 18-66a-2, K.Ş.S., 25-113b-3. 36 K.Ş.S., 33-33a-301. 37 K.Ş.S., 25-107a-1068, K.Ş.S., 25-68a-731. 38 K.Ş.S., 25-8b-83, K.Ş.S., 25-5b-44, K.Ş.S., 25-8a-74. 39 K.Ş.S., 25-9a-93, K.Ş.S., 33-36b-340. 40 K.Ş.S. 65-1a-4, It was recorded that in 1156 year, the cucumber, pumpkin, melon and watermelon came from Soğdak district. 41 K.Ş.S., 25-7b-71, K.Ş.S., 25-5a-37, K.Ş.S., 25-64a-686, K.Ş.S., 33-33a-301, K.Ş.S., 65-9a-43. 35 404 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 2 3a Bahçesaray H.1058-M. 1648 35/70 3 3b Bahçesaray H.1058/1060-M. 1648/1650 52/103 4 4 Bahçesaray H.1061/1062-M. 1651/1652 81/162 5 8 Bahçesaray H.1070/1074-M. 1660/1663 138/276 6 9 Bahçesaray H.1075/1076-M. 1665 100/201 7 10 Bahçesaray H.1077/1080-M. 1066/1070 141/282 8 11 Bahçesaray H.1077/1078-M. 1067 85/170 9 13 Bahçesaray (13-8a- H.1076/1079-M. 1666-1669 74/148 2) 10 14 Bahçesaray(14-4b- H. 1079/1082-M. 1669-1671 146/292 5) 11 15 Bahçesaray H. 1085/1086-M. 1674-1675 87/174 12 16 Bahçesaray H. 1082/1083-M. 1671-1672 91/182 13 17 Bahçesaray (17- H. 1084/1085-M. 1673/1674 77/155 7b-1) 14 18 Bahçesaray H. 1083/1084-M. 1672/1673 96/192 15 19 Dibtarhan (19-22b- H. 1083/1087-M. 1672/1676 55/110 2) 16 20 Bahçesaray H. 1084/1086-M. 1674/1675 99/198 17 21 Bahçesaray H. 1086/1087-M. 1675/1677 97/194 18 22 Bahçesaray H. 1087/1089- M. 1677/1678 100/200 19 23a Bahçesaray (23a- H. 1090/1095-M. 1680/1684 130/260 Bahçesaray (23b- H. 1087/1092-M. 1676/1681 125/250 1a-2) 20 23b 3b-2) 21 24 Bahçesaray H. 1088/1090-M. 1677/1679 133/266 22 25 Karasu H. 1093/1095-M. 1682/1684 121/242 23 26 Bahçesaray (26-2a- H. 1095/1096- M. 1684/1685 97/194 7) 24 27 Bahçesaray H. 1096/1099-M. 1685/1688 137/274 25 28 Bahçesaray H. 1099/1102-M. 1688/1691 150/300 26 29 Bahçesaray (29-3a- H. 1100/1104- M. 1689/1693 134/268 2) 405 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 27 30 Bahçesaray 28 31 Dibtarhan (31-8b- H. 1107/1108-M. 1696 H. 1104/1106- M. 1693/1695 151/302 77/154 3) 29 32 Bahçesaray (32- H. 1108/1109-M. 1700/1703 78/156 15a-1) 30 33 Karasu H. 1109/1110-M. 1698/1699 101/202 31 34 Bahçesaray H. 1110/1112- M. 1698/1700 115/231 32 35 Bahçesaray H. 1112/1114-M. 1700/1703 38/77 33 36 Bahçesaray H. 1113/1118-M. 1701/1708 97/194 34 37 Bahçesaray (37-6a- H. 1115-M.1703 80/160 3) 35 38 Bahçesaray H. 1116/1117-M. 1704/1705 36 40 Bahçesaray (40- H. 1118/1119-M. 1706/1707 61/122 28/56 2b-1) 37 44 Bahçesaray H. 1123/1137-M. 1711/1725 94/188 38 45 Bahçesaray H. 1125/1127-M. 1713/1715 59/118 39 46 Bahçesaray (46-1a- H. 1126/1128-M. 1714/1716 131/262 2) 40 47 Karasu H. 1128/1129-M. 1716/1717 92/185 41 48 Bahçesaray H. 1128/1137-M. 1716/1725 143/286 42 49 Bahçesaray H. 1132-M. 1719-1720 104/208 43 51 Bahçesaray H. 1135/1136-M. 1723/1724 65/131 44 52 Bahçesaray H. 1136/1137-M. 1724 37/74 45 53 Bahçesaray H. 1138/1140-M. 1726/1728 93/186 46 54 Bahçesaray (54-1a- H. 1138/1139-M. 1726/1727 91/182 5) 47 55 Bahçesaray H. 1139/1144-M. 1727/1731 99/198 48 56 Bahçesaray H. 1143/1146-M. 1731/1734 25/50 49 57 Bahçesaray H. 1144/1146-M. 1732/1733 79/158 50 58 Bahçesaray (58-1a- H. 1146/1148-M. 1733/1736 99/198 3) 51 59 Bahçesaray H. 1149/1150-M. 1737 45/90 52 60 Bahçesaray H. 1149/1155-M. 1736/1742 63/126 406 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 53 61 Bahçesaray H. 1150/1152-M. 1738/1740 95/19042 54 62 Bahçesaray H. 1150/1155-M. 1738/1742 69/138 55 64 Bahçesaray H. 1154/1156-M. 1741/1743 81/162 56 65 Karasu H. 1156/1157-M. 1743/1744 41/82 57 66 Bahçesaray- H. 1157/1158-M. 1744/1745 85/170 Karasu 58 67 Bahçesaray H. 1157/1159-M. 1744/1748 76/152 59 68 Bahçesaray (68- H. 1157/1161-M. 1744/1748 75/150 48a-1) 60 71 Bahçesaray H. 1161/1168-M. 1748/1755 97/194 61 72 Bahçesaray H. 1163/1164-M. 1750-1751 82/164 Conclusion The Crimean Khanate is the longest lived political structure established by Kipchak Turks in the Eastern European area. After the elimination of the Crimean Khanate, Russia transferred the physical, cultural and human rights of Turkishness and Islam to other places. Crimea peninsula until the dissolution of S.S.C.B has been destroyed and almost all traces of the past has been deleted. Studies have begun thanks to the relations established within the framework of the positive conditions formed by the fragmentation of S.S.C.B. Thus, the Şerıniyye Registry, which was discovered, is one of the largest first-hand original sources to date. Thanks to the Crimean Sharia Records, many data were obtained on the centralprovincial, the relations with the Ottoman Empire, the similarities, the problems of the individuals and the state, the course of events at the point of solution, the state of the khanate and the inhabitants. The information and assumptions that will be formed in the light of these data will be the solution of many unanswered problems. 42 On the last 9th pages, half of the pages are deformed. 407 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Appendices: Appendix 1. Cover 408 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Appendix 2: Example of First Deformed Page 409 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Appendix 3. Last Page Example 410 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 411 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 412 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE How South Eastern Europe Map is Changing by Russian Propaganda and Deeds of European War Correspondents During the 1877-78 TurkishRussian War? Aytaç YÜRÜKÇÜ* Introduction The relationship between Russia, which established its political union in 16th century, and the Ottoman Empire had continued with episodes of hostility and alliance in the face of Russia’s policy to advance to the warm waters until 19th century. Russia annexed Crimea from the Ottoman Empire under the 1774 Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca, assuming the role of defending the rights of Orthodox Christians, and started to interfere in the internal affairs of the Ottoman Empire.1 Russia was disturbed by the intention of the European states to preserve the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire under the 1856 Treaty of Paris. Aiming to amend the Treaty of Paris’ articles related to Black Sea, Russia achieved this goal in diplomatic terms with the Conference of London dated January 17, 1871. The Armenian Question, which is usually attributed to the Eastern Question and which occupied a significant place in the foreign policy of the Ottoman Empire in the past, and of the Republic of Turkey at the moment, emerged after this war. The significance of this matter is understood better when the fact that the Cyprus Dispute, which is as sensitive as the Armenian Question, is still a hot topic, and is directly or indirectly attributable to the treaties made after the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78. The purpose of the present study was to identify war correspondents of different newspapers and from various countries, who were active in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78, and to provide the studies on this subject with original information. The study was inspired by the paper titled “93 Harbinde Rus Gazeteciler ve Faaliyetleri”2 (Russian Journalists and Their Activities in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78) written by Yrd. Doç. Dr. Mustafa Öztürk. Another study significant for the purposes of the present study is “Korrespondenti v Rossisko – Turetskoi Voina 1877 - 1878 gg. Na Balkanskom Poluostrove” (Correspondents in the Balkan Peninsula * (Turkish Historical Society / Specialist / aytacyurukcu@hotmail.com) Halil İnalcık, “Osmanlı-Rus Rekabetinin Menşei”, Belleten, XII S. 46, April, TTK, Ankara, 1948, p.352. 2 Mustafa Öztürk, “93 Harbinde Rus Gazeteciler ve Faaliyetleri”, The Journal of Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Fen Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Issue. 27, Isparta, December 2012, pp. 25-37. Another study by Öztürk about this subject; Mustafa Öztürk, “1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Harbi Belgeleri: Abdi Paşa’nın Muhakemesi (25 belge ile birlikte)”, Belgeler, C. XXIII, Issue: 27, Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara, 2002, pp.117-118. 1 413 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78) written by Dr. Oleg Aleksandrovic Gokov, which and gives an account of the news about the war that appeared in the Russian press, and a list of Russian, American, British, French, Italian, Prussian, Swedish and Austrian newspapers and journalists.3 Gokov’s study titled “Poçta i Telegrafvo Vremya Rossisko-Turetskoi Voina 18771878 gg.. Na Balkanskom Poluostrove”4 (Telegraph and Mail on the Balkan Peninsula during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78), is another important work about the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78. The paper titled “Bazı Rus Subay ve Komutanların Günlüklerinde ve Hatıratında 1877-78 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı’na Dair İzlenimleri”5 (Observations of Certain Russian Military Officers and Commanders about the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78 in Their Diaries and Memoirs) authored by Prof. Dr. Kezban Acar Kaplan who has studies about the history of Russia and whose said article is largely in line with the present study, is another source of reference used for the present study. The paper “Letters from Erzurum”6 by the British historian Alexander Lyon Mac Fie is a first-hand account of the Caucasian Front. Another significant study about the Caucasian Front of the War is “An Examination of Russian Imperialism: Russian Military and Intellectual Descriptions of the Caucasians during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878”7 of Prof. Dr. Kezban Acar Kaplan. The Russo-Turkish War Illustrated authored by R. Grant Barnwell contains the reflections of the developments in the fronts of the war and ethnic patterns in a 17-chapter book.8 The book War and Diplomacy, the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 and the Treaty of Berlin (Savaş ve Diplomasi, 1877-78 Rus-Osmanlı Savaşı ve Berlin Antlaşması)9 edited by Hakan Yavuz and Peter Sluglett, which studies the diplomatic developments of the war, is also significant for its treatment of the late period of the war and Oleg Aleksandroviç, Gokov, “Korrespondenti v Rossisko-Turetskoi Voina 1877-1878 gg. Na Balkanskom Poluostrove 1877-1878 gg.” (Correspondents at the Balkan Peninsula during the Russo-Turkish War), Canadian American Slavic Studies, Vol. 41. –No: 2. – 2007, pp. 127-186. 4 Oleg Aleksandroviç, Gokov, “Poçta i Telegraf vo Vremya Rossisko-Turetskoi Voina 1877-1878 gg.. Na Balkanskom Poluostrove” (Telegraph and Postal Service in Balkan Peninsula during the Russo–Turkish War of 1877-1878) Canadian American Slavic Studies, Vol. 42. –No: 4, 2008, pp.405-415. 5 Kezban Acar Kaplan, “Bazı Rus Subay ve Komutanların Günlüklerinde ve Hatıratında 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı’na Dair İzlenimleri” Ege Üniversitesi Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, Vol 31-1, İzmir, 2016, pp.219-234, 6 A. L. Mac Fie, “Letters from Erzerum”, (IJMES) International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Cambridge University Press, Vol. 22, No. 4 (Oct., 1986), pp. 571-575. 7 Kezban Acar Kaplan, “An Examination of Russian Imperialism: Russian Military and Intellectual Descriptions of the Caucasians During the Russo‐Turkish War of 1877–1878”, Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity Nationalities Papers, Vol 32:1, pp. 7-21, New York, 2004. 8 R.Gant, Barnwell, The Russo-Turkish War Illustrated, “Comprising An Account Of The Servian Insurrection, The Dreadful Massacre Of Christians In Bulgaria And Other Turkish Atrocities, With The Transactions And Negotiations Of The Contending Powers Preliminary To The Present”, Boston Mass, W.H. Thomson & Company, 1877. 9 M. Hakan Yavuz ve Peter Sluglett, (Ed.) War and Diplomacy, The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 and the Treaty of Berlin, (War and Diplomacy documents the proceedings of the first of three conferences: 1878 Treaty of Berlin in 2010), Utah Univesity Press, 2011. 3 414 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE for containing several studies. “1877 – 78 Osmanlı – Rus Savaşı”10 (The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878) edited by Prof. Dr. Ömer Turan is another international study made in Turkey about this matter. Since it is not possible to mention all sources herein, we preferred to study the works of the journalists who witnessed the war since the present study is mainly about such journalists and the inferences made in their works. For instance, the correspondences and observations of the journalists Archibald Forbes and Januarius Aloysius MacGahan11 published in Daily News are among the works that we referred to for the purposes of the present study.12 Another important reference that we used herein is the 10-chapter study authored by Francis Stanley which includes the developments and correspondences from St. Petersburg to Plevna.13 “One Year of the War (Memoirs of a Russian Journalist) 1877-78” by Vasily Ivanovich Nemirovich-Danchenko14, and “Reportaji Za Osvoboditelna Voina, 1877-78” (Interviews on the War of Independence) compiled by Lyudmila Genova and published in Bulgaria in 1978, which contains interviews with certain prominent journalists who were active during the war15, are also significant sources of reference. The most significant study in this field is the Proceedings of the Balkanistic Forum held in Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria, with the attendance of scholars from different countries in 2013, 2014, 2015, and 2016.16 Doubtlessly, the most significant academic studies about the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 have been made by the Russian researchers. One of them is the doctoral dissertation titled “The Russo-Turkish War Ömer Turan, (Ed.) The Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-78, METU History Department-Meiji University, Ankara, Turkey, 2007. 11 Formerly participated in campaigns in Asia with the central Asia unit of the Russian army in Hive and Hokand as an employee of the New York Herald. 12 Archibald Forbes ve J. A. Mac Gahan and Many Other Correspondents in Europe and Asia, “The war correspondence of the "Daily News," 1877 with a connecting narrative forming a continuous history of the war between Russia and Turkey”, Including Letters of Mr. Third Edition, Mac Millian & Co, London, 1878. 13 Francis Stanley, St. Petersburg to Plevna: Containing Interviews with leading Russian statesmen and generals, Special War Correspondent Of The “Goloss” of Russia, “Manchester Guardian”Etc., London, 1878. 14 Vasily Ivanovich Nemirovich-Danchenko, 1848 - 1936, Russian Military Officer, Memorist, Traveler, War Correspondent, one of the firs tprofessional Russian military correspondents active during the military campaigns of the Serbian - Turkish War (1875-76) and Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Owing its fame to the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78, Danchenko became a favorite war correspondent of newspapers, readers and publishers, and was active in different fronts during the Russo Japanese War of 1904-1905, the First Balkan War of 1912-1913, the World War 1 in 1914-1918. Dançenko, N. İ.Vasili, Godina Na Voina 1877-78, (Данченко, Немирович Василий, И, Годинанавойна (Дневник на руския корреспондент) 1877-1878, Том І и Том ІІ, Издателство “Солвек”, София, 2008. (Прев. Отруски Екатерина Шишова). 15 Ludmila Genova, Reportaji Za Osvoboditelna Voina, 1877-1878, (Bağımsızlık Savaşı Röportajları), İzdateltsvo Oteçestven Front, Sofya, 1978. 16 Of these forums, the first was published as The National Models of Memory The Russo-Ottoman War 18771878 (1 volume) in 2013, the second was published as The Places of Memory and Heroes The Russo-Ottoman War 1877-1878 (3 volumes) in 2014, the third was published as The Emigrants and Minorities The Russo-Ottoman War 1877-1878 (1 volume) in 2015, and the fourth was published as Women's Memory Of The Russo-Ottoman War 1877-1878 (1 volume) in 2016. 10 415 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies of 1877–1878 in Russian and British Periodicals” by Kosarev Sergey Ivanovich. 17 Another important study about the press and information flow during the war is the doctoral dissertation titled “The Role of Communication and Current Correspondence on the Balkan Peninsula during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878” written by Ekaterina Muminova Mihalovna.18 Mihalovna authored another two significant papers: “The Activities of Russian and Foreign Correspondents in Balkans during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878”19 and “Telegraph Activities during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878”20. The first comparative analysis of the Ottoman and Russian newspapers was the master’s thesis of Onur İşli.21 The most important Russian sources are “Collection of Materials on Balkan Peninsula during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878”22, a 97-volume publication by the Russian Military Printing House and “The Materials Used in the Caucasia and Asia Minor during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877– 1878”23, a nine-volume publication by the Russian Ministry of Maritime Affairs Printing House. Another publication related to the subject of the present study is Penel şi Şabie, Artişti Documentarişti şi Corespodenti De Front în Războiul de Independentă, 1877-78 (Documents, Artists and Correspondents in the War of Independence of 1877 – 78) written in Romanian Language in 2002 by the Romanian author and photography historian Adrian Silvan IONESCU.24 This publication contains details, photographs and works of every painter and correspondent that took part in the war. There are also numerous Turkish and foreign studies available in the literature about the causes of the war, the conditions and positions of Ottoman Sergei İvanoviç Kosarev, Rusko-Turetska Voina 1877-1878 gg. v Oçenkah Possıiskoi i Anglıiskoi Periodiçeski Peçati, Dissertatsiya Bryanski Gosudarstvennıi Universitet, Bryansk, 2012. 18 Ekaterina Muminova, Mihailovna, Rol Srestv Svyazı i Tekuştei Korrespondentsii v Russko-Turetskoi Voine 1877-1878 gg.: Balkanskıi Teatr Boevıh Deistvıi, Dissertatsiya Voronejskogo Gosudarstvennogo Pedagogıçeskogo Universiteta, Moskva 2009. 19 Ekaterina Muminova, Mihailovna, “Deytelnost Possıiskih i İnostrannıh Korrespondentov Na Balkanah v Godı Russko-Turetskoi Voinı 1877-1878 gg.”, İzvestiya Possııskıgı Gosudarstvennogo Pedagogıçeskogo Universiteta, L.İ. Gertsena, (Obştestvennıe i Gumanıtarnıe Hayki), Nauçnıijurnal, No:38(82): Çastı.St.Petersburg, 2008.С. pp.243-249. 20 Ekaterina Muminova, Mihailovna, “Deytelnost Polevogo Telegrafa v Russko-Turetskoi Voine 1877-1878 gg. Boronejskogo Filiala Rossıiskogo Akademii Gosudarstvennoi Slujbıi”, №2 / Pod Redaktsiei Deh, Prof, Akademik RAEN, Zaslıjennogo Ekonomista RF, Preobrajenskogo B.G. Borohej İİTYUOR, 2008, pp.40-43. 21 Onur İşci, Wartime Propaganda and the Legacies of defeat: The Russian and Ottoman Popular Pressesin the War of 1877-1878, Dissertation, University of Miami, A.B.D., 2007. 22 Sbornik Materialov Po Russko-Turetskoi Voine 1877-1878 gg. Na Balkanskom Poluostrove, Voennaya Tipografiya, San.Petersburg, 1898-1911.(1877-1878 Rus-Türk Savaşı'nda Balkan Yarımadasındaki Materyallerin Toplanması, Askeri Matbaa, 1898-1911, St. Petersburg) 23 Materialı Dlya Opisaniya Russko-Turetskoi Voinı 1877-1878 gg. Na Kavkazsko-Maloazıatskom Teatre, Tın. Morskogo Mınısterstva, St. Petersburg, 1904-1911. (1877-1878 Rus-Türk Savaşı Kafkasya-Küçük Asya Bölgesinde Kullanılan Materyaller, Denizcilik Bakanlığı Matbaası, St. Petersburg, 1904-1911.) 24 Adrian Silvan, Ionescu, Penel şi Şabie. Artişti Documentarişti şi Corespondenti De Front în Războiul de Independentă, 1877-1878, Editura Biblioteca Bucureştilor, Bükreş, 2002. (1877-1878 Kurtuluş Savaşı’nda Belgeler, Sanatçılar ve Muhabirler), It is a significant source of reference for its correspondence with the framework of the present study and containing a lot of visual details about the journalists. 17 416 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE armed forces, the policies adopted by the Serbian, Montenegrin, Bulgarian and Romanian during the war, and perhaps most importantly, the development of Pan-Slavism, the developments during the war, the attitudes and objectives of major powers, the treaties after the war, conflicts of interest among the countries after the war, and many other subjects about the war. Arrival and Activities of War Correspondents in Balkans When the Russian side officially declared war in April, 1877, Western and Russian newspapers started to send their correspondents to the combat zone. A lot of journalists, members of the press, artists, authors and illustrators from Moscow, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Zurich, Rome, Milan, Wien, Madrid, London, Paris and New York rushed in the war zone in an effort to witness the war. In the words of the French journalist A. Mlohovski Belina, the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 would probably be remembered as one of the most magnificent wars of the entire 19th century. The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 was an important field of activity for development of war correspondence and the effects of press efforts. According to the Russian journalist V. I. Nemirovich-Danchenko, 76 war correspondents traveled to the war zone in Balkan Peninsula alone.25 One of the few journalists on the Ottoman side, C. S. Ryan describes the attitude of Osman Pasha as follows: “Osman Pasha did not like journalists at all, and foreign war correspondents who were not granted a royal mandate or decree were absolutely prohibited from entering Plevna.”26 Having broken out in 1875, the Balkan crisis propagated in Bosnian and Serbian territories, and while such 25 All journalists and war correspondents other than the war correspondent, journalist and physician Charles Ryan, the British journalist Fitzgerald (Standard-London) whom he came across in Vidin, the Irish journalist who traveled to Plevna and Irish Nicholas Leader who replaced him later, and the Irish journalist Edmond O'Donovam who worked for Daily News in Erzurum were on the Russian side (Charles Snodgrass Ryan, Under the Red Crescent: Adventure, pp. 63-64.). As it is known, Osman Pasha did not want journalists to be in his army, however he could not refuse the journalists licensed by the government but remained distant to them. In addition, the Ottoman army had mercenaries, physicians and engineers who came from various parts of Europe. Colonel Valentine Baker (Baker Pasha), Hobert Pasha, a young Australian physician Charles Ryan and British lieutenant of German origin, William Herbert, were among them. R., Furneaux, Plevne Savunması Tanıklarının Kaleminden: Tuna Nehri Akmam Diyor (Translated by Ş. Türkömer ve D. Türkömer). İstanbul: İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2012, p.28. The journalists on the Ottoman side were asked to blend in when they were on the front. This was made by the obligation to shave long beards or wear fes. C.S. Ryan, Under the Red Crescent: Adventures, p.29, “those decorations on me were eliminated in a matter of minutes and I became indistinguishable from my Turkish friends.” Melton Prior, Campaigns Of A War Correspondent, Edited by S.L. Bensusan, London Edward Arnold, 1912, p. 49. "Şevket Pasha strongly advised me to take off my modern hat and wear a fez. I was disturbed when he argued that I would be seen as a Russian spy and bought a fez. However, I did not find quite comfortable on sunny days, particularly on my balled head." 26 Charles Snodgrass Ryan, Under the Red Crescent: Adventures, s. 156. Having traveled to the front without a permit, Oliver Pain had to leave Plevna to obtain a permit, only to return to Plevna after he obtained the permit. 417 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies insurrections and uprisings which were in line with the efforts of, and supported by, Russia challenged the Ottoman Empire, Russia positioned its army in the north of Danube with considerable preparations. As the tension was rising between the sides of the war with the Serbian Turkish War of 1876, the Conference of Istanbul, and lastly the Conference of London, the expected war broke out both in Balkans and in Caucasia. Allowed to move with the army upon the approval and support of Russian commanders, western war correspondents who worked for Russian politics were able to march from Bucharest to Istanbul with the Russian army. These developments and the war correspondents’ rush to the battlefronts made the present study possible. News and illustrations of every moment of the war, and the keen interest of Balkan and Russian people in the war were indeed considerable factors for the importance of press in this war. Thus, the profession of war correspondence which emerged in 1800s entered the stage of development.27 Russian authorities were particularly interested in foreign correspondents, which resulted in publication of news in favor of the Russians in countries that were far away from the battlefield. Russian commanders laid down certain rules for the journalists to move with the army, and announced that those who failed to follow those rules would be penalized.28 Those rules were as follows: - Journalists shall bear the responsibility of the reports that they send, This rule was in a sense urged the journalists to be careful with their reports, and imply that they may face sanctions for their news. - Journalists shall not in any manner include any information about the locations, movement areas, and battle plans of armies in their reports. - Journalists shall promise that they will write only the truth. - Journalists shall inform the authorized Russian office if they are to travel anywhere else independently of the army. Reporter (Intelligencer); the person who gives news and collects news for a newspaper. Ferit Devellioğlu, Osmanlıca-Türkçe Ansiklopedik Lûgat, 23. Baskı, Yayını Hazırlayan: Aydın Sami Güneyçal (Aydın Kitabevi: Ankara, 2006), p.672. War Journalism is known as all the journalistic activities during the war to convey the information gathered about the battlefield and its surroundings to human communities. Haldun Yalçınkaya, “Savaşlarda Asker-Medya İlişkilerinin Geldiği Son Aşama: İliştirilmiş Gazetecilik”, Uluslararası İlişkiler, c.5, Vol 19, 2008, p. 32. A contemporary journalist, as a war correspondent, said, “the journalist does not have a nationality, he is a citizen of the World.” Julian Ralph, The Making of a Journalist, New York, Harper and Brothers, 1903, p. 77. 28 Lyudmila Genova, Reportaji Za Osvoboditelna Voina, 1877-1878, (Bağımsızlık Savaşı Röportajları), İzdatelstvo Na Oteçestveniya Front, Sofya, 1978, p.6. 27 418 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Furthermore, the Russian army sent command centers detailed information about the status and locations of war correspondents before the battles.29 Thus, all activities of journalism would be under control, the news and interviews would be reviewed, and the reports that were not approved by the Russian publishing office would not be shared with the rest of the world. It was clearly open censorship and controlled journalism. Certain journalists stated in their diaries that the Ottoman side imposed similar forms of censorship.30 It was mandatory that: - A petition be submitted by the newspaper’s editor-in-chief for those journalists who wanted to work in the war zones; - Foreign journalists obtain a signed and sealed permit from the Russian ambassador of their country of citizenship or from the government; - Russian and foreign journalists present two portrait photographs for their war correspondent identity cards. Other important matters related to war correspondents and their news were as follows: If the war continued for a longer period or entered a critical phase, articles modified by censorship could lose their credibility in the public view. However, private statements to the journalists would prevent confidential or strategic information from entering the public domain. Editors would be asked to avoid publishing such information to be allowed to stay in battle zones. The articles sent from the line of fire would be read and assessed by specialists of the general staff, who would decide whether the articles should be published. War correspondents would go to the military center, get in touch with the relevant commanders, and use the data provided by them.31 On the other hand, the overall stance of foreign newspapers to foreign policy would not be an obstacle before their advance with the Russian army. Since those warnings were made in the beginning of the war and the Russian authorities decided on the accuracy of the news, war correspondents were clearly censored. Furthermore, it was a control mechanism on the journalists that Russian authorities were able to get every any newspaper and review the news. A correspondent of the British newspaper “Standard”, Fr. Boyle, was sent back to his country and replaced by another correspondent on the grounds that he shared certain information about the Russian army and submitted inaccurate news reports to his newspaper in an example of this Mustafa, Öztürk, Mustafa Öztürk, “93 Harbinde Rus Gazeteciler ve Faaliyetleri”, Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Fen Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Sayı. 27, Isparta, Aralık 2012, p.27. 30 Melton Prior, Campaigns Of A War Correspondent, Edited by S.L. Bensusan, London Edward Arnold, 1912, pp.55-57. 31 Mustafa, Öztürk, p.27-28. 29 419 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies control on the press.32 Foreign journalists sent to Russia were chosen from among the most the most experienced correspondents or who had former war experience so that the information could be presented in a more reliable and absorbing tone.33 Russian authorities exerted control under war conditions by making name lists, and imposed the obligations for correspondents to bear a special flag and wear a metal and fabric armband in the colors of the Russian flag with a unique number for each correspondent. Russian readers were strongly interested in newspapers in that period. As far as the censorship on the journalists was concerned, a direct mechanism of censorship was not the case although an indirect policy of censorship was imposed. According to journalist Maximov, the command echelon of the Russian army tried to keep away from war correspondents, and told the correspondents that there had not been anything new in an effort to avoid making detailed statements to journalists.34 List of Broadcasted Newspapers and War Correspondents35 American Newspapers and War Correspondents36 Newspapers War Correspondents New-York Herald Dokankoz, Е. Heil, Djekson / Jekson Sanatçı Milem, Wentworth Huyshe37 (Turkish Front) Boston Jurnal King Vestnikıt Ne e Ukazen Djekson / Jekson (Unspecified Newspaper) Austrian Newspapers and War Correspondents38 Newspapers War Correspondents Neues Wiener Tagblatt Lykeş, Herr Winter39 (Turkish Front) Politik (Plajki Vestnik) Peinştein Lahman Di Presse / Alte Viner Presse Lihtenştadt 32 Lyudmila Genova, p.6. Lyudmila Genova, p.7. 34 Mustafa Öztürk, p.29. 35 Oleg Aleksandroviç, Gokov, pp.140-145. 36 Oleg Aleksandroviç, Gokov, p.144. 37 R., Furneaux, p.51. 38 Oleg Aleksandroviç, Gokov, p.146. 39 R., Furneaux, s.58. 33 420 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Belgian Newspapers and War Correspondents40 Newspapers War Correspondents L’Indepandens Belj А. Kon-Abpest (French) British Newspapers and War Correspondents Newspapers Daily News War Correspondents 1877-78 A. Forbs ( or Forbes) (London) Mak Gahan (American) Daily News Istanbul Special Manager Edmond O’Donovan41 London The Weekly Graphic Geil F. Villiers Grafik (İllustripovanni Jurnal) F. Villiers42 (Painter) J. Ananian43 (Painter, Turkish Front) Times 1876-1880 (London) Mr. Coningsby44 (Turkish Front), Charles Austin,45 Grant, Bpekenboppi, M. Gallenga, (Italian), Dobson46 Standart 1877-78 (London) F.Boil ( Mr. Boyle47 ), Fitzgerald The Skotsman D. L. Karrik (Doctor from Peterburg) Dr. Mr. Rose) Manchester Guardian Stenli (Amerikan), Camille Barbère48 1877-78 (Manchester) (Turkish Front, French) Freemens Stenli (American) (İrlandsko Spisanie) Oleg Aleksandroviç, Gokov, p.148. Charles Snodgrass Ryan, p. 285. 42 R., Furneaux, p.46. 43 R., Furneaux, p.78. 44 R., Furneaux, p.149. 45 While Plevna struggles were continuing, the Australian journalist and doctor C.S. Ryan mentions that he met Charles Austin here, Charles Snodgrass Ryan, p. 241. 46 R., Furneaux, p.82. 47 Francis, Stanley, St. Petersburg to Plevna: Containing Interviews with leading Russian statesmen and generals, Special War Correspondent Of The “Golos” of Russia, “Manchester Guardian”Etc., London, 1878, p.144. In this study, The British journalist Francis Stanley; The arrival of the Russians from St. Petersburg to the Danube and from there to the Balkan passages was explained in detail. 48 R., Furneaux, p.100. 40 41 421 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Illustrated London News, ILN Е. Хеил, / E.Heil, Irving Montague (Painter) M. Melton Prior49 (Journalist and Painter, Turkish Front) Echo 1877-78 (London) - Economist 1877-78 (London) - Daily Теlegraph 1877-78 M. G. Aug. Sala, (Editor of Daily Теlegraph) (London) M. Campbell Clarke, James Dow50 (Turkish Front) (Sheffield Daily Telegraph) John Drew Gay51 (Turkish Front), W. Kingston52 (Turkish Front), Mr. Jourdan53 (Turkish Front), Franke Paul (Irish) ve Nicholas Leader54 (Irish), (instead of Franke Paul’un) Globe 1877-78 (London)* - Pall Mall Gazette 1877-78 Camille Barbère (French) (London) Morning Post 1877-78 - (London)55 French Newspapers and War Correspondents56 Newspapers War Correspondents XX. Siecle Breban National Breban Jordan d’Odessa Breban Figaro İvan de Wocstyne (or Vestin) 49 R., Furneaux, p.109. The work of the journalist on the Turkish front in which he narrates his memories of the various wars he participated in in 1875-1905, is published by S. L. Bensusan in United Kingdom Campaigns Of A War Correspondent 1912. Melton Prior, Campaigns Of A War Correspondent, Edited by S.L. Bensusan, London Edward Arnold, 1912. 50 R., Furneaux, pp.113-114. John Drew Gay, Plevna, the Sultan, and the Porte “Reminiscences of the War in Turkey”, Chatto and Windus, London, 1878. An English war correspondent Gay, James Drew and from his book Plevna, The Sultan, and The Porte: Reminiscences Of The War in Turkey 1877, will convey their thougts about The 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War. 51 R., Furneaux, p.111. 52 R., Furneaux, p.55. 53 R., Furneaux, p.91. 54 After a few weeks in the city, N. Leader Vidin, who was assigned as a reporter for the Daily Telegraph, instead of the Irishman, Franke Paul, joined Suleyman Pasha troops in Şipka where he lost his life. Charles Snodgrass Ryan, pp. 76-78. 55 These Newspapers are from Kosarev Sergei İvanoviç, Rusko-Turetska Voina 1877-1878 gg. V. Oçenkah Possıiskoi i Anglıiskoi Periodiçeski Peçati, Dissertatsiya Bryanski Gosudarstvennıi Universitet, Bryansk, 2012. 56 Oleg Aleksandroviç, Gokov, p.147. 422 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Moniteur Universel Dick De Lonlay (or Lonle) Le Monde Illustre Dick De Lonlay George Arduen (Craftsman and Painter) Auguste Meylan, İvan de Wocstyne Paul-Adolphe Kauffmann Estafette Belina, А. Mlohovski D. İndependance Belge Kon-Abpest Temps Lamont Republique Française Grane La Franse Farei, K.Farsi Le Таn А. D. Lamot Le Parel Kon-Abpest Le Siekl Kon-Abpest Journal des Débats 57 Lucien Le Chevalier Orient de la Gazette de Cologne Dr. Carl Schneider - Oliver Pain58 German Newspapers and War Correspondents Newspapers War Correspondents Militar Wochenblatt Danngauer Hambourger Nachrichten Danngauer National Zeitung Danngauer Ausburger Allgemeine Tseitung Alman Fon Maree (or Fon Mare) / (German) Üeber Land und Meer İ.Şenberg Post Fon Brauhiç Neue Militariche Blatt Fon Brauhiç Berliner Tagblatt Beta Kölnische Zeitung Dr. Carl Schneider 57 1789 and 1944 years, a weekly French newspaper published under various names. We are learning from Ryan's work that this journalist was on the side of the Ottoman armies, and he was allocated a rented house. Charles Snodgrass Ryan, p.130. 58 423 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Italian Newspapers and War Correspondents Newspapers War Correspondents La Opinion M.-A.Kanini Pungolo di Napoli M.-A.Kanini La Gazette Piemontaise M.-A.Kanini Courier du soir de Milan M.-A.Kanini Fanfulla Markotti Roma di Napoli H. Ladzaro İllustration İtaliana di Milano H. Ladzaro Spanish Newspapers and War Correspondents Newspapers War Correspondents L’ İllustration Jose Luis Pellicer La Ilustration Espanola y Americana - La academia - Pung - Swedish Newspapers and War Correspondents59 Newspapers War Correspondents Stockgolms Dagblad Berling Tsardom of Russian Newspapers and War Correspondents60 Newspapers War Correspondents Birjevıye Vedomosti Gazetesi N.V. Maksimov (Reportajite Na P.A. Mozalevski) Golos 1865, 1877-78 P. P. Sokalskiy, G. K. Gradovski, Mac Gahan Moskovskie Vedomosti 1864, 1871, L.V. Şahovskoy, 1876-78 Naş Vek M. F. Mets G. Stambolov, V. İ. Nemiroviç-Dançenko (Journalist and Author) Oleg Aleksandroviç, Gokov, pp.149-150.. Krestovskii V.V., Dvadtsat mesyatsev v deystvuyüşey armii 1877-1878), Pravitelstvennıy Vestnik, T.1, p. 170, Peterburg, 1879. the same table; Mustafa, Öztürk, p.33. 59 60 424 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Odesskiy Vestnik P. P. Sokalskiy, Yan Kob,61 Pravitelstvennıy Vestnik 1876-1879 V.V.Krestovskiy RusskiyMir 1875-77 (Russian General Headquarters) Y. K. Rapp Sankt-Peterburger Zeitung N. V. Maksimov Novoe Vremya 1876-1879 A. A. Suvorin, M. P. Födorov, V. P.Burenin, V.S.Rossolovskiy N. N. Karazin, P. P. Sokalskiy, A. D. İvanov, (Photographer) V. İ. Nemiroviç-Dançenko, (Journalist and Author) N. N. Rossolovskiy Sankt-Peterburgskie Vedomosti M. P. Födorov, N. V. Maksimov, A.Teoharov Severniy Vestnik D. K. Girs TiflisskiyVestnik N.Ya Nikoladze Vsemirnaya İllüstratsiya N. N. Karazin, N. P. Födorov Vestnik Evropi 1877-78 и 1883 E. Ya. Utin, Nedelya 1876-77 Other Tsardom of Russian Newspapers and War Correspondents62 Newspapers War Correspondents Pravitelstvenni Vestnik 1876-79 V. V. Krectovskii Sankt – Petersburg Vedomosti Modzolevski Sankt – Petersburg Vedomosti Komarov Novoe Vremya 1876-79 A. A. Suvorin, M. P. Fedorov V. P. Burenin, N. N. Karazin A. D. İvanov, N. N. Roccolovski V. N. Dançenko, Maclov 61 62 Ruskii Invalid M. P. Fedorov, Suhotin Vsemirnaya İllüstratsiya M. P. Fedorov Luydmila Genova, p.58. Oleg Aleksandroviç, Gokov, p.141. 425 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Golos 1865, 1877-78 P. P. Sokalskii, G. K. Gradovski, MacGahan, Dr. A. V. Şterbak, Severnii Vestnik D. K. Girs, Baikov Ruskii Mir 1875-1877 E. K. Rapp Moskovskie Vedomosti 1864, 1871, L.V. Şahovskoi, M. F. Meç E. M. Koçelov Lıvov 1876-1878 İlovanskii (Profesor, Temporary Correspondent) Ruskkie Vedomosti1877-78 A.Teoharov, M.P Fedorov Bırjevie Vedomosti 1877-79 N.V.Maksimov Sın Oteçestva 1877-78 - Russkoe Obozrenie 1877 - Ruskaya Pravda 1879 - Oteçestvenniie Zapicki 1878 - Grajdanin 1877-78 - Kişinevskoe Eparhialinie Vedomosti, Кişinev, 1877-78.63 It was known that journalists reported under pseudonyms to present information more comfortably in the war which was getting popular among the people. However, when Russian commanders expressed their disapproval of such reports, the practice of reporting under pseudonyms was also abolished. This was in a sense an obstacle before the journalists’ freedom of reporting. Some of the Russian journalists criticized both Russian commanders and the practices of censorship. Moreover, British and European journalists were treated differently since their news would have more important implications. It is known that journalists were commissioned in three different kinds of locations during the war. These were mainly battlefields, around military headquarters, and rather protected outer areas such as Romania. 64 Workers, peasants, diplomats, and not only readers from every segment of the society but also illiterate people were enormously interested in war news. Newspapers and news were read at once, and largely discussed by the people. In addition, people would meet in groups and had N. Çervenkov, “Prilojenie, Vospomınaniya i Dokumentı o Russko-Turetskoi Voine, 1877-1878 gg.”. RusskoTuretskoi Voine 1877-1878 gg. -125 Let., Redaksii Kolegiya: F.Kişkilev, F. Savelev, N. Çervenkov (Otvetstvennıi Redaktor), Sbornık İzdan Na Sredstva Posolıstva Rossıiskoi Federatsii v Republike, Moldova, 2003, p.76. 64 Mustafa Öztürk, s.30. 63 426 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE conversations about war news, battles and war correspondents in their spare time. Russian correspondents considered the war a national cause and did not only supply information to daily newspapers but also to weekly publications that included weekly illustrated copies and special supplements about the war. N. V. Maximov, V. I. Nemirovich-Danchenko, V. S. Krestovski, L. V. Shahovsky and some other correspondents published their notes in volumes of books and kept diaries in addition to sending news to newspapers.65 Moreover, many famous photographers, painters and cartoonists came to the warzone to photograph or draw significant scenes of war. The most prominent ones among them were the Romanian photographer Franz Duschek (1820-1884), French painter Paul-Adolp Kauffmann (1849-1940), British painter William Heysham Overend (1851-1898), Austrian painter and photographer Johann Nepomuk Schönberg (1844–1913), British artist and painter Richard Caton Woodville (1856-1927), Austrian painter Ladislaus Eugen Petrovitz (1839-1907), French painter Auguste André Lançon (1836-1887), German painter Karl Paul Themistocles von Eckenbrecher (1842-1921), German photographer Andreas D.Reiser (1840-1898), American painter, sculptor and author Francis Davis Millet (1846 - 1912), German artist Victor Lauri, and Romanian painter Carol Pop de Szathmari (1812-1887). In addition, it is reported that many other painters including Bertnard, Carvilare, Kovolevskiy, Butkevic, Sokolov, Malisev and Polenov traveled to the warzone.66 It is known that journalists traveled to the warzone at different times, taking long train journeys, and assumed many different roles. It is also known that some journalists had to return or be dismissed from the regions where battles took place, attended the war in different fronts at different times, did not always move together, sometimes did not leave their tents due to problems of health, did not have a healthy diet, some of them died from typhoid fever in various fronts, some of them rented a house, shared the same house with other journalists, failed to pay their rents, had financial problems, sometimes hunted for food, and some of them attended both Balkan and Caucasian fronts of the war.67 It is also known that journalists informed each other about the developments and spent time together.68 65 Lyudmila Genova, p. 8-9. Mustafa Öztürk, p.28. 67 Charles Snodgrass Ryan, p. 76-78. 68 Charlas Snodgrass Ryan, “Mac Gahan, the war correspondent of a London newspaper, was the first English speaker whom I came across in Sofia. He told me where we were and what happened around us..” Charles Snodgrass Ryan, p. 33. 66 427 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The Russian Propaganda and Its Effects on the Course of the War While Russia imposed censorship and rules for exerting control on the press, similar practices were prevalent on the Ottoman side as well. The journalist and illustrator M. Melton Prior of Illustrated London News states that his letters and telegraphs in which he mentioned some of the activities of Bashibazouks, which would later come to be known as the Turkish atrocities, were not approved by Ottoman commanders (Tevfik Bey and Salim Efendi), the commanders mistreated him, refused to affix the seals required to send such letters to their destination addresses, censored him for six weeks, and obliterated his letters and telegraphs. Expressing his struggle against this censorship, Melton states that he gained approval for some of his drawings only after long struggles.69 He also pointed out that the Bulgarians committed robberies, homicides and other assaults, hence were guilty, and that their anger to Turks was comparable to that of Bashibazouks and Circassians to Christians.70 A Russian commander commissioned in the Balkan front, Mescherskii, notes in his memoirs that it was particularly the Bashibazouks who killed Balkan Christians, plundered Bulgarian villages and towns including Dobruja and Cernavoda, killed the people of those areas or forced them to migrate.71 It is known that Bashibazouks were a problem not only for Russians but also for Turks, and were sometimes punished by local authorities. Meshcherskii states that when they entered Shumen, plunderers were being executed in Eski Cuma for robbery, rape, and homicide according to the army data. He noted that Ottoman commanders there tried to collect the equipment of Circiassians.72 The Tsardom of Russia took the first steps of its propaganda in the Balkans when it fueled the Serbian, Montenegrin, Bosnian and Bulgarian rebellions and imposed the Pan-Slavist ideology on the people of the Balkan Peninsula during the Crisis of Balkans which started in 1875. This marked the stage of arousing a feeling of grudge against the enemy in the propaganda against the Ottoman Empire. Another means of addressing the emotions of the peoples here involves the use of religion and faith. It is known that Russia formed different resistance groups and mobs for communication of the propaganda in their relations with the Bulgarians and Serbians, thereby offering continuous material and moral support to those people while expanding its propaganda activities.73 69 Melton Prior, p.55-56. Melton Prior, p. 67. 71 Kezban Acar Kaplan, “Bazı Rus Subay ve Komutanların Günlüklerinde ve Hatıratında 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı’na Dair İzlenimleri” p. 227. 72 Kezban Acar Kaplan, p. 228. 73 For illustrations and pictures of propaganda figures (Appendix 2) 70 428 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Another step taken to enhance the activity of propaganda and the subsequent struggle in this field was to sustain the relations with the states such as Romania and Austria-Hungary which made up the northern periphery of Balkans, attract those neutral states to Russia’s side, direct them and turn them into a part of the propaganda by secret agreements and shared interests. Thus, Russia used Romania as the land connection to move their armies to bank of the Danube, and in a sense, made an intimidating appearance to Austria-Hungary. It was very important for Russia that such countries as Germany, France, and particularly England, which had conflicts of interest with Russia, remain neutral during the war. The objective of ensuring that first Germany, and then France, are neutral was fulfilled in line with the principle of maintaining relations with the neutral, and seeking the ways of coordination to the extent possible for the purposes of the propaganda. The only obstacle before the Tsardom of Russia was England which stood with the Ottoman Empire during the Crimean War of 1853-54 and aroused a fear of another defeat in Russians. The point that should not be missed and that is very important for the Tsardom of Russia was that the Russian people did not want another war. The Russo-Turkish war of 1828-29 and then another major war – Crimean War of 1853-54 ended in defeat for Russia, and inflicted a material and moral damage on the Russian people, economy and prestige. In the face of all those problems, the only thing that the Tsardom of Russia considered a way out was to generate effective propaganda and information, and to start the war in spite of internal and external hurdles. Press and other communication activities would be used as the fundamental means of those propaganda activities. The most prominent actors of this propaganda were authors, publishers, broadcast agencies, newspapers, correspondents, illustrators and cartoonists. Russia had to earn the support of at least the European public to attract “Major Powers” that hindered Russia during the Crimean War and display the expansionist Pan-Slavist policy under the guardianship of Christians. Press was the most important organization that formed the public opinion. Therefore, most European states tried to draw the press to their side by various means. Russia attempted to do this by the European press which it planned to control by diplomatic contacts. Europe’s source of news about Turkey was, on the other hand, the rumors spread by European correspondents who gathered information in Beyoğlu and Galata.74 While Russia fabricated such rumors through its embassy in Istanbul, it also attempted to hire newspapers and writers to release such fabricated news to the European public. Publications 74 N. Bilal, Şimşir, II, CXXIV; İskender, s. 128-132. 429 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies made as such for propaganda purposes claimed tens of thousands killed in Bulgaria. Even if the Sublime Porte sent press releases through Turkish embassies against such exaggerated and fabricated news campaign, such efforts did not bear any fruit.75 It known that the consuls assigned to the Balkans by Russia showed great effort to make the Pan-Slavist policy effective, and particularly the Russian Ambassador to Istanbul, Ignatyev, had profound influence on other states’ ambassadors to Istanbul. In this sense, Russia went to any length to leave the Ottoman Empire alone in the eyes of the global public opinion, fulfilling another rule of propaganda: “Psychologically disturbing and demoralizing the enemy”.76 An important example for Bulgarian and Russian Atrocities in Balkan Penunsilua (Appendix 1) Conclusion As a result, the ideas and opinions of Europe about the Ottoman Empire were reversed by this effective and all-round propaganda. The propaganda activities of the Tsardom of Russia from 1875 to 1878 can be considered in three categories – two for external purposes and one for internal purposes. First, the propaganda made in the Balkans with nationalism, Pan-Slavism, and religion, which was enhanced by imposing and provoking societies of resistance;77 second, the black propaganda through the press to change the opinions of the European States, setting them against the Ottoman Empire so that it is isolated from the rest of the world; and third, the propaganda for the Russian people largely by means of literary and visual resources, supported and enhanced with the press, in order to organize the Russian people and mobilize its internal (political, social, economic) support for the war. By these activities, Russia moved its armies to the Danube by controlling the internal and external dynamics, and started the military action for the war, which they brought to maturity with ideas. Not limited to the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan states, the effects of the 1878 Treaty of Berlin put European states in certain conflicts of interest as part of the emerging state of affairs. The Treaty brought along dissatisfaction with the status quo, depressions and schisms, and dragged the nations to the World War I. Containing the names of 91 journalists and four military war correspondents who provided their affiliated newspapers and countries with various materials from the battlefields of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78, the present study Orhan Koloğlu, Avrupa'nın Kıskacında Abdülhamit, İstanbul, 1998, s. 13-24. Gülnar Kara ve Serap Toprak, “XIX. Yüzyıl Sonunda Balkan Siyaseti Gölgesinde Rusya’nın Yalnızlaşması”, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi, Cilt: 5, Sayı: 4, 2016, s. 679. 77 For this purpose, with the support of Russian, we can see that the Bulgarian community started to organize through literature, press and education. For Bulgarian Press, Schools and Literature development 19th century, Appendix, 6. 75 76 430 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE includes the tables containing the original names of 96 newspapers published in 12 countries and 10 different languages, including 24 Russian newspapers, 16 French newspapers, 15 British newspapers, 12 Ottoman newspapers, 7 German newspapers, 7 Italian newspapers, 4 Spanish newspapers, 3 Austro-Hungarian newspapers, 2 Prussian newspapers, 1 Belgian newspaper, and 1 Swedish newspaper which offer information about the War. Popularity of the information sent from warfronts among the public and administrators revealed close relations among combat journalism, propaganda and international relations. Having emerged with the 1853-1854 War of Crimea and gained further significance with the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78, propaganda became an attractive practice for many states which started to take advantage of war correspondents and press activities to drive the public opinion in their interest. This reveals the potential influence of the press and public opinion on our history and present. Even if the propaganda was based on religion and aimed for the independence of the Bulgarian people, the following example of V. Danchenko is important for bringing the facts to light. V. Danchenko summarizes his dialogue with peasants as follows: “Bulgarian peasants and a cleric that we met one day said with regret: “The Russians came in 1828 to liberate us, and then returned. Then came the Turks and started to slaughter the Bulgarians. The Russians came for the second time in 1853 and wanted to liberate us once more. Then the Turks came again and killed us one by one.” We were able to read these thoughts in the faces of those people. They were asking us why we came again. In this respect, it is thought that additional studies may be conducted with Bulgarian, Romanian and even Serbian volunteers and many other studies can be introduced to the literature. This study which attempts to reveal different aspects of the war was intended to contribute to the individual and collective studies to be conducted by a comprehensive analysis of war diaries as well as biographies of journalists, painters and cartoonists, and the newspapers specified in the lists mentioned above, which delivered news to their readers. 431 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Appendix 178 Atrocités russes en Asie et en Roumélie pendant les mois Juin, Juillet et Aout 1877, Constantinople : Imprimerie de A. H. Boyajian, 1877, Telegram No: 23, p.16. (Russian Atrocities in Asia and Europe during the Months of June, July and August 1877) in this old book, there are 217 telegrams about Russian Atrocities from a lot of different War Coreespondents and Ottoman Officers. 78 432 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE (Appendix 1 in English Language) Telegram No. 23 (Procès verbal prepared and signed at Choumla by the Correspondents of Foreign newspapers, dated 8/20 July 1877) The undersigned representatives of the foreign press, united at Shumla, think it a duty to collectively resume and affix their signatures to the statements of facts that they have separately addressed to their respective journals, respecting the acts of inhumanity committed in Bulgaria against the inoffensive Mussulman population. They declare that they have seen with their own eyes and interrogated at Rasgrad and at Shoumla, children, women and old men wounded with thrusts of the lance and with sword cuts, without speaking of wounds caused by fire arms which might be attributed to the chances of an equal contest. These victims give a horrible description of the treatment which the Russian troops and sometimes the Bulgarians inflict on the fugitive Mussulmans. According to their declarations the Mussulman population of several villages has been entirely massacred sometimes on the road, sometimes in the villages given up to pillage. The undersigned state that the women and children are amongst the most numerous of the victims, and that the wounds are made by the lance. Here follow the signatures: C. Fitzgerald, J. W. Saterger, Emerick Bulkovics, August Jacquot, Charles Winter, Henry Dimone, Harry Suter, Nelton Prior, Jules Zukab, Wentworth Huyshe, Senanian Camille, Borthwick, Barrère, Drummond, Carl Mayers. 433 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Appendix 2.79 An important propaganda figure from Russian favorite journal in 19 th and 20th centuries, “Turks are Pouring Blood in Europe”, Russian Journal Niva, 29 August 1877, No:35, p.556-557. 79 434 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Appendix 3.80 Adrian Silvan, Ionescu, Penel şi Şabie. Artişti Documentarişti şi Corespondenti De Front în Războiul de Independentă, 1877-1878, Editura Biblioteca Bucureştilor, Bükreş, 2002 p. 261. The blue, red and white painted law enforcement armors appearing at the top of the picture will move together with the Russian armies, In this way, it is aimed to separate the journalists from other officials and to register them with a given number. 80 435 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Appendix 4.81 81 The Bad War, The Truth Never Taught About World War II by M. S. KING, 2015 3rd Edition 2018, p.19. 436 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Appendix 5.82 Russian Army crossin the Danube River with the help of Romanian Military, Vladimir Aleksandroviç: Albüm, 1877-1878, pp. 31-32. 82 437 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Appendix 6. The Development of Bulgarian Schools, Literature and Press with the help of Tsarom Russia in Ottoman Empire in 19th century83 The Development of Bulgarian Schools in Ottoman Empire in 19th century Years Schools • 1835 Gabrova - Aprilovs’ School, • 1840 282 Bulgarian Schools, • 1841-1845 Every year 10 Bulgarian Schools, • 1845 352 Bulgarian Schools, • 1851 488 Bulgarian Schools, • 1855 588 Bulgarian Schools, • 1860 807 Bulgarian Schools, • 1865 986 Bulgarian Schools, • 1870 1217 Bulgarian Schools, The Development of Bulgarian Literature in Ottoman Empire in the 19th century Years Books Increase % • 1806 - 1828 16 Bulgarian Books, • 1829 - 1838 33 Bulgarian Books, • 1838 - 1848 110 Bulgarian Books, % 77 • 1849 - 1858 287 Bulgarian Books, % 177 • 1859 - 1868 614 Bulgarian Books, % 327 • 1869 - 1878 811 Bulgarian Books, % 197 % 17 The Development of Bulgarian Press in Ottoman Empire in the 9th century Years Newspapers Increase % • 1839 - 1848 3 Bulgarian Newspaper, • 1849 - 1858 6 Bulgarian Newspaper, % 50 • 1859 - 1868 27 Bulgarian Newspaper, % 350 • 1869 - 1878 74 Bulgarian Newspaper, % 160 Nahit Dinçer, Bulgar İhtilalinin Hazırlanmasında Dış Güçlerin Yardımı ve Kültürel Faaliyetler, Sosyoloji Konferansları 21. Kitap, İstanbul Üniversitesi, 1986, pp. 69-81. 83 438 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE BIBLIOGRAPHY DANÇENKO, Nemiroviç Vasiliy, İ, / Данченко, Немирович Василий, И, Година на война (Дневник на руския кореспондент) 1877-1878, Том І и Том ІІ, Издателство “Солвек”, София, 2008. (Прев. от руски Екатерина Шишова) Dançenko, Nemiroviç Vasiliy, İ, Savaş Yılı (Rus Muhabirin Günlüğü) 1877-78, Cilt I-II, Solvek Yayınevi, Sofya, 2008. (Rusça’dan Bulgarcaya Çeviren Ekaterina Şişova) DESMOND, Robert W. The Press and World Affairs, Foreign Correspondents; the Great Reporters and Their Times, New York: Columbia University Press, 1964, FORBES, Archibald, MacGahan J. A. and Many Other Correspondents in Europe and Asia, The war correspondence of the "Daily News," 1877 with a connecting narrative forming a continuous history of the war between Russia and Turkey, Including Letters of Mr. Third Edition, Mac Millian & Co, London, 1878. FURNEAUX, R., Plevne Savunması Tanıklarının Kaleminden: Tuna Nehri Akmam Diyor, (Ş. Türkömer ve D. Türkömer, Çev.). İstanbul: İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2012. Ionescu, Adrian Silvan, Penel şi Şabie. Artişti Documentarişti şi Corespondenti De Front în Războiul de Independentă, 1877-1878, (1877-78 Kurtuluş Savaşı’nda Belgeler, Sanatçılar ve Muhabirler), Editura Biblioteca Bucureştilor, Bükreş, 2002. KARPAT, Kemal H., Osmanlı Nüfusu (1830-1914) Demografik ve Sosyal Özellikleri, Çeviren: Bahar Tırnakçı, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, İstanbul 2003. KISOV, Stefan Ivanovich, Българското Опълчение Освободителната Русско Турска Война 1788-1878, София 1902. Bulgar Gönüllüler Ordusu Rus-Türk Savaşı’nda Kurtuluş 1877-78. GENOVA, Luydmila, Reportaji Za Osvoboditelna Voina 1877-1878, (Bağımsızlık Savaşı Röportajları), İzdatelstvo Na Oteçestveniya Front, Sofya, 1978, McCarthy, Justin, Ölüm Ve Sürgün (Death and Exile), Osmanlı Müslümanlarının Etnik Kıyımı 1821- 1922, Çev. Fatma Sarıkaya, TTK, Ankara, 2012. MILOJKOVIC-DJURIC, Jelena, Panslavism and National İdentity in Russia and in the Balkans 1830- 1880: İmages of the Self and Others, Columbia University Press, New-York, 1994. PRIOR, Melton, Campaigns Of A War Correspondent, Edited by S.L. Bensusan, London Edward Arnold, 1912. RALPH, Julian, The Making of a Journalist, New York: Harper and Brothers, 1903. 439 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies RYAN, Charles Snodgrass, Sandes, John, Under the red crescent: adventures of an English surgeon with the Turkish army at Plevna and Erzeroum, 1877-1878, New York, 1897. -------------------------------, “Plevne’de Bir Avusturyalı”(Under the Red Crescent: Adventures an English Surgeon with the Turkish Army at Plevna and Erzeroum 1877-1878), Çev. Ali Rıza Seyfioğlu, İş Bankası Kültür Yay., İstanbul, 2005. STANLEY, Francis, St. Petersburg to Plevna: Containing Interviews with leading Russian statesmen and generals, Special War Correspondent Of The “Golos” of Russia,“ManchesterGuardian”Etc.,London,1878. TURAN, Ömer, (Ed.) The Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-78, METU History Department-Meiji University, Ankara, Turkey, 2007. VON HERBERT, Plevne Meydan Muharebesi (Bir İngiliz Subayının Anıları), Çev. Nurettin Artam, 1.Baskı, Kaştaş Yayınevi, İstanbul, 2004. YAVUZ, M. Hakan, SLUGLETT, Peter, (Ed.) War and Diplomacy, The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 and the Treaty of Berlin, (War and Diplomacy documents the proceedings of the first of three conferences: 1878 Treaty of Berlin in 2010), Utah Univesity Press, 2011. Articles ACAR KAPLAN, Kezban, “Bazı Rus Subay ve Komutanların Günlüklerinde ve Hatıratında 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı’na Dair İzlenimleri” Ege Üniversitesi Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, Sayı 31-1, pp.219-234, 2016, İzmir. AYDIN, Mithat, “Osmanlı-İngiliz İlişkilerinde İstanbul Konferansı (1876)’nın Yeri”, Ankara Üniversitesi D.T.C.F Tarih Bölümü Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, c. XXV, Vol.39, Ankara, 2006, pp. 101- 115. ----------------, “Bosna Hersek Ayaklanması (1875)’nda Panslavizmin Etkisi ve Sırbistan ve Karadağ’ın Rolü”, Belleten, c. LXIX, Sayı 256, Ankara, Aralık 2005, pp. 913-935. ----------------,“İngiliz Belgelerine Göre 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı Sırasında Kızanlık’ta Rus-Bulgar Mezalimi”, Uluslararası Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet Dönemi TürkBulgar İlişkileri Sempozyumu (11-13 Mayıs 2005) Bildiriler Kitabı, Eskişehir Odunpazarı Yayınları: 7, Eskişehir Mayıs 2005, pp.387- 400. ÇERVENKOV, “Prilojenie, Vospomınaniya i Dokumentı o Russko-Turetskoi Voine Н. Червенков, 1877-1878 gg.”. Russko-Turetskoi Voine 1877-1878 gg. – 125 Let., Redaksii Kolegiya: F.Kişkilev, F. Savelev, N. Çervenkov (Otvetstvennıi Redaktor), Sbornik İzdan Na 440 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Sredstva Posolıstva Rossıiskoi Federatsii v Republike, Moldova, 2003, s.76-85. DINÇER, Nahit (1986), “Bulgar İhtilalinin Hazırlanmasında Dış Güçlerin Yardımı ve Kültürel Faaliyetler,” Sosyoloji Konferansları, Cilt 3, Sayı 21, pp. 69-101. GOKOV, Oleg Aleksandroviç, “Korrespondenti v Rossisko-Turetskoi Voina 1877-1878 gg. Na Balkanskom Poluostrove 1877-1878 gg.” (Rus Osmanlı Savaşı’nda Balkan Yarımadasındaki Muhabirler), Canadian American Slavic Studies, Vol. 41. – No: 2. – 2007, s. 127-186. GOKOV, Oleg Aleksandroviç, “Poçta i Telegraf vo Vremya Rossisko-Turetskoi Voina 1877-1878 gg.. Na Balkanskom Poluostrove” (1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı Sırasında Balkan Yarımadasında Telgraf ve Posta) Canadian American Slavic Studies, Vol. 42. –No: 4. s.405-415, 2008. KARPAT, Kemal H. “Balkanlar” maddesi, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı Yayınları, c. V, İstanbul 1992. KURAT, Yuluğ Tekin, “1877–78 Osmanlı-Rus Harbinin Sebepleri”, Belleten, sayı 102, s.567-591., Ankara, 1962. ÖZTÜRK, Mustafa, “93 Harbinde Rus Gazeteciler ve Faaliyetleri”, S.D.Ü. Fen Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, Sayı:27, Aralık 2012, ss.25-37. TURAN, Ömer, “The Turkish Documents About the Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-78,” The Russo- Turkish War of 1877-78, Ömer Turan (ed.), METU-Meiji University, Ankara, 2007, s. 321-339. YALÇINKAYA, Haldun, “Savaşlarda Asker-Medya İlişkilerinin Geldiği Son Aşama: İliştirilmiş Gazetecilik”, Uluslararası İlişkiler, c.5, Sayı 19, 2008, 29-56. 441 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 442 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Concept Of “Commercial Law” In The Golden Horde State According To Archival Resources Emel KILIÇ Introduction 1.a.The Problem Historical research on the Golden Horde remains insufficient, apart from political history. Although there exists a great deal of work on the development of trade in the Golden Horde state, the question of whether or not there was a commercial law has yet to be investigated. In addition, not just commercial law, but the legistation and legal system of this state has not yet been sufficiently investigated1. Detailed studies on the economic history of the state are quite limited. Berthold Spuler2 and George Vernardskiy3 were the first to discuss commercial law in the Golden Horde. The most comprehensive studies on the system of law were made by Roman Pochekaev, a historian of law, but his works reference commercial practices rather than commercial law4. 1.b.Concept of Commercial Law For many years, it was understood that medieval states lacked legislation, especially for trade law5 Thus emerges the first research questions of this report: What is the Concept of Commercial Law? Is Commercial Law Possible in the Middle Ages?  Ph.D., Medieval History, University of Ankara- Expert of Manuscripts and Rare Works Manuscript Instutation of Turkey- e-mail:emelkilic@ankara.edu.tr. For their assistance, I offer thanks to Prof. Dr. Yücel Öztürk from the University of Sakarya, and Associate Professor Nabil Al-Tikriti from the University of Mary Washington. 1 In recent years there have been researches in general perspective about the history of the state's law. These publishes are very important but not enough to commercial law. See: Talgat Smaguloviç Jumaganbetov, Zolotaya Orda, Istochnıkı Prava 2011; http://naukarus.com/zolotaya-orda-istochniki-prava/ R.Yu. Pochekaev, "Chinggis Khan’s Great Yasa in the Mongol Empire and Chinggisid States of the 13th–14th centuries: Legal Code or Ideal “Law and Order”?" R. Yu. Pochekaev, "Törü: Ancient Turkic Law ‘Privatised’ by Chinggis Khan and His Descendants', Inner Asia, Volume 18, Issue 2, 2016, pp. 182-195; Pochekaev, "The Impact of Religious Factors on Legitimation of Power in the Golden Horde and Late Medieval Turkic-Mongol States of the 15th–18th" ; Pochekaev, Pravo Zolotoy Ordı, Kazan 2009, pp. 163-166. 2 Bertold Spuler, Die Goldene Horde. Die Mongolen in Rußland 1223-1502, Wiesbaden. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag 1965. 3 George Vernadsky, Moğollar ve Ruslar, Selenge Yayınları, , Eşref Bengi Özbilen, İstanbul 2015, p. 138-141. 4 R.Yu. Pochekaev, "Chinggis Khan’s Great Yasa in the Mongol Empire and Chinggisid States of the 13th–14th Centuries: Legal Code or Ideal “Law and Order” Golden Horde Revıew. 2016. Vol. 4, no. pp. 724-733. 5 But this understanding began to change. Comprehensive review of the medieval law book also emphasized that "Medieval culture was characterized by an enormous respect for law, legal procedure, and the ideals of justice and equity. Many of our most important modern institutions and legal conceptions grew out of medieval law in its myriad forms (Roman, canon, common, customary, and feudal)" See Edward M. Peters, “Introduction: The Reordering of Law and the Illicit in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Europe,” Law and the Illicit in Medieval Europe, edited by Ruth Mazo Karras Joel Kaye, E. Ann Matter, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010, pp. 1–14. 443 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies First of all, one must clarify the notion of law in the middle ages. Two qualities of primary importance for medieval law were ancient status and value. Even if a law was enacted by the state or another organized power, it would not be accepted as a legal arrangement if it was not considered old and authentic. It is necessary that the legal practice be both old and durable, that is to say, of general respectability and credibility. Medieval law is primarily verbal, and is only recorded in some cases. Common law is widespread. For many years, only oral law was trusted, but the legal system based on verbal traditions was inadequate to provide order in the social structure whereby economic and commercial relations intensified, as cities gradually developed and a new class emerged. Medieval law was to a large extent status-based. A noble person experienced a different personal law from a serf, a citizen of a town from a non-citizen, a cleric from a lay person, and a native from a foreigner. Commercial Law must deal with legal relationships between individuals, which is why it is included in Private Law. Some lawyers and economists accept that medieval merchants created, without intervention of the state, a uniform and universal set of commercial customs to facilitate intercity trade. According to Emily Kadens, commercial treatises followed the same typology of merchant law by discussing the techniques of commerce, but not devoting a specific section to the law of sales. Kadens tests the lawful merchant story against evidence about the mechanisms of medieval trade. She suggests that medieval commerce had little space for a specialized law, and that merchants had little need for it because of both a well-developed trading infrastructure and the actions of local governments to ensure the protection of legal rights. Kadens argues more perceptively about the medieval commercial experience, and its use of private ordering, without recourse to merchant law per se6. The concept of "Commercial law" covers numerous issues of law, such as contracts, banking, bankruptcy, credit transactions, secured transactions, real estate and others.Concepts of commercial law also cover sub-concepts such as: customary law, merchant, merchant assistant, commercial business and corporate law.In commercial law, the merchant is an important factor, as it is a private law regulating legal relations between merchants. The concept of commercial law exists in the most general sense of a law which regulates trade related business. It is a private law regulating the legal relations between merchants. It attaches particular importance to the application of trade customs and customs in the field of Emily Kadens, "The Medıeval Law Merchant: the Tyranny of a Construct", Journal of Legal Analysis, (Winter 2015), Volume 7, Number 2, p. 255. 6 444 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE commercial law. Lex mercatoria is the Latin expression for a body of trading principles used by merchants throughout Europe in the medieval era. Merchant law originated in western Europe during the Middle Ages, and was subsequently recognized by the principal commercial nations. It is often described as the body of rules applying to commercial transactions derived from the practices of international merchants and traders. With the commercial revival that emerged after the 11th century, a new set of commercial rules emanating from the practices and customs of the merchants also grew apparent. The oldest known version is "Lex Mercatoria", but commercial law texts known as "The Little Red Book of Bristol" began around 12807. It was an arrangement by King Edward I granting privileges to foreign merchants in England. These privileges guaranteed them the freedom to trade, protection by law, and exemption from bridges and road tolls in cities. In addition, their tax rates were guaranteed not to increase. Although some say it may seem like talking about commercial law in the Middle Ages is simply appplying modern economic terms to the present day, lex mercatoria and new mercatoria are differentiated within the science of law. The concepts of medieval commercial law and merchant law remain a subject of controversy, but in general matters of commercial law are definable. Commercial law, commercial business, and merchant concepts, as well as commercial customs, are covered. Commercial law refers to transactions involving a commercial business, acts of business departments, corporate law, maritime trade, insurance, and negotiable instruments such as bills of exchange. In maritime trade law, issues such as ship receivables, rescue in the event of an accident, and liability arising from the fault of seafarers are dealt with8. In insurance law, insurance contracts and various insurance types are examined. Examples of such commercial law practices were evident in the economy of the Golden Horde state. Commercial law today covers numerous issues of law, such as contracts, banking, bankruptcy, credit transactions, secured transactions, real estate, sales, consumer transactions and other matters. Commercial law is now accepted in the field of law and is examined in undergraduate programs of law. The topic has not yet been well recognized in the field of economic history. Medieval Commercial Law can be defined by two main features which set it apart from its modern equivalent: it was a customary and professional law. It was the law created and 7 For online access:https://archive.org/details/littleredbookbr02enggoog/page/n8(accessed 12/04/ 2018). Bruce L. Benson, "Customary Commercial Law, Credibility, Contracting, and Credit in the High Middle Ages", Austrian Law and Economics, Ed. Peter Boettke & Todd Zywicki, London 2017, pp. 129-150. 8 445 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies maintained by merchants in order to solve legal problems between them due to the development of their commercial activities. Commercial law is the most general sense of a law regulating trade related business. It is a private law regulating the legal relations between merchants, attaching particular importance to the application of trade customs in the field of commercial law.Those who dealt with trade struggled to achieve a common commercial law. Otherwise, encountering a different administrative, legal and judicial system at the border of each country prevented the development of efficient commercial and economic relations. Merchant law originated in Western Europe during the Middle Ages, and was subsequently recognized by the principal commercial nations. Merchantlaw is often described as the body of rules applied to commercial transactions, derived from the practices of international merchants and traders. With the commercial revival that emerged after the XIth century, a new set of commercial rules emanating from the practices and customs of the merchants themselves emerges. Commercial law is an interdisciplinary issue that concerns history, law, and economics. As sources raise doubts about the traditional definition of the merchants law, some historians have questioned whether there was a law ofmerchants at all9.On the other hand, modern commercial law scholars have incorrectly perceived the historical Merchant’s Law as a more distant evolutionary stage from present practice than it truly was10. Keith Highet has cast doubt on the existence of a lex mercatorian or how much it contained. As Highet sees it, Lex mercatoria is actually an enigma created by a paradox, and Lex mercatoria is perhaps best described as at most a principia mercatori11. However, how is trade law understood today? As many have suggested, economic history is an area whichtends toward to anachronistic misunderstandings. Commercial law today is a law regulating commercial business, and merchant business. When considered in this framework, commercial law can actually be seen from the middle ages, and even earlier. Commercial law has developed over a very long time. In commercial law, general principles of the basic law and general freedom of contract shareseveral principles of a similar nature, including:12 9 Leon E. Trakman, TheLaw Merchant: The Evolution of Commercial Law, Fred B. Rothman&Company LittletonColorado1983, pp.12-21. 10 Emily Kadens,"Order within Law, Variety within Custom: The Character of the Medieval Merchant Law," Chicago Journal of International Law: Volume 75, Number 1, Article 6, 2004, p.41. 11 Keith Highet, "The Enigma of the Lex Mercatoria, Tulane Law Review", Number 63 1989, pp. 613. 12 Mario Ascheri, The Laws of Late Medieval Italy (1000–1500): Foundations for a Eu- ropean Legal System, trans. Anabel Thomas and Sara Elin, (August 1, 2013) BRILL2013, p. 177. 446 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 1- Treaties are binding (pacta sunt servanda), 2- Goodwill (bonafide), 3- Adaptation of the contract (clausula rebus sic stantibus) 4- Banned abuse of property 5- Contradictory behavior prohibition 6- Obligatory cause (vis maior) Some lawyers and economists accept that medieval merchants created, without the intervention of a state, a uniform and universal set of commercial customs to facilitate intercity trade. The question concerning the definition of lex mercatoria or ius mercatorum is not easy to solve, although it is notdoubted that these expressions belonged initially to the legal language of two well-known commentators of the fourteenth century: Baldo and Bartolo. These terms have now assumed greater significance because they refer to a certain way of creating a right, it is in fact ius mercatorum not only because it regulates the activity of the merchants, but also and above all because it is a right created by the mercantile class. Its principal characteristics of Medieval Merchant Law were that it was customary, summary, equitable and international 13. As Berman tells us, the "Lex Mercatoria" governed a special class of people (merchants) in special places (fairs, markets, and seaports). It was distinct from local, feudal, royal, and ecclesiastical law. Its special characteristics were that 1) it was transnational; 2) its principle source was mercantile custom; 3) it was administered not by professional judges but by merchants themselves; 4) its procedure was speedy and informal; and 5) it stressed equity, in the medieval sense of fairness, as an overriding principle14. 1.c.Archival Resources Primary sources for this study include archival documents held by Topkapı Palace, the State Archives of Venice and Genoa. Although manuscripts and archival documents document commercial privileges granted by the Golden Horde to the Latin States and treaties between the Golden Horde and Russian princes, andsuch subjects have been translated into several languages, they have not yet been evaluated in terms of commercial law. These sources shed light on the effects of international trade law, commercial enterprises, commercial processes, Layton b. Register, “Notes on the Hıstory of Commerce and Commercial Law. 2. the Middle Ages”, Unıversıty of Pennsylvanıa Law Revıew, 1913, pp. 671. 14 Harold J. Berman; Law and Revolution, The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition, Cambridge (Mass.), London 1983, pp. 340-341. 13 447 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies and both bank and trade courts in the Golden Horde. Trade in the Golden Horde was conducted by merchants from a wide variety of nations. As a result, the state's trade law was influenced by the laws of Ҫingiz Khan, Western trade traditions such as "Lex Mercatoria,"which included categories of "Commenda," "Collegantia,"and "Compagna;" and Islamic commercial law, including terms such as "Mudarebe" and "Ahidname." 2.Factors Affecting Commercial Life and Commercial Law in the Golden Horde 2.a. The Mongol Imperial Legal System Trade and commerce was very important to Ҫingiz Khan and his successors. Since the first years of his reign, Ҫingiz Khan emphasized the importance of trade and development of commercial activities. Ҫingiz Khan engaged in large trade to develop commercial relations between China and Central Asia, establishing caravans and transporting them between the two regions. The Golden Horde Khans continued to grant great importance to trade routes and the postal system, in order to revitalize commercial relations between China, India, Central Asia, and Iran, which remained of great importance following the time of Ҫingiz Khan. Although they gave extreme importance to trade, only one item of trade and merchants has ever been mentioned in the law of Ҫingiz Khan: "Whoever takes goods (on credit) and becomes bankrupt, then again takes goods and again becomes bankrupt, then takes goods again and yet again becomes bankrupt is to be put to death after the third time." Mongol khans were strong advocates of trade, and prohibited unfair trade that might take advantage of ordinary citizens and prove detrimental to their lives. They were even stricter at home, driving from Mongolia those who tried selling junk items while passing them off as luxury. Rich merchants were charged customs duties according to their income. As reported byVernadsky, ancient Mongolian and Turkish traditions were carefully revised and transformed by Ҫingiz Khan and his advisors, and a number of new ideas and equipment were thus created. Yasa is the legal code of the Mongol Empire following Ҫingiz Khan; it included both common laws and new laws, created according to the needs of empire15. For the Mongols, the law was not a means to decide a crime or manage punishment, but a way 15 Rule of law was related to Mongol tradition in the Golden Horde consisted of two parts: "Bilik" (orders) and "Dzhasak." The first part consisted of 30 articles, and the second - 58 articles. The second part contained mainly the rules of the military organization of the Mongolian army and the rules of criminal law, as well as the rules governing the daily life of subjects. For comprehensive research on Mongol customary law See: Istvan Vásáry, "The Preconditions to Becoming a Judge (Yarġuči) in Mongol Iran". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, series 3, Volume 26 / Issue 1-2 / January 2016,157-169; I.Vásáry, "Yāsā and Sharī‘a. Islamic Attitudes toward the Mongol Law in the Turco-Mongolian World (from the Golden Horde to Timur’s Time)". In: Violence in Islamic Thought from the Mongols to European Imperialism. Edinburgh University Press 2018, pp.58-78. 448 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE to address problems, unite populations, and maintain peace. In the text of the Yasa law, the rights and legal rules recognized in trade are not detailed16. However, Ögedei Khan often paid twice as much to trade in order to appreciate the distress that merchants had in reaching his kingdom, and to charm what he saw as other traders of the future. He also placed his troops in order to secure trade, and brought in a standard weight and measure system. Rashid al-Din17 and al-Makrizi18 provide information about the first law, dated 1206. It is not clear whether there was a change following the congresses held in 1210-1218, but according to Ibn Battuta, the descendants of Ҫingiz Khan, together with the highest officers of each kingdom, mandated that no prince of Ҫingissid blood violate the law19. They met once a year. Any prince found guilty of violating it was dismissed20. According to the typical leader of the Kipçaks, Batu, there was a definite provision: "Whoever violates the law must lose his head."21 The articles of Yasa Criminal Law were partly based on Mongol traditional law; but here again the norms of the law of neighboring empires must be taken into account.The articles of the Yasa, which dealt with administrative law, also provided for the establishment of postal and horse stations; fees and taxes; and duty. When Ҫingiz Khan established the laws of the Yasa, he ordered its main provisions to be cut out on steel boards, to make it a code for the entire Mongol nation. Every Mongol had to learn them by heart. The existence of the Great Law was not an obstacle to additional legislation by the heirs of Ҫingiz Khan. However, such laws should not conflict with the principles of the Law and must be of vitalimportance.For example, the Khans of the Golden Horde issued many regulations and financial regulations, exempting regulation of their khans’ management. The More detailed research on Yasa see George Vernadsky, "The Scope and Contents of Chingis Khan’s Yasa", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 3, 1938, 337–60. David Morgan, ‘The “Great Yasa of Chingiz Khan” and Mongol Law in the Ilkhanate’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies Number: 49, 1986, pp. 163– 76; David Ayalon, ‘The Great Yasa of Chingiz Khan: A Re-examination’, Studia Islamica, Number. 33,1971, pp. 97–140; V. A. Riasanovsky, Fundamental Principles of Mongol Law, Bloomington and The Hague, 1965; Igor de Rachewiltz, ‘Some Reflections on Činggis Qan’s ǰasaγ’, East Asian History 6 (December 1993), 91–103. R.Yu Pochekaev "Chinggis Khan’s Great Yasa in the Mongol Empire and Chinggisid States of the 13th–14th Centuries: Legal Code or Ideal “Law and Order” Golden Horde Revıew. 2016. Vol. 4, no. pp. 724-733. 17 Câmi'ut-Tevârîh, Reşîdüddîn Fazlullah-ı Hemedânî, Câmi'ut-Tevârîh, Süleymaniye Manuscript Library, Hekimoğlu Collection No: 000703. 18 Makrizî, Ebü’l-Abbâs Ahmed b. Ali Abdulkâdir el-Ubeydî, Kitâbü’l-Mevâiz ve’l-İ’tibâr biZikri’l-Hıtat ve’lÂsâr, I-II, Beyrût 1270/1853, p. 220. 19 Ibn Battuta Seyahatnâmesi (Tuhfetün-Nuzzar fî Garâibi’l- Emsar ve Acâib’l-Esfar), çeviri, inceleme ve notlar: A.Sait Aykut, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, İstanbul 2004, p. 282. 20 Pian del Carpine wrote:"suas leges et statuta multiplicia fecit, quæ Tartari inviolabiliter"Relation des Mongols ou Tartares, p.267. 21 Ötemiş Hacı, Çengiznâme, Prepared for publication byİlyas Kamalov, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 2009, p. 31. 16 449 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Yarlıq22decrees issued by the khans in the Golden Horde of the Russian Church need only make a direct reference to the Grand Law as a basis for saving the clergy from taxation. The Mongols distributed a combined passport (payza) and credit to promote trade. A merchant with the quota in his hand was allowed to travel safely throughout the empire, assured protection, accommodation and transportation, and was exempt from local taxes and duties. The khans also provided capital to finance caravans. Official authorities of the Golden Horde state only evaluated disputes in which interests of the state were affected. Disputes related to trade and commerce were solved via a traditional competition process. Crimes against the state, violations of the Great Law, insulting the government, and so on. Cases were handled in many different ways. Some medieval chronicles, such as Rashid al-Din, reported that the judges appointed to assess such cases carried out investigations themselves, obtained evidence of guilt (including by torture), took measures to bring the accused to court, and ensured application of punishments23. 2.b.Old Turkish Cultures Aspect of shaping the legal system in the Golden Horde State Uighurs have an important role in shaping the legal system in the Golden Horde State.The Uighurs have the distinction of being the Eastern-most state among the Turkish states established before the adoption of Islam. This situation is accepted as an indicator that the Uighurs possessed an advanced financial order and accounting knowledge. In the TurkishMongolian states, the formation of a joint merchant called "Ortaq" within the framework of commercial law draws attention within an institutional structure24. The resulting common organization of trade in the Golden Horde state is seen as being efficient. In the Golden Horde, the Yarlıq of Tokhtamish Khan was used as a "bezirgan ortak," as ıt referred to merchants and shareholders25. 22 The term "Yarlıq" was applied to diplomatic documents and documents pertainingto internal administration in the Golden Horde and in the Crimean, Kazan, and Astrakhan khanates that arose afterthe horde’s collapse. The yarlyk (Mongolian jarligh ; Tartar yarligh ) was one of three types of non-fundamental law.During the period of the Mongol-Tatar reign, yarlyks were issued to the princes of northeastern Rus’granting them grand or appanage principalities. https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/yarlyk 23 Câmi'ut-Tevârîh, Reşîdüddîn Fazlullah-ı Hemedânî, Câmi'ut-Tevârîh, Süleymaniye Manuscript Library, Hekimoğlu Collection No: 000703. 24 Pochekaev, Pravo Zolotoy Ordı, p.164. 25 A. P. Grigoryeva, Zolotoordynskiye Yarlyki: Poisk i Interpretatsiya // Tyurkologicheskiy Sbornik, 2005. M. Vostochnaya literatura, 2006. 450 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE When examining legal documents that come down from the Uighurs to the present day and contain various clues about their private commercial law, the similarities between such documents have attracted attention26. In the legal proceedings it is understood that some minor separations arising from the nature of the subject matter of the agreement are always acted upon according to certain examples and formulas. The documents always started with the date when the legal proceedings were made. Then, in the case of bi-legal proceedings, the name of the person who gave the order was written down, and it was mostly followed by the reason for the transaction. After that, the name of the acceptor was written, followed by the words and the names of the witnesses. It is known that those interested in trade kept a special current accounts book, in which commercial debts and receivables are followed up on, and the expenses and taxes on the goods are recorded. The contractual documents of the Uighurs regarding private debt relations were classified as follows: lending agreements, lease agreements, sales agreements, slavery agreements, all indicating a highly advanced commercial life. We are able to reach a wide range of information on traders in general, and traders whom they defined as "Satıgçı" in these various commercially qualified acts that have reached us from the Uighurs archival documents. Another civilization which influencedthe Mongol states in terms of trade tradition were the Muslim Turks and Khazars. It is known that the Khazars had a deep-rooted trade culture. The "başkadılık" of the Golden Horde state was already present among the Khazars. The Khazars economic culture influenced not only Golden Horde commercial structures, but also the Old Russian-Slavic economic life.Their judges were related to religious law, and such judges ruled over both the law of custom and traditional law. The "Yargucu" and his assistants, who adjudicated according to custom, as it dated back to the propagation of Islam, had a Muslim judge participating beside these officials27. In the Black Sea area, the Cuman group is another example following the economic tradition of the Golden Horde. The Cumans are one of the four important elements in the Black Sea trade28. Commercial terms and trade names appear to be remarkable in the well-known dictionary Codex Cumanicus, the most important historical legacy from the Cumans. In the X.Reşit Rahmeti Arat, “Eski Türk Hukuk Vesikaları”, Türk Kültürü Araştırmaları-I/1, 1964, pp. 5-53; Ahmet Caferoğlu, “Uygurlarda Hukuk ve Maliye Istılahları, Türkiyât Mecmuası,Volume. IV, İstanbul 1934, p.9. 27 I. Vásáry,"The Preconditions to Becoming a Judge (Yarġuči) in Mongol Iran"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, series 3, Volume 26 / Issue 1-2 / January 2016, pp.157-169. 28 Virgil Ciocîltan, The Mongols and the Black Sea Trade in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, BRILL 2012, p. 144. 26 451 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies XV centuries, the types of woven items which qualify as a commodity, have fabric names which theCodex Cumanicus detailed29. 2.c. The Effect of Trade with Western Countries and Especially with Italian States The Golden Horde Khanate had economic relations with the Eastern European states of Anatolia and the Balkans, Byzantines, Papal States, Italian Republics, the Russian principality, as well as strong relations with the other Turkish states. Caffa on the Crimean shore was granted to the Genoese by the Golden Horde Khan between 1270 and 1275. They also granted Vicina and later Kilia and Licostomo, at the mouth of the Danube, and Tana, a major trade centre for the Genoese from 1289/90 onward, and for the Venetians officially from 1332. Latin merchants had a significant impact on the commercial practices of the Golden Horde state, because the Latin merchants demanded that principles of merchant law from their countries also apply in the Golden Horde Khanates30. Commercial Law developed especially in Medieval Europe, and traders developed their own rules of traditions under the new commercial law known as Lex Mercatoria, and traders were tried in this court according to this law. Phrases in the Golden Horde trade agreements related to commercial law included: privilegio mercaturae // trading privileges pactum mercatorum= commercial agreement exportationis mercator = merchant exports mercator vagus = wanderingmerchant domus mercatoria = merchant house liber mercaturae usus = free use of commodity mancipiorum mercatura = slave trade mercatura tenuis = retail sale iura mercatorum: commercial rights The most important document from Cumanic culture is the law book named Töre Bitigi. But there is not much information on commercial law in this common law book. 30 The Genoese laws name called to "Regular Communis Ianuae and Statutory Civilium" were applicable in the colonies. Ievgen Alexandrovitch Khvalkov, The Colonies of Genoa in the Black Sea Region: Evolution and Transformation, Volume 1, 2015, p.53. For the Genoese law practices detailed research can see: Oleg Barabanov, Sudi Pravo v Genuezskikh Faktoriyakh Prichernomor'ya (XIII-XV vv.): Grazhdanskiy Sudebnyy Protsess, PhD thesis, Moscow, MGU, 1997, 12-14. See also R.YU. Pochekayev, "Yarlykı Khanov Zolotoy Ordy kak Istochnık Prava ı kak Istochnık po Istorıı Prava", Original'naya Versiya: Kodeks Info, Yanvar'-fevral' 2004, pp. 134-145. 29 452 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE There are severalexpressions of customary and commercial practice in Yarlıks, such as "secundum priorem consuetudinem debent dare," meaning“According to the previous practice of giving.” The basic principle of commercial law is its reliance on traditions and customs and its international character. Most of the commercial law applied by European traders was based on Roman law31. The Latin States, which traded in the territory of the Golden Horde state, made trade agreements with them, including Venice and the Genoese. In these documents, known as "yarlık/ privilages", the basic principles of trade law can be determined. Freedom in trade, maritime trade law, insurance in case of accident, commercial jurisdiction, Latin traders in the territory of the Golden Horde state also established a business office called "Officium Mercantile," with companies called Latin "commenda" and "collogenza" forming company law. Venice was the first commercial city in Europe during the Medieval era. Apart from the traditional privileges for duty free trade granted to Italian merchants by the emperors of the Byzantine Empire, in the 13th-15th centuries the Venetians concluded treaties with the rulers of the states of the Black Sea region32. Genoese traders, who had the most detailed legislation of commercial law in the Middle Ages, had many diplomatic and legal texts such as "Libri Iurium," a collection of documents related to the rights and powers of the Genoese33. Genoese merchants were especially well organized in the Black Sea. According to the Latin chronicle for the years 1300-1310, in 1307 the Golden Horde Tokta Khan deported all Genoese merchants from Solhat. Immediately after an attack on Caffa, the "Officium Gazarie" was established in 1308, which regulated the relationship between the Black Sea Genoa settlement, as well as with a private office in the metropolitan center and the neighboring town. Gazariae (Genoa) was a governing body that regulated trade, including trade arrangements34.The Genoese colony in Caffa was the center of many Genoese colonies in the For Venetian maritime law see : Frederic Chapin Lane “Venetian Maritime Law and Administration 12501350.” Venice and History. Baltimore 1966, pp. 227-252. 32 Byzantine government provided the legal basis for commerce activities. The privileges granted to Italian merchants, starting with the chrysobull of Alexios I for the Venetians in 1082. Angeliki E. Laiou, Dieter Simon, Law and Society in Byzantium, Ninth-Twelfth Centuries, Dumbarton Oaks 1994, p.112-113. Latin's compared this Golden Horde commercial law with Byzantium commercial legislations. De legibus ac statutis Tartarorum: “non fit mercator habens bullam Tartaricam” Antoninus Florentinus, Divi Antonini Archiepiscopi Florentini Chronicorum Opus, 3. 1586, pp. 142-143. 33 Dino Puncuh, I libri Iurium della Repubblica di Genova ,Vol I/2Copertina Rigida 1996. 34 George Bratianu, Recherches sur le Commerce Genois dans la Mer Noire au xiiie, Paris, P. Geuthner 1929, pp.219-220-228-243-246-284. Barabanov, Sud i Pravo v Genuezskikh Faktoriyakh Prichernomor'ya (XIII-XV vv.): Grazhdanskiy Sudebnyy Protsess, PhD thesis, Moscow, MGU, 1997, 12. Michel Balard, Gênes et l’Outremer. Volume I. Les actes de Caffa du notaire Lamberto di Sambuceto 1289-1290. Mouton, Paris 1973; Sergey G. 31 453 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies north of the Black Sea35. The headquarters was controlled by the office of the "Officium Gazzaria" in Genoa and was governed by a number of regulations 36. The Consul, or Podesta, at the head of the colony had wide powers, for example, printing money. The powers of the Consul General were expanded after 1434. It was stated that the Turks living in Crimea would not be subject to the Crimean Khan. Considering the general situation of trade in the Middle Ages in Venice, the provision of alternative performance methods for the occurrence of unexpected events and the introduction of penal or reconciliation clauses in order to minimize the use of judicial forms for the resolution of any dispute were expected. Interest rates and default penalties are generally very cumbersome, and the rest coincide with the risk of providing high financing. In the commercial transactions of the merchants of the Golden Horde with the Latin traders, the phrase "secundum legem mercatoriam" means according to the merchant's law. In the Middle Ages, it had no automatic legal protection for foreigners' people and properties, and could be biased against the courts. The Latins demanded a fair trial, especially from the Golden Horde Khans. 2. d. Fundamental Principles of Islamic Commercial Law and the Impact of the Golden Horde State The Golden Horde state adopted Islam and the state's legal system was influenced by Islamic law. As we know, there is no private commercial law in Islam.37 However, in the Middle Ages, commercial law was significantly improved in the Islamic world, and with the influence of Islamic cultures, a significant assurance was provided to traders in terms of security of life and property. Muslim merchants created new financial institutions, commercial practices and instruments for themselves that had not been available in earlier times38. According to the basic Bocharov, "Ancient Economic and Social Concepts in the Genoese Gasaria Region" European Research Studies Journal Volume XX, Special Issue, 2017, p. 204. Mario Ascheri, The Laws of Late Medieval Italy (1000–1500), p. 177. 35 Ciocîltan, The Mongols and the Black Sea Trade..., p. 198. 36 But according to Khvalkov, Genoa never have any feudal law system, since its legal practice and institutes were always essentially belonging to the Roman legal system. I. A. Khvalkov, The Colonies of Genoa..., p. 338. 37 But Nicholas HD Foster says to us, in his article "Islamic Commercial Law: An Overview (I)", compare with Christian and Islamıc law conception and say to us ‘Islamic law’ covers all aspects of human behaviour. It is much wider than the Western understanding of ‘law’, and governs ‘the Muslim’s way of life in literally every detail and, of course, it also regulates commercial transactions. Nicholas HD Foster,"Islamic Commercial Law: An Overview (I)", p. 1-3. 38 Bradley A. Skeen, "Trade and Exchange in the Medieval Islamic World." In Crabtree, Pam J. Encyclopedia of Society and Culture in the Medieval World. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2008. Ancient and Medieval History Online, Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp? (accessed 09/05/ 2018). 454 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE principles of religion, Islamic traders applied the rules and prohibitions in trade within the framework of customs. In the XIIIth century, the legal system of Muslims had formed trade relations, as well as open sea and coastal voyages, ship rental contracts, seasonal labor, and profit and loss participation partnerships. Commercial law, like family law, was the primary responsibilities of qadi's and muftis in the Islamic world. Commercial law in the Middle Ages developed considerably in the Islamic world, especially within the influence of Islamic cultures, the merchants were provided with considerable security in terms of life and property39. For example, if a trader is killed in the land of Gur, and it is clearly known where he died, his merchandise was delivered to a merchant from among his fellow countrymen. If no one knows who has died, or if no one can deliver them, then the goods would be handed over to his woman, and according to Shari'ah protocols, a man with the authority to buy the goods will be sealed for it. The "muhtesib" title mentioned in the yarlık of Hacı Giray Khan is an example of the influence of Islam in economic life40. Sharia law also provided protective and encouraging rights for traders on the borders of the Golden Horde state. Islamic courts for the first time favored lawsuits as a realistic means for merchants to find redress41. Commercial law, such as Islamic law, was the main responsibility of the Qadi and the mufti in the Islamic world. In the Golden Horde state, "Yasa Emirî", the basic member of the General Council “Kurultay”, was the head of the judicial organization. The "Baş Yargucu" and his deputies, who adjudicated the judicial affairs according to the statutes, followed the chief qadi and his assistants, who adjudicated according to Islamic law. Sharia registers in the Islamic States were kept by the judges responsible for civil administration and all legal affairs in the region where they were located and kept for re-use when necessary. These included both the complaints and wishes of the people and their estates, as well as orders such as the decree sent to the qadi from the center, as well as the announcements and judicial entitlements that were conveyed by the qadi to the center42. Although the Şeriyye Registry from the Golden Horde State does not extend to the present day, the studies of the Crimean Khanate Şeriyya Registry provides an idea about the legal system and commercial law in the Golden A. L. Udovitch, 'The “Law Merchant” of the Medieval Islamic World, in Logic in Classical Islamic Culture, Ed. G. E. von Grunebaum, Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz 1970, pp.113‒30. 40 Pochekaev, Pravo Zolotoy Ordı, p. 165. Emel Kılıç, Altın Orda Devletinin İktisadi Tarihi (XIII-XV. Yüzyıllar),Economic History of the Golden Horde State (XIII-XV. Centuries) Thesis (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation), Ankara University Institute of Social Sciences, Department of Medieval History, Ankara, 2017. 41 Skeen, "Trade and Exchange in the Medieval Islamic World." http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp? (accessed 09/05/ 2018). 42 I.Vásáry,"Yasa and Shari‘..."., pp. 58-78. 39 455 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Horde State43.As stated by H. Hacak, in the Golden Horde The ʿurfī law included areas of public law, such as taxation and administrative law, which were not covered by classical Islamic law. Criminal law was left to the ʿurfī law as well, although Islamic law has some regulations in that domain. In the Golden Horde, private law and public law were separated from one another to a greater extent after accepted Islam44. The Golden Horde had very wide maritime trade relations, extending to Western and Central Europe, the Black Sea region, and the Mediterranean. From the thirteenth century to the fifteenth, the Golden Horde (along with its Balkan and Caucasian neighbors) was the dominant source of slaves for markets throughout the Mediterranean. Most caravans followed round Transoxiana, going directly to the Volga to the north from the Caspian Sea, and moved to the Black Sea from there. The entire Black Sea basin participated in the long-distance trade network. It is known that fisheries played an important role in the Golden Horde military economy. In the Volga, in the Kama, fishermen were employed down the coast of Amuderia, the Caspian Sea, and the Black Sea. Maritime trade of the Golden Horde, through the Black Sea, was controlled by the Genoese and Venice. To further promote trade, the Mongols distributed a combined passport and credit card. Called a "Piaza," it consisted of a gold, silver, or wooden tablet larger than a man's hand 45. It allowed one to travel throughout the empire and be assured of protection, accommodations, and transportation, as well as be exempt from local taxes and duties. They also provided capital to finance caravans. Ogodei Khan also placed his soldiers on the trade routes to make it safe for merchants and he introduced a system of a standardized weights and measures. In addition, the Mongols planted shade trees along the trade routes. The Mongols lowered taxes for everyone and abolished them completely for doctors, teachers, priests, and educational institutions. The high taxes on commercial exchanges were reduced to three percent. They neither restricted the amount of profits nor imposed a luxury tax. They also promoted the formation of "Ortoghs" (merchant associations), which could obtain low cost loans to finance risky long-distance caravans. Nuri Kavak,“Kırım Hanlığı Şer’iyye Sicilleri ve Muhtevası Üzerine”, Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, S. 7, Isparta, 2008, pp.13-27. Hasan Hacak, “The Basis and Effects of the Division Between Private and Public in Classical Islamic Law”, Marmara Üniversitesi İlâhiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, Volume 45, Eylül 2013, pp. 60-61. 44 Hasan Hacak, “The Basis and Effects...”, pp. 60-61. 45 Richard Bulliet, Pamela Crossley, Daniel Headrick, Steven Hirsch, Lyman Johnson, The Earth and Its Peoples: A Global History, V. 1., 2018, p. 294. George Lane Genghis Khan and Mongol Rule, Greenwood Guides to Historic Events of the Medieval World, 2004, p.34. 43 456 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Sharia law gave protection to merchants in the Golden Horde state46. Among the Islamic countries, the establishment with the closest contacts with the Golden Horde state was that of the Mamluk merchants. According to the information reported by Ibn Tagribardi in al-Nujum al-zahira fi Muluk Mısr wa'l-Qahira, the Mamluks in Egypt had read the whole of the law. In addition, this is corroborated by al-Maqrīzī'sstatement that "Siyāsa", the legal code of the Mamlūks, was founded upon the Great Yāsa of Chingiz-Khān.47. 3- Factors of Commercial Law in Golden Horde Perspective 3.a.Maritime Trade law The maritime trade was one of the most important parts of medieval trade. Throughout history Maritime law had looked upon as a special field distinct from that of the civil law. Such trade between long distances contributed to the development of commercial capitalism, with huge profits. Therefore, the rules developed by merchants who traded by sea constitute an important place in lex mercatoria48. Italian states, which had advanced in maritime trade, had a great role in the lex mercatoria, especially in the related part of maritime trade. In 1205 Venice, then again in 1255, instituted the Capitulare Navium (ship rules)49, which was re-extracted more extensively as “Statuta et Ordinamento Super Navibus” (Ship Law and Regulations)50. According to medieval maritime trade rules, the property of the property owners is not confiscated and assumed to be their own if the ship is sinking. Because of the violation of this rule, the issue is repeated frequently in the jurisdictions and the yarlık/ bitig text, where it presents examples of the legal practices of the Golden Horde state in maritime trade. I. Vásáry, "Yasa and Shari‘a...", pp. 58-78. According to Abraham Nahum Poliak, "Siyāsa", the legal code of the Mamluks, was founded upon the Great Yāsa of Chingiz-Khan. The Great Yāsa was not merely a code of criminal and civil law but a system of rules governing the entire political, social, military, and economic life of the community which adopted it. Mamlūk commercial law was based upon the Yāsa. A.N. Poliak, “The Influence of Chingiz-Khan's Yasa Upon the General Organization of the Mamlūk State”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Volume 10, Issue 4 February 1942, pp. 862-876. Abraham Nahum Poliak, "Le Caractère colonial de l'état Mamelouk dans ses Rapports avec la Horde d'Or - Revue des Études İslamiques 9, 1935, pp. 231–248. 48 Simonetta Campanale, La Lex Mercatoria Maritima (il diritto Marittimo Vivente), Diritto Economia PoliticaNumber. 110 (2010), p.37. 49 James G. Apple, A Primer on the Civil-Law System, Chief, Interjudicial Affairs Office. Federal Judicial Center and. Robert P. Deyling. Federal Judicial Center, Judicial Conference of the United States. International Judicial Relations Committee, Federal Judicial Center, 1995, p. 10. 50 European Maritime trade law began to developed in early XIII.th century. For general knowledge historical development of the Venetian maritime law see Berman; Law and Revolution, pp. 340-341; Mario Ascheri, The Laws of Late Medieval Italy (1000–1500), pp. 173 and 178. 46 47 457 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Merchants trading by sea from different countries came into mutual contact without having the advantage of an accepted and unified jurisdiction and common maritime law51.The main principles of Medieval maritime trade began with the Greek Rodos maritime "ius gentium" Law of the Sea and Maritime Law (Rhodes, Greece), which was the body of the law governing trade between foreigners and Roman citizens52. This helped to regulate relations between the Roman Empire and foreigners; "Ius gentium", which means Latin law of nations, is a branch of international law composed of rules which must be respected in state relations: not to attack other countries except whena war is declared and in similar situations, to help wrecked ships and people in these ships, to prevent piracy and to combat piracy, to ban the trafficking of people who are forcibly abducted-- the basic principles. However, many of these principles were violated in the Middle Ages. it is thought that this law was introduced at a very early date, at least in cases between merchants, and was the source of "Lex Mercatoria". The Golden Horde had very wide sea trade relations: Western and Central Europe, the Black Sea region, and the Mediterranean. From the thirteenth century to the fifteenth, the Golden Horde (along with its Balkan and Caucasian neighbors) was the dominant source of slaves for markets throughout the Mediterranean53. During the Golden Horde period in the Black Sea, maritime trade had almost totally passed over to the rulers of the Latin trade empires. Most caravans followed each other around Transoxiana, going directly to the Volga to the north from the Caspian Sea, and moved on to the Black Sea from there. The Black Sea basin had the long-distance trade network. But The Black Sea during the Golden Horde period was almost entirely turned over to the rulers of the Latin Empire. As a striking aspect of this powerful maritime trade, there were 40 colonies of Italian maritime republics along the North and East Black Sea. Most of the colonies belonged to Genoa, but some were Venetian. However, the Golden Horde dealt with the law of maritime trade in accordance with the complaints and regulations of goods related to the sea. Ships held in during storms or at sea would not be plundered, people and goods inside such ships would be protected and all would be returned to their owners. The principle of seizure of the goods captured in the accident was included in trade agreements with the Seljuk state and Venice. However, this protection right granted to Layton b. Register, “Notes on the Hıstory of Commerce and Commercial Law. 2. the Middle Ages”, Unıversıty of Pennsylvanıa Law Revıew, 1913, pp. 669. 52 One of the earliest researches about "ius gentium" and Law Merchant relationship Jus Gentium and Law Merchant: Address Before the Pennsylvania Bar Association, June 30, 1902, p. 383. William Wirt Howe says: "The Rhodian law represented a truly cosmopolitan system of mercantile customs formed by the meeting in Rhodes of many currents of trade and commercial adventure, flowing from all parts of the known world p. 377. 53 For the Black Sea colonies see: I. A.Khvalkov, The Colonies of Genoa in the Black Sea region: evolution and transformation, Volume 1, 2015. 51 458 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Venetian merchants of the Golden Horde state was not a one-sided privilege, rather it was a reciprocity principle. Maritime trade law is a trade law regulating maritime trade relations. The first set of rules concerning the regulation of maritime law was formed by customary law. Later on, traditions and customs of maritime, originally verbal teachings, were written down. In the middle ages, maritime law developed especially in the Mediterranean around the northwest European coast. In this period, the rules of maritime law originating from traditions and customs began to be compiled in written form. 3.b. Insurance Law Trader losses are listed in detail, and the payment was met by the state treasury. For example, damages of traders whose ships were sunk by pirates were compensated by the state. The merchants of the Golden Horde state were compensated by the state for the losses of traders whose vessels were plundered by pirates. This state insurance applied by the Golden Horde state was extremely important for promoting trade.Pegolotti provides the following information about insurance provided for commercial goods in La Pratica della Mercatura: "The road from Tana to China is very safe according to the traders, day and night. These assets are delivered to them if you have a brother or a close friend."54 In the case of the Golden Horde state,in terms of the insurance system under trade law, Canibek told the Venetian merchants in Azak in a 1347 document: "If any Venetian ship crashes in the sea, the people of Venice, the city's daruga, and others do not have the right to steal things, harm them or even touch them"55 As can be clearly seen in the yarlıks and Bitiks, finding solutions for the victims either of the region itself orthat where the victims came from to the Golden Horde court shows the development of the state in the field of maritime law. It was common practice to express regret at unjust plundering, killing, or kidnapping activities. For example, in Genoese law, this was a right. A Genoese citizen whose ship, caravan or personal belongings were looted unjustly had the right to retaliate against the Genoese administration. Genoese would not make a cash compensation to their compatriots if he allowed F. В. Pegolotti, La Pratica Della Mercatura, Ed. A. Evans, Cambridge: MA: Medieval Academy of America; Massachusetts, 1936, pp. 21-23. According to the Islamic maritime law, there were definite provisions regarding the damaged ship and vessel the goods on the ship not to be looted. Hassan Salih Khalilieh, Islamic Maritime Law: An Introduction, Leiden Brill 1998, p.33-60 and 61. 55 For term "daruga" Istvan Vásáry,“The Golden Horde Term “Daruġa” and its Survival in Russia," Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Tomus XXX (2) 1976, p. 187. 54 459 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies it. However, if he did not approve, the state would pay for the damages suffered by the citizen itself. As we have seen in various geographies, one of the most solid principles of the state's commercial policy was to compensate the trader as much as possible and to ensure a smooth trading activity. For example, when pirates and bandits attackedmerchants, the treasury immediately paid the owners. One of the most important principles of contemporary material law, was that of the personal responsibility of crime and punishment. In accordance with this rule, a person could only be held accountable for actions he or she has committed, and can not be held responsible unless he participates in that which someone else does. The principle of criminal responsibility provides personal assurance due to the perpetrator being held responsible for his actions."Cosi a mio padre lo imperador Zanibech a plaxuda la peticion che lo pare per lo fio, ni lo fio per lo pare, ni lo frar menor debia auer pena per lo mazor, ni lo mazor per lo menor.”56“Also, Emperor Canibek, who is like our father, petitioned that neither his son nor his father nor his younger brother should be punished in place of each other. Likewise, in 1358, Berdibek Khan to Kutluk Timur Yarlık stressed: The problems between the Azak local people and the Venetians should be solved jointly by the lord of the land who respected Golden Horde and the Venetian consul. Venetians should organize security services in their neighborhoods with their own forces. The Genoese should not interfere with this57. 3.c.Commercial Partnership- Trading Companies In Medieval Europe, there were trade associations, which were called in Genoa "commenda", in Venice "colleganza", and in Florence "societas". Collegenza and commenda were limited liability partnerships58. These companies were known elsewhere in Europe, and become precursors of the great joint stock companies of a later period. Family businesses were especially common among Venetians in Tana. The most striking examples of family companies were the Venetian merchant companies in the Tana colony. The system called "Commenda" is a form of capital investment in which the profit obtained is distributed in the same way that the partners are conscientious. Commenda: a kind of company Louis de Mas-Latrie, "Privileges commerciaux accordes а la Republique de Venise par les Princes de Crimee et les empereurs Mongols du Kiptchak", Bibliotheque de l'Ecole dee Chartes. 6 e serie. Number: 29, Paris 1868, p. 594. 57 ASV Liber Pacta V, p.160r. 58 Mario Ascheri, The Laws of Late Medieval Italy (1000–1500), p. 173. 56 460 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE between a person who raised capital in Italy and a maritime trader in the Middle Ages in Europe, and an entrepreneur who works to earn that capital. George Bratianu found that the Mongols and the Italians contributed to the expansion of the commenda system and banking, the first commercial phase of European capitalism, was one of the joint factors in the Black Sea basin59. Some family companies Venetians in Tana were among the major business names of the Middle Ages. In the 1300s there were 15 members of the "Bardi" Company, 10 of which belonged to the same family, and in 1331 they controlled 37 of 58 shares of the company. In Venice as well, family partnership was a common practice. Pietro Morosini gave Niccolò Spinola a debt collection, and Jacopo Contarini gave power to Giovanni Vassallo to buy wine. In the Islamic economic system, the labor-capital partnership is called "mudarebe," which is created by the capital of one of the partners and by the labor of the other. In the Islamic world, the mudarebe partnership provided all kinds of credits, long or short term. In fact, it was started to be applied in the pre-Islamic period60. Since it did not contradict with the Islamic religion, it was further developed and continued. According to the economic historian Cengiz Kallek, Western countries have learned a lot from the Islamic world, suchas the beginning of the law of negotiable instruments, which spread over the Middle East and the Iberian peninsula during the Crusades. In the West, vehicles and institutions such as "magazine check/chèque, traffic, tariff, risk, tare, calibre, magazine, wechsel, wissel, douane" were generally transferred to Europe during the Crusades61. 3.d.Court of Commercial/ Privileged Merchant Court The need for speed and security that is necessary for commercial life necessitates that expert disputes be resolved by special procedures in this area. In the Middle Ages, professional courts were formed, which consisted of fair courts and loncas. These courts constituted a separate system outside the legal system. One of the most fundamental research questions in the field of medieval commercial law is whether or not there were commercial courts. The famous fair court of St. Ives served as active from 1270 to 1324 in England. The Court of St. Ives was of the sort widely referred to as “merchant courts,” courts primarily devoted to the needs of merchants and to resolving disputes that arose among them. Morever, some historians have argued that such courts did not Bratianu, Recherches sur le Commerce Genois…, p.44-45. Abraham L. Udovitch, Partnership and Profit in Medieval Islam, Princeton University Press 1970, pp.170-261. 61 Cengiz Kallek, "Ticaret", Diyanet Islam Ansiklopedisi, 2012, Volume 41, p.137. 59 60 461 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies merely service merchants, but were also created and operated by them.62By the 14th century many European governments had codified customary commercial laws developed under the Lex Mercatoria, and absorbed them into the realm of laws they enforced. This made state courts a potential venue of international commercial dispute resolution. However, merchants essantially continued to rely upon their own courts. Merchants enforced customs in privately created merchant courts. These were merchant courts in every sense: their jurisdiction was that of commercial transactions, and their judges were drawn from the ranks of the merchant class itself on the basis of experience and seniority. In general, the penal legislation of the Yasa Law, apparently, was tougher than the traditional and tribal rights of the Mongols. According to Yakusheva Y. Y.63, in the Golden Horde, the approach to justice was somewhat different. The level of the court depended on the category of cases, and not on the class of the contestants. As a rule, a court case was brought to the court of the state body, in which the interests of the state were touched upon. To resolve domestic disputes, no interference was required between the authorities. The Khan could independently consider the conflicts of vassal princes. In Caffa there was an officer named "Tudun" who was looking at the works of Muslim merchants on behalf of the Khan. It is not clear how and how long time title"Tudun/ Titanus (in Latin texts)" really executed judiciary functions. But the common view of the researchers is that Tudun a representative of a foreign power and community having limited authority64.The Tuduns, who were looking at the work of Muslim merchants, were collecting the tax and delivering it to the Khanate treasure. Canibek Han's siege was in 1342. In agreement with the Caffa Genose, the Genoese accepted the condition of allowing a Tatar official court to sit in Kefe. This governor will deal with the security and trade of Tatars settled in Caffa. 62 According to Kadens, the extant court rolls of English fairs from the late Middle Ages occasionally mention the Merchants’ Law, but these references arelargely either procedural or evidentiary. In only a few instances did a court inquire of merchant jurors or experts about a substantive commercial practice, one of the most significant being the right of an agent to sue in the place of the principal. Kadens,"Order within Law..." pp. 42-43. 63 Y. Y. Yakusheva “Sud i Pravosudiye v Zolotoy Orde”, YA.YA. Yakusheva, Ye.B. Kalashnikova, Nauka, Obrazovaniye, Obshchestvo: Tendentsii i Perspektivy Razvitiya : Materialy VI Mezhdunarodnaya Nauchnoprakticheskaya Konferentsiya (Cheboksary, 18 iyunya 2017 g.). Volume 2 t. Number. 1, pp. 57-61 ; According to Pochekaev, it's true that the influence of the traditions of the regions to which the Juchids power extended, the acceptance of Islam, nomadic traditions, etc. But, analyzing the judicial system of any state at a certain stage of its development, we would find, in addition to the general features, essential features. The court of the Golden Horde is thus no exception, a legal anomaly. Pochekaev, “Sud i Pravosudiye v Zolotoy Orde“, Pechatnaya Versiya Pravovedeniye, 2004. Nomer 2. pp. 232. 64 Robert-Henri Bautier, “Les Relations Économiques des Occidentaux avec les Pays d’Orient, au Moyen Âge, points de vue et documents,” in Sociétés et compagnies de commerce en Orient et dans l’Océan Indien. Actes du huitième colloque internationale d’histoire Maritime, Paris, 1970, p. 273. Khvalkov, The Colonies of Genoa in the Black Sea Region: Evolution and Transformation, Volume 1, p.103. Cicolitan,The Mongols and the Black Sea Trade..., p. 185. 462 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE According to Lex Mercatoria, international merchants formed their own courts and applied their own law to these cases. In the 11th and 12th centuries governments would not adjudicate commercial agreements forged in foreign nations. Appealing to state courts was not an option. Common-law courts of the time did not even permit books of account as evidence in commercial disputes65. Consul is the name given to the one in the foreign commercial city or settlement who has administrative and commercial duties recognized by the country’s authorities, who protects the commercial interests of the state and the rights of its citizens and merchants. The main task of the Consul is to resolve some controversial issues in land and sea trade. In the centers of trade, they were in the position of agents of the merchants, protecting their concessions given by their law and local governments. The consuls, whom the Genoese sent to Kefe each year, were administering it with a fourteen-member council. Consulates, administrations and neglected citizens of the Genose and Venice shall, in the event of any dispute, refuse to complain to the local authorities and shall accept and certify the disputes between themselves and the execution of the will of the deceased, and shall acquire personal food and supplies. As a matter of course, it would be a complete liberation. Ships of the consulate could not be seized and confiscated at all. Their official status was not restricted, their rights and powers could not be restrained, and they could not be held in custody. Provisions and statutes were promulgated by the "Officium Gazarie", a special judiciary body, which at the time of its institution expounded the particular and circumscribed function of protection of sailors and direct traders to the conquest of the emporium of Caffa. It then extended to everything related to navigation, even in the high seas, to shipbuilding, to maritime law, as the public and private interests prompted by the prosperity of the maritime trade emerged. The local traders applied to the authorities of the region with a petition in the cases of piracy andplundering. It was understood that there were no special merchant courts for commercial cases in the Golden Horde. Consuls had the right to examine the cases of Latin merchants trading in colonies. If there was a problem between any Venetian and native people, the complaint was to be resolved by the Venice Consul and the Crimean ruler of the Golden Horde state66. 65 Peter T. Leeson, One More Time with Feeling: The Law Merchant, Arbitration, and International Trade. Indian Journal of Economics and Business, Forthcoming. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=887170 66 Decisions of consuls sometimes were subject to review by local ordinary courts. In Medieval Europe Consuls had resolve disputes between merchant from their home city. Where the merchants home city had no local consul, merchant has to turned to consul other cities. Barry Hawk, Law and Commerce in Pre-Industrial Societies, p. 160. A. P. Grigoryev-V. P. Grigoryev,“Yarlık Uzbak Veneçianskim Hanam Azova: Rekonstruktsiya Soderjaniya”, İstoriyografiya i İstoçnikovedeniye İstoriyi Stran Aziyi i Afriki, Number: 13, St. Petersburg 1990, pp.74-107. 463 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Yarlık of Canibek Khan, issued to the Venetian merchants of Azov in 1342, says: "Also, if it happens that one of our people starts a quarrel with the Venetian, he will be offended or, on the contrary, will receive any complaints about Venetians from our people, let them rule then".Pocekaev suggest that, possible to accept existence of a kind of “international judicial body”, in which the parties were represented personally by the consul of Venice and the Golden Horde. But such a judicial body should not be classified as an international court, one of the main features of which is a permanent basis, but rather as an "ad hoc" arbitration, since its participants gathered specifically to consider specific cases and did not sit constantly67. According to the aforementioned Yarlık to a Venetian merchant, arrest and punishment of a criminal was the criminal authority’s first steps by themselves. However, if the offender could not be arrested, the state officials must be so informed. According to the Yarlık of Canibek, if a merchant harms Muslim merchant and pilgrims at sea and seaside, their small settlements near the sea must be punished. Venetian merchant were obliged to arrest and deliver such criminals68. Merchants of the Golden Horde embarked on Nicolai Scoti's ship that went to Constantinopolis to purchase goods. While at sea nine Venetian ships attacked them and then looted his commodities. Merchants of the Khanate were arrested69. In another example, Khanate merchants returning from Cyprus were robbed, also by Venetian merchants 70. The person who suffered damage came to the Khan and witnesses wereshown for this case. It was proved that the damage to the merchants was 2830 somma. The khan appointed officials to make up this amount. The Khan's wife paid part of the financial compensation to the merchants from the state treasury71. One of the Venetian merchants committed a murder. As punishment, the Khan forbade Venetians to come, even those who had traded in Azak for several years. This embargo was an example of joint liability. This trade ban was lifted when the Venice government informed them that the killer had been punished. With this agreement, Venetian merchants were also guaranteed that they would not suffer violence and under-valuation, under the relevant article. Pochekaev, “Sud i Pravosudiye v Zolotoy Orde“, pp. 223-224. A.P.Grigoryev-V.P.Grigoryev,“Yarlık Canibeka Veneçianskim Kuptsam Azova ot 1347 Goda: Rekonstruktsiya Soderjaniya İstoriyografiya i İstoçnikovedeniye İstoriyi Stran Aziyi i Afriki, N. 15, S. Petersburg 1995, pp. 36-83. 69 A. P. Grigoryev- V.P. Grigoryev, Kollektsiya Zolotoordınskih Dokumentov XIV Veka iz Venetsii, St. Petersburg 2002, pp.199. Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, sive Acta et Diplomata res Venetas, Graecas atque Levantis illustrantia. Parsl, a. 1300-1350 / Ed. G. M.Thomas. Pars 2, a. 1351-1454 / Ed. R. Predelli. Venetiis 1880-1899. 70 ASV Commemoriali Registri, 6-80. 71 Grigoryev,Kollektsiya Zolotoordınskih..., pp. 204-217. 67 68 464 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Another example of robbery and plundering was reported to Ramadan, the ruler of the Crimean Solhat. Nikolo Pisani's ship in the Golden Horn of Constantinople captured the merchants who were present on sixteen ships of the Genoese Nikolo Scoti. At the same time these merchants had suffered robbery (4000 somma) Two of these merchants were killed. Two merchants whose names were Idumelik and Animandi were held in prison for two years in Candia. Solhat administrator Ramadan reported this robbery and capture to the Venetian authorities. But they did not respond. Ramadan retaliated when he could not find a solution to these problems and captured two Venetian merchants. At that point, he stated that if the Venetian administrators were to return the Golden Horde merchants, the Venetian merchants would be forgiven and their merchandise returned. Otherwise, the Venetian merchants would remain in custody and the merchandise would not be returned72. Another merchant (his name was Bassimat) applied to the administrator of Solhat with a pettition. He said while on his return from Cyprus he was attacked by a Venetian ship and 550 somma of his money was stolen73. Berdibek Khan reported to Kutluk Timur and Sicibey that they were forced to make an application to the Venetian consul in Azak and tell him what had happened to the Golden Horde merchants74.Indicating something of shadow government, eventually merchants on both sides were mutually released, but the damage to the merchandise of the Golden Horde merchants was not compensated. In a letter dated September 26, 1358 sent by Kutlug Timur to Venetian merchants, it was stated that "The traders should not be wronged, no pressure should be made"75. A strict attitude towards foreign traders was common in Venice and Genoese commerce. These cities, which applied strict rules for foreign traders, were constantly struggling with each other. Latins has experienced of being bad treated to foreigners in own country. For this reason they added this article to the Golden Horde commercial legislation. Golden Horde yarlıks also included damaged vessel complaints, and regulations related to their goods, according to maritime trade law. Vessels that were held at port due to storms or were at sea were not to be looted, but their people and goods inside were to be taken under protection and returned to their owners76. ASV Commemoriali Registri 5-81. Grigoryev, Kollektsiya Zolotoordınskih..., pp. 171-172. Grigoryev, Kollektsiya Zolotoordınskih...,pp. 185-191. 74 Joseph Hammer -Purgstall, Geschichte der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak, das ist: Der Mongolen in Russland, 1840, p.517-522. Latrie, "Privilèges Commerciaux...", p. 593. 75 Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, pp. 51-52. Melek Özyetgin-İlyas Kemaloğlu, Altın Orda Hanlığına Ait Resmi Yazışmalar, TTK. Ankara 2017, pp. 128-129. 76 ASV Liber Pacta V, p.160r. 72 73 465 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies In order to prevent illegal slaves and fugitives from going on to these ships while loading Venetian vessels in the Black Sea, one could observe the respective agents of the regional administrator and Venice Consul77. In 1358, Berdibek Khan allowed Venetian merchants in Azak, to enter and exit the city without searches, while filled with merchandise78. In the case of the seafarers payment order given by Berdibek to Kutlu Timur, a decision was taken to punish the perpetrators of crimes in the Golden Horde state in cases of legitimate allegations and identification of the merchants following investigations initiated after complaints of the traders confiscating the goods79. In the medieval commercial law, there was a rule stating that the goods of ships damaged and sinking within the borders of a state belong to that state. However, in the commercial agreements between the Golden Horde state and the Latin powers, this principle was abolished, and if a ship belonging to the Genoese or Venetians was attacked by a pirate, the other states forces would immediately assist them, and the commercial commodity goods would be handed over to them. 3.e. Commercial Account Books The Commercial Code obliged everyone to keep commercial books. Accordingly, every trader was obliged to keep all the books required by the nature of the operation, and in particular the names, in order to determine the economic and financial situation of the merchant operation, the debt and receivables relations, and the results obtained within each business year. The most famous account book in Golden Horde stated the bills of Massaria di Caffa, the account books of the major Genoese metropolis in the Crimea, preserved in the Archivio di Stato in Genoa80. 3.f.Merchant Assistant in Commercial Law Merchant may need some help in commercial activities. The merchant, who is the operator of the commercial enterprise, may carry out his activities through dependent or independent persons. The merchant assistant, who undertakes to act as a commercial activist, 77 ASV Commemoriali Registri f. 5-80. Latrie, "Privilèges Commerciaux...", p. 593-594. Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum,pp. 51-52. 79 Grigoryev, Kollektsiya Zolotoordınskih...,pp. 187-188. 80 ASG Massaria di Caffa 1381-1386. 78 466 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE is called "broker". A commercial broker in Golden Horde archival sources was labelled as a “proxenetamercatorum”. Another merchant assistant that we are aware of in the Golden Horde is the commissioner called “censariis”81.Among the locals, the most important people for the foreign merchants were the brokers, innkeepers and money changers. They provided not only food and shelter, but also warehousing space, a place to conduct business, and credit and reputational references. Codex Cumanicus tells us all there is inthe Golden Horde State. In merchant law, "tellal" is defined as a person who has the professional right to act as an intermediary between the parties in the commercial law to make contracts relating to commercial affairs, regardless of whether they are commercial agents, commercial agents, sales officers82. 3.g.Payment Order- Banking and Credit Transactions Exchange notes are specially prepared documents in the Commercial Code, which are defined as negotiable documents in law, issued in written order by law, subject to the fact that they will receive a certain amount of money in terms of their rights, and are subject to much action and influence in the economic arena. The most ancient bill documents forms of promissory notes in Golden Horde borders,called "carta di cambio" used by Genoa. Carta di cambio were not payment orders, but promises to pay. Beginning in the 13th century a new provision appeared in the bill text. The letter of exchange was a declaration by which the debtor ordered or invited his representative or correspondent (treaty) to pay the creditor (borrower) the sum from the first receipt in return. A special letter (littera di pagamento), called "tracta", was sent for notifying a person to pay that which the name of the bill of exchange originated. This letter was an adition to the bill, because the bill was obligatory for payment and the letter littera di pagamento only infromed one about the demand. Eventually such letters devoloped into bills of exchange83. In the case of the seafarers payment order given by Berdibek to Kutlu Timur, a decision was taken to punish the perpetrators of crimes in the Golden Horde state in cases of legitimate allegations and identification of the merchants following investigations initiated after complaints of the traders confiscating the goods84. “Item, facientibus ipsis vendicionem velempcionem dantibus censariis capparam, vel accipientibus inter ipsos datam capparam, sit fîrmum et non dissolvatur". See Latrie, "Privileges commerciaux...", p. 584. 82 Codex Cumanicus, Mustafa Argunşah-Galip Güner, I. Baskı, Kesit Yayınları İstanbul 2015, p. 543. 83 Reinert, Sophus and Fredona, Robert, "Merchants and the Origins of Capitalism " (September 12, 2017). Harvard Business School BGIE Unit Working Paper No. 18-021. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3037173 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3037173 84 ASV Liber Pacta V, p.160r. 81 467 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies There is no detailed information on banking commercial law in Golden Horde. Because banking services, controlled in the lands of the Golden Horde state by Genovese, Genoa started the initiative of banking with Banco di San Giorgio, who was active in Caffa within Golden Horde borders in the XIVth-XVth centuries. This bank controlled all the possessions in the Black Sea and Genoese with different financial status and other merchants who adopted Genoese85. Conclusion In conclusion, Commercial Law could be defined as the part of Private Law regulated by the enterprise or the entrepreneur and the economic activity developed with other entrepreneur or consumers. Taking into account its historical background in the Middle Ages, it cannot be mentioned as unique form trade law. States had established commercial rules according to the traditions, customs and traditions of the cultures to which they are related. Medieval merchants needed more protection than private orders could afford them, and they looked for it in government intervention. Along with Mongolian rule came the Pax Mongolica allowing for the spread of trade. Mongol trade led to massive economic growth along the Silk Road in the Middle Ages. Golden Horde sea trade law, to a large extent was shaped by relationships between Italian commercial colonies. Since the Golden Horde state was a multinational empire, it was also affected economically by a wide variety of cultures. The Golden Horde Khans created the most favorable conditions for traders to build their own trade network and trade. In the big cities of the Golden Horde, Latins, Jews and Iranians had their own commercial and private business centers. Also, the Venetian and Genoa merchants had long-distance trade opportunities due to their traditional privileges. All commercial rights, freedoms and privileges are detailed in various archival documents. It is possible to determine the commercial law principles in the current commercial agreements signed between the Golden Horde managers and the Latin states, when we looked at the details and analysis of the privileges of the Golden Horde in Venice and Genoa. As a consequence, the Golden Horde merchants could not play an important role in the land of the profitable east-west trade road. 85 A.Vigna, Codice diplomatico delle colonie tauro-liguri durante la signoria dell'Ufficio di S. Giorgio (MCCCCLIII-MCCCCLXXV) ordinato ed illustrato dal socio p. Amedeo Vigna. Tomo secondo Parte seconda, pp.5-442; A. Vigna, Supplemento al codice diplomatico delle colonie tauro-liguri durante la signoria dell'Ufficio di S. Giorgio (MCCCCLIII-MCCCCLXXV) ordinato ed illustrato dal socio p. Amedeo VignaGenoa, pp. 4431014. 468 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE As a result we can say Golden Horde commercial law sources consisted of privileges of so called "yarlık", Muslim and European chronicles, reports of travellers in the Golden Horde cities such as Caffa, Tana and Saray, law of Cengiz called "Yasa", Uighur trade traditions and principles Islamic trade law. Along with Mongolian rule came the Pax Mongolica, allowing for the spread of trade. Khans of the Golden Horde created the most favourable conditions for the merchants to establish their own trading network and commercial exchanges. Furthermore Venice and Genoa merchant had suitable long-distance trade opportunities due to traditional privileges granted by Khans. All commercial rights, freedoms and privileges are in detailed written form in archival documents. Principles of commercial law can be determined in the contemporary commercial treaties concluded between Golden Horde rulers and the Latin states. When we analyzed development and the detail of the privileges granted by the Golden Horde Khan to Venice and Genoa, we can understand how commerce law had been so much advanced. Due to suchlarge commercial privileges, local merchants of the Golden Horde did not play a crucial role in their own territories’ lucrative east-west trade route. Medieval long-distance sea trade placed unique demands on capital markets, demands that led to new contracting institutions facilitated the large scale mobilization and allocation of capital. The law of contracts and the commercial law were almost modern. As insurance, bills of credit, commenda contracts, and more stable currencies by Italian merchants developed, they were used in the lands of the Golden Horde, such as in Tana and Caffa. There are a lot of expressions of customary and commercial practice in yarlıks. 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REGİSTER Layton b., “Notes on the Hıstory of Commerce and Commercial Law. 2. the Middle Ages”, Unıversıty of Pennsylvanıa Law Revıew, 1913, pp. 652-672. REINERT Sophus- FREDONA, Robert, "Merchants and the Origins of Capitalism" (September 12, 2017). Harvard Business School BGIE Unit Working Paper No. 18021.https://ssrn.com/abstract=3037173 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3037173 (accessed 12/04/ 2018). SKEEN Bradley A. "Trade and Exchange in the Medieval Islamic World." In Crabtree, Pam J. Encyclopedia of Society and Culture in the Medieval World. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2008. Ancient and Medieval History Online, http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp? (accessed 09/05/ 2018). SPULER Bertold, Die Goldene Horde. Die Mongolen in Rußland 1223-1502, Wiesbaden. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag 1965. TRAKMAN Leon E., The Law Merchant: The Evolution of. Commercial Law, Fred B. Rothman & Company Littleton Colorado 1983. 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VİGNA A., Codice Diplomatico delle Colonie tauro-Liguri Durante la Signoria dell'Ufficio di S. Giorgio (MCCCCLIII-MCCCCLXXV) Ordinato ed illustrato dal Socio p. Amedeo Vigna. Tomo Primo XV; Tomo secondo Parte seconda, Genoa 1868. VOROPANOV V. A.The Organization of Judicial Activities and Administration of Justice in the Area of Former Golden Horde in XVI-XVII. Russian Juridical Journal- Rossijskij Juridiceskij Zurnal. 2015, Volume 101 Issue 2, pp. 164-172. YAKUSHEVA Y.Y. “Sud i Pravosudiye v Zolotoy Orde”, Y.Y. Yakusheva, Y.B. Kalashnikova, Nauka, Obrazovaniye, Obshchestvo: Tendentsii i Perspektivy Razvitiya: Materialy VI Mezhdunarodnaya Nauchno-prakticheskaya Konferentsiya (Cheboksary, 18 iyunya 2017 g.). Volume 2 Number 1, pp. 57-61. 475 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 476 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Genesis of the Phenomenon of the Ukrainian Cossacks Larysa PRITSAK* § 1. The Turkic Etymology of the Word Qazak ‘Cossack’. Existing studies of campaigns by Ukrainian Cossacks cannot satisfy us because they are based on a “laundry” concept characterized in general by a breadwinning feature [Яворницький Д.І. Історія запорозьких козаків. Львів, 1990–1992. Т. 1–3]. It is necessary to put aside a romantic interpretation based on folklore and to consider a phenomenon of emergence of Cossacks from historic prospective. The Cossacks is not a folklore phenomenon but a cultural and political one which developed as Ukrainian answer, that is of the orthodox people, not yet involved, not affected by the Humanism. While facing Western secular political concept of the world, not using Arnold Toynbee’s [Toynbee A. J. A Study of History, vol. 12. Oxford, 1961, 87] term – “it was a specific reaction”, we may say it was a specific challenge. Thus, we study the Cossacks from the prospective of the world history, for it is not a local phenomenon, and consider it as an institution. Because there were not only Zaporizhzhia, Don and Terek Cossacks in Muscovia, in Western Europe Cossacks were represented by mercenary troops from different countries. Like any historic phenomena, in different periods it takes different forms. In particular, Zaporizhzhia Cossacks experienced three main periods in the process of development of Cossacks standing [Винар Л. Козацька Україна. Київ – НьюЙорк, 2003. С. 11–14]. І period – XIV century (end) – XV century. Cossacks as a commonplace, diverse and yet without a common denominator, phenomenon. These are activities of individual Cossacks. II period – XV century (second half) – XVI century (first half). Cossacks are specializing in military profession and living in settlements – Sich; they are in civil “service” to guard borders with The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Moscow state, Crimean Khanate and Osman Porta. Being professional mercenaries, they choose themselves, nonetheless, whom to serve. III period – XVI century (last quarter) – XVII century (first half). This is the beginning of Cossacks’ formation as a separate social status in the initiated first Registry of Ukrainian Cossacks, recognized by the state of Zaporizhzhia Army. The oriental sources could cast some * Prof. Dr. Larysa Pritsak, Associate Member, Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S. 477 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies light on the problem of Ukrainian Cossacks genesis. The requirement of my Teacher, worldknown orientalist Professor Omeljan Pritsak [Pritsak 1981, XV-XXI] – comprehensive approach to historic research, and specifically to source studies, in his structural and functional theory was helpful to me. When I first started to study the Cossacks era, the question arose, regarding emergence of Ukrainian Cossacks, that is what the word ‘Cossack’ means? And I addressed this question to Professor O. Pritsak. Under those circumstances, the work of genius of the coryphée of Turkology Omeljan Pritsak was created [The Turkic Etymology of the Word Qazaq 'Cossack' in Harvard Ukrainian Studies 28, no. 1-4 (2006): 237-243]. To prove Turkic etymology of the word – Qazaq – let us draw our focus toward the scientific paper of Professor O. Pritsak. There is no consensus among scientists with regard to Turkic etymology of the word Qazaq. Historians [Hrushevsky 1999, 76]; [Stökl 1953, 31] and specialists in etymology of Slavic languages [Веrneker 1924, 496]; [Brückner 1957, 262]; [Vasmer and Trubachov 1967, 495; as well as Melnichuk 1985, 495-496] without any reservations – but also without evidences – agree with Turkic languages not giving any etymology for the term qazaq, but [Doerfer 1967,462-468] simply state: “there is no reliable etymology for the word [qazaq]”. The same opinion was presented by [Menges 1979, 196 nos. 11, 12] Up until the start of the twenty first century historians were uncertain about the origins of word Qazak. It is a deverbal noun generally accepted as coming from the verb qaz- found in the Old Turkic language with the meaning ‘to dig’ or ‘to dig out’ and the suffix /-AK/ which forms nouns by expressing the result of the action, instrument or the actor and was in use in old Turkic languages and can be interpreted as ‘the digger’. However, there was a lack of proof of the Turkic origin of the word. In his work, Professor Omeljan Pritsak sets out the proof, suggesting that the word qazak entered the Turkic language when it commonly had the meaning ‘the digger’ and the word became ‘existent’ when the literary language of the time included it in its vocabulary and he shows how and why the meaning of the word changed. Pritsak points out that Annemarie von Gabain (1960) has shown that, in the Orkhon inscription (VIII century) of the Old Turkic language the verb qaz- had the same meaning as the word qazyan- ‘to gather, conquer’ and that this meaning remained in the Eurasian steppe among nomads, but was not included into the Turkic literary language of the time because dictionary compilers neglected the languages of the nomads. Pritsak shows that the lexeme qazaq appeared before the Codex Cumanicus of 1303 which is commonly thought to contain the word’s first mention. He explains how, in the Muslim world, the ancestors of the Ukrainians, Polovtsians and Cherkes, were bought as slaves 478 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE (Mamlüks) and trained in military arts, that they rose to power in Syria and Egypt, dethroning the last Ayyübid in 1250 and ruling until the Ottoman sultan Selim conquered both Syria and Egypt in 1517 AD. In 1245 AD an Arabic-Polovtsian glossary appeared (published by Martin Houtsma in 1894) in which the lexeme qazaq is translated into Arabic as al-marjarrad, i.e. ‘free’. Pritsak also mentions how in 1942 the Hungarian turkologist, Gyorgy Györffy, established that the Codex Cumanicus was in fact a collection of texts from the 13th and 14th centuries and that the earliest of them in which the word Cosac appears was a Middle-Age Latin, Persian, Polovtsian glossary from 1294/95, probably written in the Crimea. It was a later copy of this document which the compilers of the Codex Cumanicus used, giving the Medieval Latin gloss guayta ‘guard’ as naobat ‘guard’ in Persian and Ghasal Cosac in Polovtsian. Pritsak admits that the first word (Ghasal) is yet to be interpreted, but states that the second is ‘Cossack’. Pritsak gives one last example to show that the Polovtsians had and used the institution of qazaq: the use of the word in the work “Anonymous of Iskander” by the Persian writer Natanzi from around 1412, who wrote: “In this region he roamed in the manner of a qāzàq.” Pritsak argues that it was because a Polovtsian literary language never developed that the Polovtsian lexeme qazaq was not included in the vocabulary of the Turkic literary language until the sixteenth century, but that in the sixteenth century we see it being used widely, for example in the memoirs of Bābur who used the word in the meaning of ‘freebooter, one who takes possession’. Finally, Professor Pritsak deals with the work of Professor Gabain and her contribution to the analytical method in the entymologization of Turkic words. Gabain argues that the word qazaq existed in the language of the Old Turkic inscriptions of the eighth century, and she explains how while the nomadic Polovtsians continued to use the simple form qaz, the verb qazyan, meaning to be engaged in raids, conquer, was formed and how it became important in Old Turkic political life. Pritsak concludes that the East Slavic etymon kazak was borrowed from the Polovtsian qazaq some time after the fourteenth century and that the etymon kasak in Eastern Europe is of nomadic Turkic origin. § 2. Social and Philological Theory on Origins of Cossacks by the German Turkologist Annemarie von Gabain. An outstanding expert on Oriental history Vasily Vladimirovich Bartold / W. Barthold (1869–1930) mentions in “Encyclopaedia of Islam” notion of the key word qazaq as a sociological institution. I propose to solve the genesis problem of Ukrainian Cossacks, as a 479 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies cultural and political phenomenon in the universal history, by sociological and philological theory and putting at its basis the way of thinking on Cossacks origin of the German turkologist, professor of Hamburg University Annemarie von Gabain. This is why I am going to inform the reader more in detail with the sociological and philological theory on the origin of Cossacks by professor Gabain [1960, 161–167]. The Orientalist scholar Ahmed Zaki Validi Togan (1890– 1970) in his work: “Bugünki Türkili (Türkistan) ve yakin tarihi” [Istanbul 1942, 47, 37] explains in depth the notion of qazaq. Until recently, the notion was inspiring epic glorification of violence: starting from XV century, Turkis and Mongols designated by the word a ruling person who, for a political purpose, separated from his nationhood or the nation, and independently or jointly with his family, without habitual protection of his kindred, wandered in the Steppe and tried to find conquests. They also called by the word qazaq rulers who could not yet come into governance being thus forced to travel around the country without a definite purpose. Later on, the term was applied to entire tribes or confederations of nomadic tribes, which broke away from their nomadic nationhood, in order to join the Cossacks. Existence of Cossacks as a phenomenon was prepared back in old times by a respective way of thinking. Professor Gawain gives, as an example, in her study: “Kasakentum, eine soziologisch-philologische Studie” [Gabain 1960, 161–167] observations of the European traveller A. Vāmbéry about an event, a hundred years ago, which took place in Turkic-Iranian border region of South Turkmenistan that, in the opinion of his companions–compatriots, was a habitual frequent occurrence. Nine horsed and armed Turkmen attacked a household of a Tajik, captured and banded up five men; a woman and three other inhabitants of the farm remained lying dead or seriously wounded; after which the Turkmen tied the captured behind them to the horses, loaded a big and left in a hurry. The captured, due to such cruel transportation (carriage), arrived to the Turkmen’s camp rather dead than alive. In a couple of days, one of the Turkmen dared to ride on a horse to the village and to speak out the amount of the expected ransom. The village community, aware from the previous experience, how brutally treated were their relatives, hurried up to bring the necessary money and to ransom in that way the prisoners of war. “Greedy for money, bandits! Senseless atrocities!” was an understandable judgement on Tajiks’ part. Turkmen, on the contrary, assessed the event very differently: they described it, in the first place, as “cossacks”. In course of time, it became a habit among many nomadic (wandering) tribes to send a man capable to bear a weapon to the Steppe, in order to get hardened by life severities. He had to feed himself from hunting and learn to oppose to natural calamities and attacks of enemies. During that time, he was beyond the usual habitual law (törä) and all the risks were born only 480 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE by him. A young hero lived in such “cossacks” way just for a limited period of time. If not perished, he would finally come back to his own home, entered again into the framework of the existing law and thus – into restricted order of the society. Famous Cossacks of the past include Timürbek, his descendants Abū Sa’īd Mĩrzã, Musain Bayqara, Bäbur Mĩrzã and Uzbek Özbeken Saybaq-han with his supporters. Their political goal was to change the political system that is they did not accept existing relations as a public order. It was, for example, typical for Ğãnĩ-beg and descendants of Girāy-Sultane, like Qäzim-han and his son Haqq Nazar-han. (Rasid ed-din describes those Uzbeks who left their ruler (Abu ‘lHair-han), Özbäk-qazaq. Political goal, that is improvement of living conditions of their nation, either through change of governance or by enriching the tribes at the expense of their enemies – all this would be a reason for a long-lasting fame, much exceeding their heroic deeds. When in difficult poverty time before XVII century it manifested in private gaining a trophy (yaymacїlїq), it was already redemption of the Cossacks. Initially, a Cossack wanted to be useful to his people or wanted to prove his abilities of a ruler for which purpose he would enriched his clan in some way and find favourable solutions for his nation. The people admire and bow to Cossacks, their foolhardiness, disguise of a deadly danger in different situations, their sneaky mind, everything they sacrifice for the sake of success and luck. That is true that many of them paid for it by death or serious illness. Timürbek (Timür-beg) injured his leg while being a Cossack, which brought him, despite his state status, the nickname “lengi” (lame). Heroism and state beliefs of Cossacks could not be understood by townspeople and peasants, being main victims of the phenomena, as well as by medieval historians who always originated from cities. Even if one cannot prove existence of Cossacks as a phenomenon in deep ancient time, nonetheless it was already prepared by in that epoch trough respective way of thinking. In the “Tonyuquq” chronicles, it is mentioned with praise that Turkic people (Türk) would like to take over the risks of their own governance and that they were already fed up with a comfortable life under Chinese ruling: türk budun qanin bulmayin, tabyacda adrїltї, qanlanti “Turkic people (Türk), since they did not win any (own) king, departed from China and gave themselves a king”. Gaining a basis for being is considered a very important thing elteris qayan qazyanmasar, yoq ärti ärsär; bän özüm bilgä tonyuquq qazanmasar, bän yoq ärtim ärsär... “if the emperor Elteris did not win over his property, if he did not exist..., if I myself, wise Tonyuquq, did not conquered my property, if I myself did not exist...”, existence of the whole nation would be doubtful. Such a way of thinking is confirmed by Old-Turkish inscriptions from South Siberia, presumably originated from the Kirghiz [Rudolf 1985, 329]: elicit can qazyanu “winning 481 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies property in the interests of your clan” [ibid., 331], ...kiši qazyandim “I gain (so and so much) people (as servants)” [ibid., 339], eliηä qazyandim “for your clan I gained property”. Thus we see that inscriptions on grave stones, put into the lips of the dead hero describe that what he may boast of are his deeds in favour of the clan and the sovereign for, in particular, their enrichment with property and servants. Thus, we may prove Cossacks as a sociological institution and the underlying it way of thinking. Finally, philologist brought their attention to the institution of Cossacks. There are several groups of cognate words with a certain extremely broad meanings, in particular, with senses opposite to each other. This circumstance could be understood if one considers that they relate to Cossacks and reflect opposite views of nomads (wanderers) and settled people regarding this institution. qaz- (Kash.) ‘to thread ground (with a horse)’; qaz-a+la- (Tel.) ‘to gallop rapidly’, qaz(Chah.) ‘to wander here and there’, qaz–aq (Kirgh., Kaz.) ‘free person, brave horseman, adventurer’. The word also developed in an interesting way, its meaning for settled peoples being: (Turkm.) ‘home tyrant’, qazaq kiši (Tatar) ‘bachelor’. Qazaq+anä (Chah.) ‘as a free dweller of Steppes’ as compared with the meaning of qazaq+čг (Chah.) ‘bandit’. Positive is also: qazaq+lig (Chah.) ‘adventurer’ and, on the contrary, qazaq+lug (Chah.) ‘leader of the gang (gangs) of bandits’, qaz–aq- (Chah.) ‘to wander with robbery intentions’ –*qazaq+a-n->qazyan (Atu.) ‘to conquer’, (Kash.), ‘to gain’, qazyanč (Atu., Kash.) ‘gaining daily bread’, ‘property, fortune, (Chah.) ‘gaining, profit’; qaz–u (Chah.) ‘gaining, profit, interest’, qaza (Chah.) ‘storehouse, storage place next to nomads tent’, qazyan- >> qazan- (Osm., Az., Crim.) ‘to obtain’, qazyanğ (Osm.) ‘obtaining’, qazyančag (Tatar.) ‘to get exhausted by work, to overatrain oneself’. And further: qaz-in (Kar. T.) ‘to break into the house’, qaz-it- (Qutadγu bilig), ‘to testify’, qaz-iq-či (Osm.) ‘deceptively, cunningly’, qaz-r-a (Tel.) ‘horse stealing, cattle stealing’, qazra+či (Tel.) ‘cattle robber’. 482 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE § 3. Analysis of sources on the history of the Cossacks XIV-XVII centuries in the territory of Eastern Europe, modern Ukraine, Russia, Poland, Lithuania. In Ukrainian, Russian and Polish historiographies there are differences in the assessment of the phenomenon of the Cossacks. To this he drew attention in his fundamental work when comparing the emergence and development of all regional groups of Cossacks, the Viennese scientist Günter Stökl [Stökl, 1953]. He pointed out how the situation is obscured by the fact that the historians of all the peoples of Eastern Europe, who studied the references to the Cossacks, gave them a different beginning, depending on their political orientation. Then, Russian historiography S. Soloviev, V. Klyuchevsky, S. Platonov assessed the Cossacks as a phenomenon of marginal, Ukrainian historiography. However, M. Hrushevsky [1909, vol. 7], considers the Cossacks to be a central phenomenon in the history of Ukraine. Mykhailo Hrushevsky emerges from the role of the Cossacks in the Hetman state of the XVII-XVIII centuries, but is seeking for them an ancient genealogy, linking the Cossacks with the Chernye Klobuki or Torks (търк). The Old Russian solid sign was used to convey the Turkic phoneme /ü/ in the name Türk between X-XI centuries. Therefore, the name Türk was written in the Old Russian language as a търк, but in the XII century the solid sign began to transmit the vowel /o/. This is how the name Tork came to be. For the reign of Volodymyr Sviatoslavich (about 980-1015 years), the long formation of the territory of Kievan Rus was over. It was the largest state in Europe, whose area reached 1.5 million km2. It was at this time in 985, Torks, or Uz-oi (< Oghuz), the Eastern Türküts began the campaign for the conquest of the Eurasian steppe. In 1043 they received the help of the Islamic world, accepted Islam and moved to steppes. When Qipčaqs (Kipchaks) entered the territory of the Oghuz Turkmen Yabgu and defeated them, the oghuzes travelled to the east of the Pechenegs steppe [Pritsak 2008, 31-32. Section II. Polovtsy and Rus against the backdrop of the history of the Eurasian Grace]. In 1054, the oghuzes came to the borders of Rus of the Pereyaslav principality, the Tale of Bygone Years calls them Torks (Türk), but the prince of Rus Vsevolod Yaroslavich received victory over them under the Voin. In the summer of 1055, following Torks, they came to Rus and themselves Kipchaks, they became known as the Old Russian Polovtsy. Now, Vsevolod Yaroslavich (1078-1093), considering the situation, “to create Vsevolod the world with them, and returning Polovtsy homeward”. In 1060, Torks returned again to the borders of the Rus princes. At this time, the three senior princes of Yaroslavichy – Izyaslav, Svyatoslav and Vsevolod actually co-operated with Rs. The triumvirate lasted for 15 years, during which the princes solved the most important affairs in accord, among them the main place was the inner peace and unity, as well as the defence of 483 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Rus from the Polovtsians. Together, the Rus triumvirs, above all, defeated Torks, understanding the Polovtsian hole for Rus, the triumvirs “part of Torkov hired for service. They were called Chernye Klobuki” [Pritsak 2008, 205-208. The Turkic Speaking Peoples. Section: The Torks, the Berendei and the Chernye Klobuki]. The second part of the Torks went to the Danube, where they were adopted by Byzantium and settled in Macedonia for the protection of borders. After the abolition of the Bulgarian kingdom in 1018, the protection of the border line along the Danube River, in particular, the province of Paristrion, was one of the life problems of the Byzantine Empire. Polovtsy were dissatisfied with the fact that the Rus princes (triumvirate) took on their «service» of their theoretical subjects, Torks. After all, the name Chernye Klobuki or Torks arose in Rus for mercenaries of mainly Turkic origin, who were supposed to protect the SouthRus border from Polovtsy. The center of Torks was the Torchesk fortress, located in the southern flow of the Ros River, south of Kiev. Therefore, Ukrainian historians, following M. Hrushevsky, consider Turkic torques to be old ancestors of the Cossacks, although they have never been identified with Rus and remained ethnically Turkic. Also, we do not have any information in the sources that the local Slavic population imitated this organization and created the Rus Chernye Klobuki. Chernye Klobuki were associated with the state of Kievan Rus only politically, but not ethnically, and had no reason to hope that Russia would be considered Chernye Klobuki, as was the case with Rus regarding the Cossacks. This idea of Mykhailo Hrushevsky is firmly established in Ukrainian historiography, but, as can be seen from the above material, it is false. It is finally necessary to leave the Chernye Klobuki when considering the origins of the Cossacks, since they were only mercenaries in armed units (pocs) from the Rus princes. At different times, foreign professional military mercenaries were «at the service» of different rulers of the world, but they were not identified ethnically, for example, as German söldner or Italian condotters. Instead, there was a constant threat to the Polish-Lithuanian state, which included the XV century Ukrainian lands, on the part of the Crimean Khanate (Tatars), aroused the uprising of a volatile and difficultly controlled group of people involved with steppe robbery (Steppengewerbe). Cossacks had an attractive force (attraction) not only for the local population; they were also a model for Tatar steppe conquerors, which were also called «Cossacks». Source data on the territory of Eastern Europe (modern Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Russia) testify to the appearance of the Cossacks not earlier than the XV century, that is, in the territory of the Golden Horde after its fall: the Crimean, Astrakhan, Kazan khanates. 484 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE In Polish historiography, the issue of the beginning of the phenomenon – the Ukrainian Cossacks – falls within the framework of their point of view on the history of Ukraine in general. After them, this was the political appointment of the Poles in those days, since Polish historiography was too egalitarianized. The Poles were mostly members of Western Christianity, as the faithful performers of the clerical church and as successful media carriers in Eastern Europe. Therefore, for Poles, the history of the south-eastern border of the PolishLithuanian state is interpreted according to its needs. That is, in Polish historiography, the struggle with the Ukrainian Cossacks is a missionary action: conversion to Catholicism and higher Polish culture. This applies not only to the Cossacks, but also to the history of all people in the system of Polish borderlands. Ukrainian historians opposed the Polish concept with their arguments about the local origin of the Cossacks. It is noteworthy that the Polish historian Władysław Tomkiewicz left the extremist positions of traditional Polish historiography. However, the scientist drew attention to the paramount role of the state Polish nobility in adapting the organization of the Cossacks. Many gentry in the Polish-Lithuanian state became Cossacks and were the first military-political organizers of the Ukrainian Cossacks. As we see, in contrast to the Chernye Klobuki, which were not attractive for the princely Russ, the Cossacks in Ukraine were attractive to the nobility of the Polish-Lithuanian state, who became Cossacks, starting from Yarema Vyshnevetsky. Władysław Tomkiewicz rightly points out that Ukrainian historiography takes for the XVI century unitized Cossacks, that is, claims that this was a purely Ukrainian phenomenon. To summarize, we can say that a great role in history has attraction (attraction). German turkologist Annemarie von Gabain proposed to solve the problem of the origin of the Cossacks from a sociological and philological point of view. Analysing sources about the history of the Cossacks XIV-XVII centuries in the territory of Ukraine, Russia, Poland, Lithuania it is necessary to distinguish between two aspects: the Cossacks as an individual phenomenon and the Cossacks as a social phenomenon. Regarding the individual aspect, one can accept the theory of Professor Annemarie von Gabain that the individual Cossacks were a kind of regulatory factor in the nomadic society, where collective consciousness and shared management prevail, there was no place for personal initiative and for victorious feats that would capture a large part of the population. And thus, from the individual Cossacks, a social state was formed – the Cossacks with their ideology. If this individual initiative failed in its action, none of the team members helped her. But if this leader or a group of Cossacks were successful, then they were considered the heroes of the day and 485 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies had the highest respect in the local council. Consequently, the Cossacks were a factor regulating the balance of the nomads (wanderers) in the world, which had a collective consciousness and common rule, but had no elements of individuality. What guided the actions of individual Cossacks or a group? Obviously, glory, because a person wants to become a hero, but attracted them and wealth. The second aspect is characterized by the fact that individual Cossacks are attractive for a larger group of Cossacks and they have already tried to create a social state, as it was, for example, with the Ukrainian Cossacks. At first, these were single Cossack individuals, who eventually became attractive to larger groups, such as Cossack robbers, or Cossacks as hired soldiers. This process took some time, and on the other hand, the need for a hired army, both in the Polish-Lithuanian and in the Moscow states. This process of the Cossacks' entry into a certain state structure, for example, in the case of the Ukrainian Cossacks, led them to be recorded in the Register of Zaporizhzhia Army (1649), which became the basis for the recognition of the Cossacks as a separate social class in a given state (Polish-Lithuanian or Russian) This again led to the next stage – the creation of statehood, as it was under B. Khmel’nyts’kyj , when the hetman, with the help of register Cossacks, sought to create a separate autonomous state initially. It should be emphasized that the individual Cossacks have no unambiguous nature, it all depends on the circumstances. In one place, the Cossacks, as exemplified below, could have been monastic mercenaries, workers on the ground, or border guards and public order, as documented in the Codex Cumanicus in 1303, hired soldiers. This ends the first, individual period of formation of the Cossack. Now let us turn to the analysis of the sources, which testified to the emergence of information about the existence of individual Cossacks, about their actions, namely: in the Crimean Genoese colonies, Ryazan and Moscow Cossacks, as well as Cossacks in the system of the Polish-Lithuanian state. About actions of individual Cossacks in the Crimean Genoese colonies. The most ancient information about the Crimean Cossacks belongs to the XIV century; it is recorded in the sources of Crimean Genoese colonies. 1. In the notes on the Greek synexarion of Surozh (Sudak) in the Crimea there is an entry: «Τή αаτή ήμέρα έτελιωθό δουλ τού θύάλμαλτηού ύίτς τού σαμακά, φευ όννος ξίφη “On the same day (May 17th) the servant of Almalchu, son of Samak, died! - a young man killed by a Cossack sword”, p. 6816 (1308). 486 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Here we are talking about the individual Cossack conquerors, who acted in Sudak in 1308. Unfortunately, there is no information about whether they were local or from where they came from. 2. In the same year (1308), on May 21, in the Greek synexarion of Kaffa, there is such a note: “... ξίφη σφαγής Øπό καζακων” – “[Kaffa] was thrown by the Cossacks' swords.” In this example, we are talking about the actions of individual Cossack conquerors who took part in the raids. 3. In the Charter for Genoese colonies in the Black Sea issued in 1449 in Genoa, the term “Cossack”, which the law identifies with oghuzes (the honorary military escort of the consul of the city of Kaffa), occurs three times. The first mention is in Kaffa - «casachos orqusios». «This contiget fieri aliguam predam terrestrem per casachos oghuzios seu homines caphe tam de rebus bestiaminibus et bovis tartarorum quam aliorum quorumcunque tales casajos oghuzios et interseptores sustinere et eis dare omne auxilium et favorem, interceptoribus predictis». In this case, it is about the actions of individual Cossacks – military mercenaries, because their source identifies with the oghuzes – the military escort of the consul of the city of Kaffa (Charter, pp. 699-700). «The charter prohibits the Kaffa administration to take from the Cossacks- oghuzes prey, and vice versa – the consuls for taking away the prey from the Cossack mercenaries is punished». In Kaffa there was already a certain number of Cossacks who were in the «service» of the consul of the city of Kaffa and which the city authorities gave the status of oghuz. And the oghuzes allowed by the Charter to remove their prey from themselves. This was allowed by the Cossacks. The Cossacks were at the consul of the city of Kaffa as mercenaries, who carried him «service», as well as oghuzes. In the 15th century, the city of Kaffa was the capital of the Genoese colony in the Crimea and the suburbs. According to the Charter of 1449, the consuls belonged to «capitaneus hoghuziorum», that is, the head of oghuzes with 20 oghuzes of the cavalry police and military guard at the consul. In general, in the case of Cossack mercenaries in Kaffa, their number could be small, since all mercenary organizations were from 100 to 250 people, most of them Italians from Genoa. 487 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies In the Charter for Genoese colonies on the Black Sea in 1449, the city of Sudak and the city of Cembalo mentions the second and third time the term «Cossack»: “... de quacunue preda fienda de quibus - cumque rebus humanicorum seu aliorum, qui quovismodo contrafecissent decretis Caphe, perveniat in consulem dicti loci quarta pars (et) religue tres quarte partes dividantur inter commune et dictos cazachos seu alios interceptores, videlicet quemlibet eorum per dimidia”. The Statutes of Sudak and the city of Cembalo (Balaklava) add a Resolution on the division of all Cossack booty, of which the fourth part receives the consul, and the rest is divided equally between the community and the Cossacks. The latest news about the «Cossacks» in the Genoese colonies on the Black Sea is believed to be from September 3, 1468: «... que nobis illata fuerunt de MCCCC ... compania in publicos latrones et cozachos illius domini de Mosco depredatores illius carauane nostre, que ex illius partibus huc veniebat «. This date (1468) was established by the researcher of the history of Kaffa Marian Malovist. The news is interesting in that it indicates where the Cossacks came from: 10 townsmen in the city of Kaffa and merchants wrote to St. George's bank that their caravans were being attacked by robbers and Cossacks who came from the territory of Moscow's ruler. That is, we already have a problem not with single Cossacks, but organized, who were on the «service» of the Moscow ruler. The source data on «Cossacks» in the Genoese colonies in the Crimea end here. Monastic Cossacks. Chronological is the second mention of the actions of individual Cossacks in 1395, filed by I. I. Sreznevsky. “А манастырськие люди были Иван КощѢевъ да Илюша Филиповъ, да слуга манастырьскои казакъ” Грамота дѢловая о границахъ Кириловскаго монастыря 1395 г. In this letter of the Kyrylivsky Monastery of 1395 it refers to one mercenary, outlined by the source as «servant, monastic Cossack». In the Charter of the Solovetsky Monastery in 1548, we read the following information about the monastic Cossacks: “Каковъ казакъ придетъ вново жити, а похочетъ въ коеи нашеи волости жити и промышляти, и у кого станетъ жити, и какъ пріѢдетъ доводчикъ въ кою волость, и тому человѢку того казака доводчику явити... А прилучится изъ тѢхъ волостокъ коему чоловѢку быти въ ВирмѢ не того ради дѢла, у коего казаки вновѢ живутъ, и имъ являти приказщику самимъ да и пошлина ихъ дати... А которои казакъ соидетъ, не отъявясь, и тотъ человѢкъ, у кого онъ жилъ, не объявитъ же, и приказчику взяти на немъ пошлина монастырьская и своя... А каковъ казакъ у коего человѢка живъ, 488 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE да сбѢжитъ безвѢстно, и приказщику того опросити по крестному цѢлованью того человѢка, у кого онъ жилъ...”. The source points out that hired monastic individual Cossacks should pay taxes: in favour of the monastery, where they work as hired workers, administrations, in particular the clerk, to the person in which they live, and in the end the Cossacks should have come to the “closing volost”, that is, a person who collects taxes in favour of a city or locality in the volost (parish) where they came to live again. Harvard Historical School in the person of the world famous scholar Professor Omeljan Pritsak, the well-known turkologist, with Oriental sources casts light on the Turkic origin of the word Qazaq. The scholar reasonably proved that the Eastern Slavic etymon Cossack (kazak> kozak) was borrowed from the Polovtsian word qazaq (<qaz-) in the period after the XIV century. That is, etymon kozak in Eastern Europe has nomadic Turkic roots and suggests that it be regarded as an institution. This is evidenced by sources found on the territory of the Golden Horde after its fall. The word and institution qazaq is a typical phenomenon that originated in the Eurasian Grace. It, apparently, arose among the Polovtsians of the Х-ХІІІ centuries and meant, at first, the non-settled miner who could also be a mercenary, a warrior, or a worker. About the actions of the individual Moscow and Ryazan Cossacks and the honorary guard together. ... въ 1502 году Вел. К., отпустивъ назадъ Кафинскаго посла Алакоза съ своимъ чиновникомъ, Яков. Телешовымъ, черезъ Рязань велѢлъ поклониться Великой КнягинѢ Аграфени и сказать: “Отпустилъ есмъ судномъ посла Турецкого до Старой Рязани”; а от Ст. Рязани Ѣхати ему Пронею вверхъ, а изъ Прони къ Пранову, а изъ Прановой Хуптою вверхъ до Переволоки до Рясского поля. И ти послала бъ 130 человѢкъ его проводити до Переволоки, да Переволокою Рясскимъ полемъ до рѢки до Ряси; а деверю твоему, К. Федору, велѢли если послати 70 человѢкъ... А сколько имъ будетъ надобъ коней и телегъ, и ты бъ имъ дала два жеребья; а Князю Федору велѢлъ есми дати треть... “И ты бы у Алакоза десяти человѢкомъ ослободила (позволила) нанятисъ Козакомъ, а не лучшим людемъ... Занежь твоимъ “людемъ служилымъ, Бояромъ и ДѢтямъ Боярскимъ и сельскимъ, быти “ всем на моей службѢ; а торговымъ людямъ лучшимъ и середнимъ и чернымъ быти у тобя въ городѢ... а ослушается и пойдетъ кто (на Донъ), ихъ бы велѢла казнити... а не учнешь казнити, ино ихъ мнѢ велѢти казнити и продавати” . In the cases of the Crimean from the embassy of Prince Golokhvastov from 1502, for the first time, it is stated clearly about the ethnic identity of the Cossacks who were in Ryazan. About the connection between Kaffa and the Ryazan Cossacks-invaders who were at the same 489 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies time mercenaries on the «service» of the Moscow ruler as guards. Analyzing the document, we see that the Cossack Ambassador Alakoz was accompanied by 130 people of the Moscow ruler, then 70 people in order to protect them from the attack of robbers on the caravan of his embassy. Who were these Muscovites, the document does not say. One can argue that these people were on the «service» of the Moscow ruler and that some of them were Ryazan Cossacks. Since the Moscow ruler, wrote a letter in the case to Grand Princess Agrofena, his daughter-in-law, that she allowed her 10 Cossacks to hire Alakoz for «service» and that they accompanied the ambassador to Kaffa with his caravan. From this it is clear that the Moscow ruler of the Ryazan Cossacks, and at the same time the guards who were in his «service», he himself allowed to give the ambassador a «service» in support of his guard and his caravan in Kaffa (where there was a market of slaves). Another case in this document is interesting for our subject. Moscow ruler orders all his liege men to be in his “service”, and who will run away to the Don River (not to become a Cossack – L.P.), will be executed or sold. This is wherefrom appear in Kaffa Cossacks, not only of local origin. Under year 1443, Nikon chronicle mentions Ryazan Cossacks-warriors: “І пріидоша на нихъ (Татаръ) Мордва на ртахъ съ сулицами и съ рогатинами и съ саблями; а казаки Рязаньскія також на ртахъ съ сулицами и съ рогатинами и съ саблями з другіа стороны...”. In this case, hired soldiers – Ryazan Cossacks are mentioned because they were taught to go to battle in sledges with weaponry: throwing spear and throwing forked club. Ryazan Cossacks-warriors together with Mordvinians fought against (Kazan) Tatars in 1443. In 1445, in Yermolin Chronicle there is a reference to the actions of Ukrainian hired Cossack-warriors and their connection with Kazan Tzar. “Тое же весны царь Махметь и сын его Мамутяк послали в Черкаси по люди и прииде к ним двѢ тысячи казаков и, шедше, взяша люди без слова царева, и приведоша полону много и багатства. Видев же царь множество корысти, и посла дѢтей своих, Мамутяка да Ягупа в отчины князя великого воевати”. The same spring of 1445 Kazan Tzar Makhamet and his son Mamutyak sent to Cherkasy for people and two thousand Cossacks came to them which on the way, without tzar’s permission, brought a lot of prisoners and wealth. The tzar saw a big benefit in it and sent his children Mamutyak and Yagup to fight in the lands of the Grand Prince (of Moscow). In this document, we find for the first time a geographic name of Cherkasy, wherefrom the Cossacks originated ethnically, without precise geographic coordinates though. It is likely that Ukrainian Cherkasy was mentioned here for two reasons: first, in XV cent. Cherkasy was 490 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE among the most important centres of Ukrainian Cossacks, alongside with Kiev and Kaniv; second, at that time (XV cent.) and later (XVII cent.) Russians (Moscow people) called Ukrainians Cherkases. Obviously, there is no reason at all to consider here Cherkases from the Caucasus about whom we do not have any specific information. It is referred to the fact Kazan Tzar Makhamet, as the descendant of the Golden Horde Tzar, sends for hired Ukrainian Cossacks. It is interesting to note, that Kazan Tzar believes that he is entitled, like formerly his ancestors, the Golden Horde khans, to recruit Cossacks from Ukrainian territory for his military purposes. And indeed, the Ukrainian Cossacks, in number of 2,000 people went to Kazan Tzar as mercenaries; and on the other hand, according to the source, they were conquerors, because they brought a lot of prisoners and wealth from the Grand Prince of Moscow land. Actions of the individual Cossacks are also mentioned, for despite the fact that the number of Ukrainian Cossacks amounted to two thousand, the Kazan Tzar recruited personally each of them personally into his mercenary army; it is a different matter that already after the tzar transformed them into an organisation. In Nikon Chronicle, under 7064=1556 year, there is interesting information about the actions of Ryazan and Moscow Cossacks of Moscow Tzar: “А Полемъ на ртахъ послалъ на Волгу для Исмаиля и Астороханького дѢла 500 человѢкъ казаковъ атамана Ляпунка Филимонова и инѢхъ атамановъ съ товарыщи”. Moscow Tzar, in winter 1556 sends Ryazan Cossacks who were in his “service” into a military expedition against Izmail and Astrakhan overland by sledges, “by mouths” and by the Volga River. We should understand that in this example In this extract, the point at issue is that we should consider not the actions of individual Cossacks but of a public organisation – Ryazan Cossacks of 500 persons headed by chieftain Lyapunok Filimonov and other chieftains with their comrades. This is very important information because here, for the first time, a head of Cossacks with the title “chieftain” is mentioned. Having reached the period when in 1556 it is already about not the actions of individual Cossacks but of a public organisation – 500 Moscow-Ryazan Cossacks headed by chieftains, in particular, Lyapunok Filimonov who were specially trained to move in winter by sledges, we shall close the review of activities of Moscow-Ryazan Cossacks. All the more that Günter Stökl dedicated to this issue a special section in his Ph. D. thesis. Cossacks in Ukraine. When speaking about Cossacks in Ukraine of XV–XVI centuries, one could just present abridgement of “History of Ukraine-Russ”, v. VII, by Mykhailo Hrushevsky. For the purposes 491 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies of our topic, we shall limit ourselves by just three main periods of the process of establishment of Cossacks phenomenon. The first period – end of XIV–XV cent. – “Cossacks” in Ryazan, Moscow, Tatar Cossacks – in khanates, Ukrainian ones – as a commonplace, diverse and yet without a common denominator, phenomenon. Cossacks in Ukraine are first mentioned under 1469 by Polish historian Ian Dlugosz, writing in Latin: “Ex fugitivis, praedonibus et exulibus, quos sua lingua kozakos appelant”. In the document, the point at issue is that in 1469 large Tatar army recruited from “refugees, bandits and exiles who call themselves in their language “Cossacks”, headed by Kazan khan Manyak, in three detached units launched an attack to the lands of Polish Crown. It is stated in the source, that Ukrainian individual Cossacks were mentioned as steppe and nonsettled elements. In Polish census of 1552 of population in Ukrainian cities, in particular, Cherkasy, Kiev, Kaniv, a specific category of non-settled people is mentioned, who were neither philistines, nor peasants, they were sometimes called ludzie Lóźni, that is people without any profession, any permanent residence and continuous income, “idlers” of Polish law. Those non-settled Cossacks went to Cossack catching, into “kozakdom” to the Steppe and the Down were they engaged in so called steppe sport, i.e. robbery, fishery, honey collection (wild-hive beekeeping) or “served” as mercenaries in cities or villages. Yevgen Barvinsky in his article “Cossacks’ Raid to Ochakiv in 1545” gives an example certifying that individual Cossacks who came from Ukraine (Kiev and Cherkasy) robbed a Tatar ship. In 1492 Crimean Khan complained to Grand Prince Olexander that Kievites and Cherkasians defeated near Tyagynya the Tatar ship, and Grand Prince in his letter to Khan informs him that he ordered “to shake” the Cossacks. In Polish copy of this letter there is an interesting version of the document: “ci ludzie, ktorzi w Oczakowie skodi pocynieli, beli kozacy polni, a nie osiedli na iednem mieisczu”. “Those people, who made damage in Ochakiv, were Cossacks living in the Steppe and not settled in one place”. Which means that the Polish of that time divided Cossacks in two groups: steppe (polni) and settled. Also interesting is similarity of the 1492 and 1545 episodes. In both cases, it was about attack of Ukrainian Cossacks on Ochakiv. It is differentiation of Ukrainian Cossacks into two groups: steppe and settled Cossacks during the first period of individual Cossacks activities, which is important for our topic. The second period in the genesis of phenomenon of Ukrainian Cossacks covers second half of XV – first half of XVI cent. Ukrainian Cossacks, like other Cossacks are specializing in military profession and living in settlements – Sich; relations at the time between The Polish492 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Lithuanian Commonwealth and Moscow state, Crimean Khanate and Turkey were tense. But Cossacks were not on state “service”, but mercenaries of local authorities, usually, starosts, who made from Cossacks professional soldiers. First data about organization of Ukrainian Cossacks for border defence came from Crimean Tatars in 1520-s. It was an initiative of Cherkasy starost Ostafiy Daskovych († 1535) – Cossack who was a landlord in Kiev – landowner and is traditionally considered the first Cossack “hetman”. This information has essential importance. It shows that organisation of Cossacks for defence of the country was initiated by Cherkasy and Kaniv starost, that is by a representative of authorities of Grand Lithuanian princes. On the one side, Ukrainian Cossacks act here as ludzie Lóźni, idlers of Polish law. On the other side, anyone irrespective of his social status may join “kozakdom” – either non-settled person or settled philistine, boyar, landlord – they are catching in Ukrainian steppes, engaging in border sport and guerrilla war with Tatars. More in detail on it, about Cherkasy starost, landlord by origin, see campaigns of “famous Cossack” Ostafiy Daskovych, by M. Hrushevsky. Perhaps it was a reason why moscals called Ukrainian Cossacks, and later all Ukrainians, - “cherkas”. In XVI cent., starosts, after recruiting Ukrainian Cossacks, trained them for Polish military units called rotas. Soon after that, Polish term “rota” was replaced by a term “regiment” (polk in Ukrainian). Regiment was a typical term to describe a military unit of Cossacks, and later – a unit of administrative territorial structure - institution. The word has a German origin: “folk” – tribe, people – it is an ancient borrowing from the Old-Russian “полкъ”, with many meanings: a “crowd”, “armed part of the people”, “army”, “battle”. As, for example, in Old-Ukrainian epic work “Word about Igor’s Regiment”, the word “regiment” is translated as “Igor’s Regiment”, “Igor’s campaign” or “Igor’s army”. Erich Lassota writes that the army in the Khortytsya island in 1594 was divided into regiments having 500 Cossacks each; the regiment was headed by a colonel: Chłopicki „ein Polkownik, das ist ein bevehlshaber über fünf hundert Man”. And starting from 1595–1600, commander of several regiments was called “hetman”, as unofficial title. First military organisations, which existed in Cossacks era in the territory of Ukraine as administrative units, were called regiments. It is interesting that Ukrainian Cossacks did not use the Polish term “rota” for their organisation but a traditional Old-Ukrainian name “regiment”. Initially, “rota” was used to designate any military unit, and later remained only as Polish unit of an infantry detachment whereas for a newly organized cavalry, from the times of Jagiellończyk, the used a new term – chorągiew. The institution of the “regiment” proves a connection of the Ukrainian Cossacks with Kievan Rus and not Chernye Klobuki, because the Old-Ukrainian name 493 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies “regiment” still remained in the Ukrainian territory after the fall of Kievan Rus and was overtaken by Ukrainian Cossacks. The last representative of Cossacks of the second period was Prince Dmytro Vyshnevetsky, whom modern historians want to make a founder of the Ukrainian Cossacks, because he, in 1556, built on the island of Mala Khortytsya a castle, which he needed for his guerrilla war with Tatars. Regarding Prince Dmytro Vyshnevetsky, we should again come back to his assessment by Mykhailo Hrushevsky who called him a “great adventurer”. D. Vyshnevetsky is still a representative of the individual Cossacks. He could not and did not establish an époque in the history of the Ukrainian Cossacks. As a member of a side line of the Lithuanian Jagiellon dynasty, he had the right to leave his chief and serve to another one, and he did it. First the prince D. Vyshnevetsky served to Turkish sultan Suleiman I, then to Moscow Tzar Ivan the Terrible, and eventually to the king of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth Sigismund II Augustus. In the course of all those changes of leaders, he as a dynasty member, could not be prosecuted. Turkish sultan Suleiman I (1520–1566) did not order to arrest him, when D. Vyshnevetsky arrived to Istanbul [ÖstürkYücel, 2005]. But when the prince intruded actively into activities of Moldavian Principality, which he wanted to acquire for himself, his Moldavian rivals passed him over to the sultan. In 1563 in Tsargrad, the sultan did not favoured him, but ordered to hang him up by rib. Thus, through his Moldavian adventure, ended the role of Dmytro Vyshnevetsky in the history of Ukrainian Cossacks. And his “Cossacks squad” from Sich on the Small Khortytsya island scattered each one his way; so no traces of Cossacks organization of Dmytro Vyshnevetsky remained, because he did not create anything sustainable forever, and acted exactly as a gentleman of fortune. The Cossack state of Bogdan Khmel’nyts’kyj did not have as its source Dmytro Vyshnevetsky, but Registered Cossacks connected with the territory of Ukraine (Trahtemyriv monastery) and supported by the royal authority. Registered Cossacks meant already a social status, and not just creation of an adventurer. Thus, it makes no sense to designate this adventurer as a Ukrainian hero, but rather call so leaders of the Registered Cossacks, as for example, O. Dashkovych, Cherkasy starost. In my opinion, Mykhailo Hrushevsky is right when assessing two different representatives of the individual and Registered Cossacks as follows: “That is why, if Dashkovych eventually ended up with the role of supreme power man, Staatsmann, then Vyshnevetsky ended up as an adventurer” . The third final period of the genesis of Ukrainian Cossacks phenomenon comes on the last quarter of XVI – first half of XVII cent. This is the beginning of Cossacks’ formation as a separate social status in the initiated first Registry of Ukrainian Cossacks. The first attempts to 494 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE register Ukrainian Cossacks, who were hired in “service”, were exercised by the kings of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth Sigismund II Augustus in 1572 and Stefan Batory in 1578. Within two first periods of beginning of Ukrainian Cossacks phenomenon, Cossacks served to the lords they choose themselves, they were no professional warriors; in the second period, they were professional mercenaries; in the third period, Cossacks become a social status recognised by the state. When Stefan Batory employed on civil “service” and filled into the Registry more than 500 Cossacks, they became representatives of the royal power and a permanent institution. In connection with organisation of the Registry by Stefan Batory, the first centre of Royal Cossacks became the city of Cherkasy. There is accurate information about existence of a “regiment” there of 1625: Cherkasy regiment (Capitaneatus). “Regiment” as an institution and its activities. After implementation of the reform by Stefan Batory, the Cossacks of already existing regiments could transfer the whole regiment to permanent civil “service”, as it was the case of: Pereyaslav regiment formed in 1570; Chygyryn regiment formed in 1552. New regiments were created already with participation of the official royal institution: Korsun regiment organised in 1634; Bila Tserkva regiment formed in 1620; Kaniv regiment created in 1637. Thus, six Cossack regiments, established yet before Bohdan Khmel’nyts’kyj revolution of 1648 based on the registration act, represented the authority of the king of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Furthermore, registration of the military was designed not as a single-action document for a fixed period of time, but as a permanent regulation. With his Registration Act, the king granted sedentism to Registered Cossacks: Trahtemyriv with its ancient Zarubsky Monastery becomes their official property; at the end of XVI–XVII cent. It was Cossacks military centre and collecting station of weapons and official sedentism, and a hospital. Regarding activities of Cossacks in XVI cent., I support the opinion of Mykhailo Hrushevsky, namely: I consider the registry of Stefan Batory the beginning of formation of Cossacks into a settled social status. It was an official transfer to the royal “service” based on the Registry in the system of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and granting by the king Trahtemyriv to Cossacks corporation. Though at the beginning the number of Cossacks in the Registry was limited, the institution itself became a permanent one and could extend. Henceforth, development of genesis of the phenomenon of Ukrainian Cossacks as a happening continued under the three above mentioned periods, in the process of establishment of the Cossack status; as a result, under provisions of Zboriv Treaty of 1649, the number of Registered Cossacks amounted to 40,000; in so called Pereyaslav Treaty of 1654, executed 495 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies during the time of hetman Bohdan Khmel’nyts’kyj (1648–1657), there were around 60,000 in official Cossacks army of the Zaporizhzhian Host. When this Cossacks group becomes an organisation of mercenaries, either economic or military, not as an individual phenomenon, but a social layer, they no longer belong to the origins of Cossacks development as a separate status in the system of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and later on they become perpetuators of the State of Bohdan Khmel’nyts’kyj . Conclusions Let me summarise the results of this study. In the Proto-Turk language of nomads (wanderers) there existed at least two verbs with a meaning of ‘to participate in raids, to conquer’: qaz and qazγan. With the appearance of Kievan Rus in ІХ–Х cent., the history of Eastern Europe began. Nomadic empire Pax of Cumans (of Polovtsy – Old-Russian name) or Kipchaks of Steppe (Qipčaqs) became neighbours of the state of Kievan Rus (1054–1223) for 170 years. The Cumans were a confederation of nomadic tribe groups: Qipčaq, Qāy, Qün, Sārī, which constituted Рах of Qipčaqs and functioned actively in Eurasia beginning from ХІІ cent. [Golden 1992, 216–283]; they used a “simple” verb qaz- to describe a phenomenon of Cossacks. This is also true for half-nomadic tribes of Chagatai (Chaγataj), which appeared in the fifteenth century and changed over to a sedentary life during XVI–XVII centuries [Gabain 1992, 309–317]. On the other hand, in Orkhon-Turkic empire, as well as in sedentary first Islamic-KhaganTurkic dynasty of Karakhanides in Central Asia, which in 840 – 1212 owned both Turkestans [Clauson 1972, 682–683], gave preference in using the same verb to a more positive opposite meaning, -qazγan- in the sense of ‘to take part in raids, to conquer’. Thus, it should be no doubt the Eastern-Slavic etymon kazak >kozak was borrowed from Cuman word qazaq (<qaz-) in the period after fourteenth century; the word was used by Cumans as Cossacks institution (qazaq). So, etymon kazak > kozak in Eastern Europe derives from Turkic lexeme of nomads (wanderers). Under the key word qazaq in his “Encyclopaedia of Islam” W. Barthold refers to Cossacks as a sociological institution. Z.V. Togan in the book “Bugünki Türkili (Türkistan) ve yakin tarihi”, explains more in detail the notion of qazaq as historic phenomenon which meant the way of respective thought pattern. The German turkologist Annemarie von Gabain studies emergence of Cossacks from sociological-philological perspective. The Professor proved with her theory, that the Cossacks is a sociological institution underlain by a respective though 496 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE pattern. The author writes: “Even if it is impossible to prove existence of Cossacks as a phenomenon in ancient times, nonetheless, it was already prepared yet in old times by way of respective thought pattern”. The point at issue are actions of individual Cossacks who have not yet reached a social status. At the examples from world history from ancient times until now, presented by Professor Gabain, we discover emergence of Cossacks institution in nomadic (wandering) or half-wandering society. Its ruler was, as is known, not the autocrat, but rather was elected from the ruler’s family of a certain tribe or clan. His decisions always remained dependant on a council of men who, due to their origin and achievements, enjoyed the trust of the community. In a critical situation, the burden of responsibility was sometimes a deterrent factor for the rulers and the council. Spontaneous decisions, sometimes offering a success, in such cases would always remain beyond their attention, if there were not a certain Cossack, always acting out of the duty of obedience, without getting approval of others and at his own responsibility. If he failed, nobody followed him in that case. But if his decision proved to be reasonable, he would become a “hero of the day” for the people and receive the highest authority in the council of government. In this manner, a sociological phenomenon of “Cossacks” meant an individual regulatory factor in the environment with the rule of collective conscience and public governance. Bearing in mind, that Ukrainian Cossacks could not emerge all of a sudden, the problem may not be explained by a single factor. In “History of Ukraine-Rus”, Mykhailo Hrushevsky is looking for an old genealogy of the Cossacks, linking them to Chernye Klobuki or Torks [Hrushevsky 1909, vol. 7, 69]. Oriental sources testify that the process of the Cossacks emergence was a long a complicated one and lasted minimum from VIII till XIII century. There are few sources from VIII–Х cent. in Eastern Europe, but ХІ, ХІІ and ХІІІ cent. allow to trace consequences of the earlier events. According to the famous historian and sociologist of the French historic school “The Annals” Marc Bloch (Marc Bloch 1886– 1944) this is a “deliberate retrogressive method”. Resulting from historical and sociological studies of Oriental sources and those from Eastern Europe, from ancient times until now, regarding the phenomenon of emergence of the Cossacks, we came to a consensus: we have to discard a “laundry” concept characterized in general by a breadwinning feature, and to consider the Cossacks in terms of the world history, as an institution. For example, Ukrainian Cossacks as an institution: oghuzes, guards, conquerors, “chieftain (otaman)”, monastic, steppe and sedentary Cossacks, urban Cossacks on the 497 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies “service”, Cossack “hetman”, Igor regiment or “Igor campaign”, “regiment” in Cossacks registry, “Cossack squad (druzhyna)”, Cossack Registry. The origin of Cossacks as a sociological phenomenon is testified by the Oriental sources found in the territory of Golden Horde after its downfall. The word and the institution (qazaq < qaz) ‘Cossack’ is a typical phenomenon emerged in Eurasian Steppe, arose among Polovtsians in Х–ХІІІ cent. and meant initially a non-settled Cossack, who could be mercenary, warrior or worker. While analysing sources on C history of XIV–XVII cent. In the territory of Ukraine, Russia, Poland, Lithuania we need to distinguish between two aspects: Cossacks as an individual phenomenon and Cossacks as a social phenomenon. I propose to solve the problem of the Ukrainian Cossacks origin by applying the theory of the German turkologist Annemarie von Gabain, on the basis of social and philological approach. By accepting this theory, we may state that the Ukrainian Cossacks, as a phenomenon of individual Cossacks, was a regulating factor in the nomadic community, where collective conscience and common management reigned, and there was no room for heroic deeds. Thus, a social state – the Cossacks with their ideology emerged from activities of the individual Ukrainian Cossacks. The experience of evolution of the historic phenomenon of Cossacks takes different forms in different periods. Zaporizhzhia Cossacks, in the process of emergence of Cossack status evolved through three basic periods. The analysis of sources about the history of Cossacks in XIV – XVII cent. in the territory of Eastern Europe, today’s Ukraine, Poland, Lithuania and Russia results also in synthesis of a sociological phenomenon in the world – the Cossacks: creation of the autonomous state of Zaporizhzhia Army at the time of Hetman Bohdan Khmel’nyts’kyj in 1648 – 1657. This is the core of The Genesis of the phenomenon of Ukrainian Cossacks, and the epoch of Bohdan Khmel’nyts’kyj is one of the most important periods of the history of Ukraine. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bābur-nāme. 1995. Ed. Eiji Mano. Kyoto. This work cites the latest and most complete edition of Bābur-nāme (1995). The editor of the publication – professor of Kyoto University (Japan) Eiji Mano, is a former student of the world-known orientalist, founder and professor of Ukrainian Scientific Institute of Harvard University O.Y. Pritsak. Bābur – famous Cossack, outstanding statesman, conqueror of India, wonderful man of letters who wrote his memories Bābur-nāme, even during the battle, and became a leading classic of Turkic literary Chahatai language (died in 1526). The publication comprises four parts and five volumes: part 1, Bābur498 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE nāme text in Turkic language; part 2 (volumes 2–3), index of all words in all forms present in the text; part 3 (volume 4), translation into Japanese; part 4 (volume 5), comments in Japanese Gabain, Annemarie von. “Kasakentum, eine soziologisch-philologische Studie”. Acta Orientalia. Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, v. 11. 1960. P. 161–167. Gabain, Annemarie von. Die Sprache des Codex Cumanicus. Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta 1. Wiesbaden, 1949. P 46–73. Golden Peter B. “The Cerni Klobouci”. Symbolae Turcologicae, v. 6. Uppsala, 1996. P. 97–107. Грушевський Михайло. Історія України–Руси. Київ–Львів, 1909. Т. VII. Греков Б. Д., Якубовский А. Ю. Золотая Орда и ее падение. М.–Л., 1950. С. 478. The Cossacks as a historic phenomenon emerged after the fall of the Golden Horde. Drimba, Vladimir. Codex Cumanicus: Edition diplomatique avec facsimiles. Bucharest, 2000. Györffy, György. Autor du Codex Cumanicus. Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica 5. Budapest, 1942. Houtsma, Martin Theodor. Ein türkisch-arabisches Glossar. Leiden, 1894. Nagrodzka-Majchrzyk, Teresa. Czarny Klobouci (Chernye Klobuki). Warsaw, 1985. Gajecky, George. The Cossack Administration of the Hetmanate. Cambridge, 1978. T. 1– 2. Stökl, Günther. Die Entstehung des Kosakentums. Münich, 1953. Про українську, польську, російську історіографію у відношенні до козаків (докторська дисертація віденського вченого про походження козацтва). Öztürk, Yücel. “Erdel-Efläk-Boğdan Olaylari ve Dimitriy Vişnevetski”, Türklük Araştirmalari Dergisi, Sayi 17. Istanbul, 2005. Pritsak, Omeljan. The Origin of Rus’. Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. Preface. Cambridge, 1981. Pritsak, Omeljan. “The Turkic Etymology of the Word Qazaq ‘Cossack’”. Harvard Ukrainian Studies. V. XXVIII. No. 1–4. 2006. P. 237–243. Pritsak, Omeljan. “An Elevents-Century Turkic Biligual (Turco-Slavic) Graffiti from the St. Sophia Cathedral in Kiev”. Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 1982. V. 6. P 152–166. Pritsak, Omeljan. The Turkic Nomads of Southern Europe. The Turkic Speaking Peoples. Münich–Berlin–London–New-York: Arestel Verlag, 2008. P. 197–213. Пріцак Омелян. Коли і ким було написано “Слово о полку Ігоревім”. Київ, 2008. С. 28–49. Вступ ІІ. Половці і Русь на тлі Євразійського степу. 499 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Винар Любомир. Козацька Україна. Київ–Львів–Нью-Йорк–Париж, 2003. 677 с. The editor of this volume V. Stepankov, in his interesting introduction to the book (pgs. 11-14), develops periodization of this stage of Cossacks evolution. Thus I direct the readers to that valuable paper. Гвоздик-Пріцак Л. Економічна і політична візія Богдана Хмельницького та її реалізація в державі Військо Запорозьке. Київ, 1999. С. 108–124. Section ІІ. Reconstruction of the potential budget of Bohdan Khmel’nyts’kyj State. Пріцак Лариса. Із досліджень про державу Богдана Хмельницького 1648–1657 рр. Статті і матеріали. Харків, 2003. 278 с. Пріцак Лариса. Основні міжнародні договори Богдана Хмельницького 1648– 1657 рр. Харків, 2003. С. 493. Про українське козацтво як явище культурно-політичне у всесвітній історії див. розділ ІІ, с. 157–198. Пріцак Лариса. Генеза феномена українського козацтва // Український історик. Нью-Йорк–Київ–Львів–Торонто–Париж, 2006. № 43. Ч. 1–2. C. 147–162. See Sources and Publications to this article. I refer once again to this published paper, in order to study in complex all, especially oriental, collected sources and information on origins of еру Cossacks from the universal history prospective. Radloff W. Die alttürkischen Inschriften der Mongolei. Petersburg, 1985. S. 329. Togan Z.V. Bugünki Türkili (Türkistan) ve yakin tarihi. Istanbul, 1942. S. 37, 47. Пилипчук Я. В. Історична географія Дашт-і Кипчак (соціально-економічний аспект) // Схід і діалог цивілізацій. До ювілею Ю. М. Кочубея. К., 2012. С. 248–263. On location of residences of steppe rulers, localization of towns and localization of Chernye Klobuki, of trade routes and borders. Toynbee A. J. A Study of History. Oxford 1934–1961. V. 1–12: Civilization on Trial. Oxford 1948; Hellenism: The History of Civilization. Oxford, 1959; Surviving the Future. Oxford, 1971. Toynbee Arnold Josef (14.04.1889 – 22.10.1975) – British historian, philosopher, specialist in International Relations. His most significant contribution to historiography is his theory of the cyclical development of civilizations presented in his 12 volume work “A Study of History”, 1934–1961. Toynbee considered world history as a system of coexistence of civilizations which pass through the same phases from birth, through heyday to demise. Toynbee saw this process as dependent on the problems and challenges faced by a society and their ability to overcome them (challenge and response). I believe that the social phenomenon of Cossack society can be seen as a specific challenge. The volume and character of the 500 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ‘challenge’ could be favourable to the dynamic of the civilization, but could also limit or stop it. The challenges can have a physical (nature, climate, geography) military, socio-economic and, as in the case of the Cossack state, a cultural political character. The success of the shaping of the ‘response’ to the challenge depends on the ability the ‘creative majority’ (of the Cossacks – L.P) to adequately respond and mobilize society’s resources. The significance of the actions of a minority in Toynbee’s approach reveals him to be in the elitist school of thought. Civilization, according to Toynbee, is a closed community which can be characterized by two main criteria: first, religion and the form of its organization and second: territorial reference and the distance from the place where the community first appeared. For example, in world history, the period of Mongol expansion (1223 – 1502) into the countries of Eastern Europe by the state of the Golden Horde are closely tied to the development of the Cossack state and its institutions. The Cossack state was formed on its territory as a result of the disintegration of the Golden Horde which split into various Khanates (Princedoms), for example, the Crimean Khanate, the Astrakhan Khanate and so on. A civilization is not the same as a state or ethnic group, but is a society based on a single system of values dictated by religion. During the twenty years of his work on this theory, Toynbee identified 21 civilizations including – which suits our theme – main orthodox Christianity (Byzantine, Balkans, Caucuses) and Russian, Ukrainian and Belarus orthodox Christianity. Toynbee’s work did not result in a new school of history or methodology, but it did create a traditional historical discourse which contradicts the lineal approach to the historical process. Яворницький (Еварницький) Дмитро Іванович (07.11 (26.10) 1855 – 05.08.1940) – історик, етнограф, фольклорист, археолог, музеєзнавець, письменник. Історія запорозьких козаків. СПб, 1892–1897. Т. 1-3. (укр. пер. – Львів, 1990–1992). Див. концепцію добичництва про українських козаків. 501 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 502 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Reflection Of The Underground And Political Organization On The Polish Identity in XIXth Century Mehmet Enver ERBİL After Poland's first division in 1772, Russia became stronger in Europe. Declaration of the independence of the Crimean Khanate in 1774 on the basis of Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca was a critical step for Catherine II (1729 -1796) dominating this place in the future. In 1783, the rebellion in Crimea, Catherine II annexed Crimea.1 Then the Ottoman-Russian relations reach a new point of tension. Russia was victorious from the Ottoman-Russian War between 1787 and 1792. It was the time to put an end to the Polish issue because of the lack of support from Poland during the war, so Catherine II gave more intensity on Poland issue after this war. In addition, because of the 1789 French Revolution in Europe it was essential from the point of Catherine 's view to eliminate the Poland to fill the political gap in Europe. The second division took place in 1793 as a result of Russia's agreement with Prussia, and one of the first revolts in Polish history began in March 1794 under the leadership of Tadeusz Kościuszko. In 1793, Kościuszko sought support in Paris for an uprising in Poland which was planned in near time, but could not find the support he desired. Nevertheless, although Kościuszko succeeded in bringing about an uprising which was targeting Russia and Prussia with a number of Polish leaders in March 1794, this uprising was defeated after a long resistance because of the lack of support from the Poles and the lack of military equipment to fight.2 After the Kościuszko Uprising, the occupying states had the third and final sharing in 1795, which caused Poland to be removed from the maps. Under the leadership of Tadeusz Kościuszko, this uprising has always been a source of inspiration in the framework of the desire of the Poles to liberate their homeland. The deletion of Poland from the map has caused prominently the non-organization of the Poles in the first half of the 19th century. For this reason, the Polish patriots were able to take With the intervention of Russia, Şahin Giray (Shahin Khan Girai) was elected as the Crimean Khan. On the other hand, the Ottoman Empire appointed Selim Giray as the Crimean Khan. As a result of the struggles, Selim Giray returned to Istanbul. When the Ottoman Empire declared war on Russia, Sahin Giray was accepted as the Crimean Khan with the Treaty of Aynalıkavak signed on 10 March 1779 with the help of intervening of France. But in contrast to the treaty, Russia didn’t withdraw the army and intervene more in the Crimea, which means that this country has conquered a significant area in the north of the Black Sea. See, Fahir Armaoğlu, 19. Yüzyıl Siyasi Tarihi 1789-1914, Timaş, İstanbul 2014, p. 37-38. 2 Marian B. Michalik, Kronika Powstań Polskich 1794-1944, Kronika, Warszawa 1994. p. 21. 1 503 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies part in the political and military organization of the other states fighting against Habsburg, Prussia and Russia, which they defined as the occupiers, and were able to receive the support of these states and had an important base in organizing the people in Poland. Although the defeat ended in the Napoleonic wars between 1803 and 1815 in the French army, the Polish troops came a great way in the name of the independence. Due to the occupation of their homelands, they tried to overcome the difficulty of organizing in various European countries, especially in France. Brief Overview on the Organizations of Poles in the process until January Upraising in 1863 Poles, estimated a result getting independence of homeland after taking part in Napoleon army, have decided to operate in countries such as Italy and Belgium out of France. The partitions of the homeland also had a great impact on the formation of national culture and national consciousness on the Poles.3 Because of this, romanticism, dealing with religion, heroism and love of homeland, was used as a tool to express the thoughts of Polish intellectuals towards world, nation and individual in the first half of 19th century. In this respect, although there is no political activity in universities, students with groups of literature and culture have started to develop. It is possible to assert that these groups of students are the basis of the future organization. Poles, who realized in European politics in the 1820s the impact of such organizations like “Carbonari”4, an organization founded by officers at the beginning of the 19th century against the French of Napoleon in Italy, established underground organizations such as “Towarzystwo Patriotyczne”5 on abroad. Thanks to such organizations, they have made some political attempts to benefit Poland both inside and outside. In particular, the Poles, who were influenced by the views of the Carbonari organization around socialist ideas, planned to threaten the conception of the structuralist rule of the occupying states. For this reason Polish 3 For more detailed information on the stages of cultural and national awareness Neşe Taluy Yüce, Polonya Edebiyatında Aydınlanma Romantizm ve Realizm, Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları 2002, p. 86-100. 4 Carbonari was an organization founded by officers against France of Napoleon in Italy. After 1806, it was formed in Southern Italy and after 1815 it spreaded to Northern Europe and the Mediterranean world with other similar groups. Carbonari experienced its most active period in 1820 and 1821 (The officers of the Carbonari organization, which carried out the July 1820 coup in Naples, required the King of Naples, Ferdinand IV to ratify the constitution, thus leading to the 1821 Laibach Congress). To learn more about the impact of the Carbonari organization on the revolutionary movements in Europe Eric Hobsbawm, Devrim Çağı: Avrupa 1789-1848, Dost Yayınevi, Ankara 2012, p. 129-135. 5 Towarzystwo Patriotyczne was founded on 1 May 1821 by former members of the Wolnomularstwo Narodowe (Nationalist Free Masons). The Carbonari movement of Italy was based on the example of the Komitet Centralny (Central Committee). Michalik, Kronika Powstań Polskich 1794-1944, p. 88. 504 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE officers and intellectuals, who were defeated after the November Uprising in 1830, even established other organizations to be considered extension of the Carbonari.6 In the period till January Uprising in 1863, an important organization carrying out the unique support of Britain and France and conducting an unequaled politics in European politics is the organization called Związek Jedności Narodowej. Since 1843, it has taken its name of Towarzystwo Monarchiczne Trzeciego Maja, but it has been called Hotel Lambert over time.7 Hotel Lambert, under the leadership of Adam Czartoryski (1770-1861), carried out serious activities against Russia and Habsburg in the Balkans, Dalmatia and the Caucasus. 8 Hotel Lambert located in Paris became a hotspot for Polish patriots in France in 1833 and more precisely in other European countries, after its acquisition by Adam Czartoryski.9 It is difficult to comment on the fact that Hotel Lambert has moved around socialist ideas by his activities. On the other hand Towarzystwo Demokratyczne Polskie10 (as a result of the disintegration process under the influence of the Galician Revolution in 1848, around the plans for the 6 The Carbonari organization, also known as coalmen, occurred in Italy in the early 20th century. It was an organization that believes that democracy, monarchy and feudalism must be destroyed. It was a revolutionary movement connected with the Jacobins in the periods of the French Revolution. It operated as an underground organization because it wasn't accepted by the governments in Italy. After 1815 Vienna Congress, he was engaged in intensive activities in Northern Italy, Lombardy and Venice. It emerged as a widespread organization in Spain and France in the 1820s. The members of the Carbonari was united in their unity, planning to make a revolution in Europe in the spring of 1833, but they have not succeeded. The Polish nationalists, who took refuge in France after the defeat of the November 1830 Uprising, were among the Carbonari groups here. Polish nationalists in France also established the Coalmen Union (Ośrodek Węglarski) in April 1832. For further more details: Michalik, Kronika Powstań Polskich 1794-1944, p. 137. 7 Andrzej Chwalba, Historia Polski 1795-1918, Literackie, Kraków 2013, p. 292. 8 Adampol (Polonezköy), established in Istanbul, has a special importance in Hotel Lambert's policy against Russia. The representatives of the Hotel Lambert have benefited as a diplomatic bridge with the military base and the Ottoman Empire, as well as creating a home for migrants fleeing from Poland. For more information Hacer Topaktaş, “Polonezköy (Adampol) (1842-1922) Kuruluş, Tabiyet Meselesi, İmar Faaliyetleri ve Sosyal Hayat”, Belleten, Nisan 2015, p. 293-318. 9 P. Sieradzki “Obecność Rodziny Książat Czartoryskich na Ziemi Jarosławskiej. Zarys Problematyki”, Teka Komisji Historycznej Oddział PAN, Nmr. 1, 2006, p. 99-123.; To learn more about the activities of Hotel Lambert in the Balkans Hakan Demir, “Polonyalı Hotel Lambert ve Büyük Sırbistan “Načertanıje” Planı (1840-1844)”, Avrasya İncelemeler Dergisi, II/1, 2013, p. 271-310. 10 Towarzystwo Demokratyczne Polskie (TDP), the group of Hotel Lambert is active abroad. Apart from France and England, the Ottoman Empire is also within the scope of this movement. TDP sent Józef Wysocki to the Ottoman Empire as a representative. The members of the TDP who escaped abroad after the November 1830-31 Uprising believed that they would gain the independence of Poland with the National Legion to be established if the Ottoman-Russian war broke out. However, Wysocki's initiatives in Istanbul -maybe overly and risky- did not reach the expected result. For more information Abdullah Temizkan, “Lehistanlıların İstanbul'da Lobi Faaliyetleri ve Kafkasya'ya Lejyon Gönderme Girişimleri”, TÜBAR, sy. XXVIII, 2010, p. 367.; Towarzystwo Demokratyczne Polskie (Polish Democratic Movement), established in France, has had reports that peasants should participate in nationalist movements. From the early days of its establishment, everything that comes from the people who are considered to be quite radical for that period is "everything stems from the people is for the people" (Wszystko przez lud, dla ludu). In the light of this organization, a number of organizations were established in St. Petersburg between Lithuanian and Polish students. In 1848, during the Galician Revolution, TDP made great efforts to join the people in the struggle. For more information Francziszek R. Gawroński, Monografje z Powstania Styczniowego, Księgarnia Polska Tow.Polskiej Macierzy Szkolnej, Warszawa 1928., p. 23-24, 27. 505 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Crimean War - in 1852 - the name Koło Polskie), which is not as influential as Hotel Lambert and adopting social ideas after November Uprising in 1830, has become a respected Polish underground organization in England, France and Ottoman Empire. This organization, especially with the help of the war between the Ottoman Empire and Russia (Crimean War) conceived that the Poles could establish a superiority against the Russians in the Balkans and the Caucasus11, and perhaps even in the next stage could have thought that the independence of Poland. In order to establish Polish legions in the Balkans and the Caucasus before the Crimean War, this organization took important diplomatic initiatives in Istanbul under the leadership of Józef Wysocki. One of the most important representatives of this organization in Italy and France is Adam Mickiewicz, who is considered to be the greatest national poet of Poland today. However Mickiewicz, although he had made attempts on behalf of Koło Polskie for his socialist ideas, crossed Hotel Lambert's path. Because he thought that the Polish legions to be established in the Balkans and the Caucasus were of great importance for the independence of Poland. However, until the second half of the 19th century, a number of organizations aimed to gain an autonomous structure under the current administration and reach a political presence because they thought it was almost impossible for the Poles to gain full independence. Hence, the Poles felt the need to create a nationalist ideology that would allow them to have a distinct political voice. Poles began to spread their nationalist ideologies in practice to gather supporters in three cities, Warsaw, Poznań and Kraków. The fact that the idea of accessing autonomous governance has become more popular in society over time, such as the events Cracow Uprising in 184612 and the Galician Revolution in 1848, led to the political unity of the Poles around these ideologies. It has become clear that they need to use publications such as magazines and manifesto as effectively, quickly and as widely as possible in order to be able to prepare even more decisive uprising and to achieve the ultimate goal. In fact, the first nationalist manifesto in Warsaw corresponds to the day of the religious and national songs (like Boże, coś Polskę13 and 11 For more information on the policy of the representatives of the Hotel Lambert, with the efforts of the British diplomats, to set up an army to fight against Russia in the Caucasus in the eyes of the Ottoman. Abdullah Temizkan, “Lehistanlıların Kafkasya’ya Birlik Gönderme Girişiminde Zor Seçim: Sefer Bey mi Yoksa Muhammed Emin mi?” Türkiye-Polonya İlişkilerinde “Temas Alanları” 1414-2014 Uluslararası Konferansı Bildiriler Kitabı. VIII. Dizi, Say. 20, TTK, Ankara 2017, p. 205-227. 12 For more information Mehmet Enver Erbil, "1846 Krakov Ayaklanması ve 1848 Galiçya İhtilalinin Polonya Milliyetçiliğinin Yükseliş Dönemine Etkileri", Sosyal Bilimler Işığında Polonya Cumhuriyeti, Ed. Atasoy E., Beta Yay., İstanbul 2017, p. 403-438. 13 Boże! Coś Polskę przez tak liczne wieki Otaczał blaskiem potęgi i chwały… 506 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Jeścze Polska nie Zginęła) known to everyone on the demonstration march after the rite in Karmelitów Church in November 1860, the anniversary of the Cracow Uprising in November 1848.14 A number of underground organizations was formed from students and young intellectuals in this city. However, it is possible to claim that these new underground organizations have neither long-lasting nor public influence. Many of the organizations that consist of students and some intellectuals are far from responding to the priorities of ordinary Polish people because they were based on romantic ideology. Thus, the camps called Whites and Reds, which were more sensitive to the needs of the society, the people belonging to the peasant and the working class were represented, and the concepts such as national identity, culture etc. became more ossified in the following periods, and the mentioned organizations took place under the roof of these camps. The Polish intelligentsia saw the need to reach large segments of society by establishing large and small organizations after the Galician Revolution in 1848 in order to increase its political power. Polish leaders gathered around the political movements with broader roofs such as Whites (Obóz Białych) and Reds (Obóz Czerwonych) in the 1860s to eliminate the lack of coordination resulting from the existence of many organizations and leaders. they have made great progress towards raising awareness about their independence. Camps called Whites and Reds started building a representative nation by recruiting people from different groups. As an ideology and movement, the nationalism of these camps and the national autonomy, national unity and national identity are the modern phenomena. These phenomena placed “sovereign, united and unique nation” in the center of Poland's political scene. Political Thoughts, Underground Organizations and Publication Elements in the Second Half of the 19th Century Since the public participation in the 1846 and 1848 revolutions was not complete, the Polish leaders saw that it was necessary to involve the common people in the struggle on the basis of democratic demands. Organizations such as Hotel Lambert and Towarzystwo Demokratyczne Polskie saw more clearly that they will find an answer among the public, as well as attempts to weaken the occupying states by establishing Polish legions in foreign states. Michalik, Kronika Powstań Polskich 1794-1944, p. 202; Also the first anonymous manifesto was written by Maurycy Mochnacki in 1830. 14 507 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Because the events such as the Garibaldi movement15 which fought for the unity of Italy against Habsburg after 1848, the Crimean War in 1853-5616, the land reform17 which was started shortly after 1861 in Russia, contributed to the preparation of the basis to raise the Polish people’s national emotion in the frame of democratic and socialist thought by the Polish leaders. Similar to the social upheavals that started in Russia after 1856, there were also actions in Warsaw. The Russian administration took those who participated in these actions to the Warsaw prison (Cytadel). Towarzystwo Rolnicze (Farmer Organization) was established to save his friends in prison and engaged in diplomatic initiatives with the Russian administration.18 It is obvious that one of the first established social underground organizations Towarzystwo Rolnicze tried to get the support of the ordinary Poles considering the word “farmer” (rolnicze) and aimed to show political activity within the framework of peasants demands on land reform which were the current issue of that period's politics. After the Crimean War, Polish nationalists, who could not find what they had hoped for from the great Western states, especially Britain and France, saw the necessity to operate more clearly in the lands dominated by Russia, which came to the brink of revolution. In this respect, 15 For information on the location of the Poles in the politics around Garibaldi see: Franciszka Ramotowska, Tajemne Państwo Polskie. Tom. 1, DIG, Warszawa 1999. p. 585-586.; A. Chojnowski & H. Manikowska, Historia Polski, Oświata, Warszawa 1995, p. 333-334. 16 See about the Crimean War and political equations in Europe: Armaoğlu, 19. Yüzyıl Siyasi Tarihi 1789-1914, p. 238-241, 249-251; also: Branislav L. Slantchev, “Territory and Commitment: The Concert of Europe as SelfEnforcing Equilibrum”, Security Studies. Vol. 14, No: 4, Taylor&Francis 2005, p. 601-604 17 For information on the land reforms in Russia and the role of the Poles in Russian politics during this period, see: Hugh Seton-Watson, The Decline of Imperial Russia, Frederick A. Praegar, New York 1965, p. 41-46, 74-81. 18 Stefan Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego. Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, Warszawa 1987, p. 5. 508 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Polish nationalists such as Zygmunt Sierakowski19 and Jarosław Dąbrowski20, who were officers in the Russian army, gathering around some organizations and publications like Związek Trojnicki21 founded in Kiev University after the Treaty of Paris in 1856 and Kołokoł Zygmunt Sierakowski (1827-1863) was born to a peasant family in Lithuania (Wołyń). His father participated in the November 1830 Uprising. After completing his high school education in Wołyń, in 1845 he went to St. Petersburg to study at university. In the university, he was involved in a number of literary groups, which allowed him to see more nationalist ideas in his mind. In time, he became a prominent figure in the literature group of university students. Reports / publications on the need to participate in nationalist movements of the Towarzystwo Demokratyczne Polskie (Polish Democratic Movement) in France have influenced Sierakowski. In this way, Sierakowski began to shape this simple literary group as a nationalist movement. Thus, in a reaction to the Rusyfikacja (Rusification) policies that began in the 1840s, he sought to include the young people in Ruthonian and Lithuanian into this nationalist movement. Thanks to this organization, Sierakowski was able to spread nationalist propaganda especially in Lithuania. Sierakowski was sent to Orenburg, a city close to Kazakhstan, after the Russian army was arrested by the Russian army for a while, as many Polish nationalist friends attempted to cross the border of Habsburg when the 1848 Galician Revolution began. He served here in the Russian army. In 1856, he became a Russian officer for his achievements in the Russian Union in Kyrgyzstan. After a while, he went to the Russian Staff School (Armia Sztabu Generalnego) and graduated in 1859. Sierakowski's next task is to go to the Western countries and examine the military system there. During his abroad assignment he met Ludwig Mierosławski and Aleksander Hercen, who supported reform in Russia. Through Hercen, he wrote in Kołokoł on social reform. When he returned to St. Petersburg, he supported a major reform in Russia, both in the military and social sphere. When the January 1863 uprising began, he did not turn down the organization's offer to take over the Lithuanian army, although he knew that Rząd Narodowy's (National Government) organization in Lithuania was weak. Sierakowski managed to carry the January Uprising, as well as to Estonia (Inflanty) and Latvia (Kurlandia), with the approval of Rząd Narodowy. On May 10, 1863, the Lithuanian army under his command had suffered great losses against the Russians, and Sierakowski was captured as wounded. After the trial, he was executed on 27 June 1863. Gawroński, Monografje z Powstania Styczniowego, p. 15-110. 20 Jarosław Dąbrowski (1836-1871) is from a noble family. He studied for a long time at the Russian military school. In 1855, he served in the Russian army on the Caucasian front. After entering Russia's Staff Officer's School (Akademia Sztabu Generalnego) in 1859, Dąbrowski entered the underground organization through Zygmunt Sierakowski. In 1862, after Dąbrowski was commissioned to Warsaw by the Russian army, he became the head of the Military Committee (Komitet Wojskowy), the military arm of the National Committee (Komitet Centralny Narodowy). The Reds (Obóz Czerwonych) has played an important role in establishing the movement and strengthening of the provincial organizations. An uprising was planned that was prevented by conservative nationalists around Agaton Giller. However, after the failure of the planed uprising, he was arrested in August 1862 and sentenced to 15 years in Siberia. He managed to escapefrom the faction leading to Siberia and lived exile abroad. He was the leader of the "Polish Exiles League” (Zjednoczenie Emigracji Polskiej) in France, where he lived in exile. Dabrowski wanted to establish a Polish legion with the support of France in the Franco-Prussian War in 1770, but France did not accept it. He entered the Paris Commune and after a while became head of a unit and later became the commander of the Commune's armed wing. Michalik, Kronika Powstań Polskich 1794-1944, p. 262. 21 During this period, students at the University of Kiev were mostly Polish. The first formation of Związek Trojnicki was small groupings in 1856, defined as “ogół”. High school students and other civilians in the region also participated in these groupings in Kiev University in a very short period of time. Bigos, Ulicznik and Plebeusz began to publish newspapers and magazines. However, they had to act cautiously because they were secret formations. For this reason, the groups were united under the name of Związek Trojnicki (Trinity Union) in order to be able to follow their members more closely and to create a distinguished group. The Związek Trojnicki derives its name from the fact that each member brings two new members along with two new members. For more information Stefan Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa 2009, p. 39-42.; At the same time, Narcyz Jankowski has established similar student groups in 1858 at the Medical Academy opened in Warsaw in the spring of 1857. Since Jankowski was in Kiev earlier, he created these organizations in connection with Związek Trojnicki. Although Jankowski was initially based on nationalist discourses, he did not have a statement about the uprising. He was strongly influenced by the discourse of the “organic work” (praca organiczna) which was supported by Edward Jurgen's intellectual group expressing the homeland's economic and cultural development by complying with the laws imposed by the occupying forces. However, in 1859, the policy of exploiting the conflicts between France and Austria in Lombardia became the priority of these groups, so the 19 509 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies (Pol. “Dzwon” 22), a newspaper supporting revolution in Russia. continued their propaganda to rebuild the Poland. The propaganda of these publications and organizations began to be heard in Warsaw in November 1860 and February 1861, especially in Warsaw, where the public attended widely. Polish leaders tried to emphasize Polish identity through a series of public manifestos, thanks to commemorations of historical events such as the Grochów War (Bitwa pod Grochowem23) and the Polish-Lithuanian Union (Unii Polsko-Litewskiej) to further raise the nationalist fire that emerged recently. Churches on the other hand fired the people for their independence by means of rituals on the death of the heroes who fought for their homeland. 24 While preparing the country for the uprising, the underground organizations prepared an underground network in the wide frame in all lands before the division of Poland based on 1772. While preparing for the Polish uprising by the underground organizations, the Russian occupied territories were chosen as the primary target and the places under the occupation of Habsburg and Prussia were organized in such a way as to provide arms to the uprising. In these underground organizations, there was initially no unified and centralized structure. But after a short time, they began to operate in groups of ten and one hundred. In August 1861, for example, only about a hundred such small groups were active in Warsaw. 25 Delegacja Miejska (City Delegation), born in Towarzstwo Rolnicze organization, was founded in February 1861 when two landowners, a craftsman, a worker and a student were killed and at the same time a number of people were arrested. 26 This delegation has made diplomatic initiatives for the release of political prisoners in the Warsaw prison (Cytadel).27 discourse of “organic work” by Jurgen. See: Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, p. 5-6. 22 Kołokoł is a newspaper published in London in 1857 by Aleksander Hercen. It is among the aims of this newspaper to raise public awareness for the realization of the revolution in Russia and for the realization of a number of democratic reforms. Jarosław Dąbrowski, and in particular Zygmunt Sierakowski, tried to raise Polish nationalism with anti-Russian inclinations in the writings they wrote and in their visits to the Poles in Russia. For more information on Kołokoł newspaper, the development of Ukrainian nationalism through underground organizations and the activities of Jarosław Dąbrowski and Zygmunt Sierakowski before the riots of January 1863: G. Marachow, “Stefan Bobrowski i Tajna Drukarnia w Kijowie (1861-1862)”, Przeglad Historyczny, Nmr. 49/4, 1958, p. 700-713. 23 The Battle of Grochów is the battle between Poland and Russia during the 1830- 31 November Uprising. 24 Jarosław SZAREK, Powstanie Styczniowe - Zryw Wolnych Polaków. AA, Krakow 2013, p. 39-43. 25 Emil Noiński, “Rok Powstania Styczniowego w tajemnicy poczęte... Fenomen tajnego państwa polskiego w powstaniu styczniowym”, Palestra, Nmr. 9-10, 2013, p. 262. 26 Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, s. 11.; Another aim of the establishment of the Delegation of the City (Delegacja Miejska) is to bring these big and small organizations under one roof in the political plane. See: Noiński, “Rok Powstania Styczniowego w tajemnicy poczęte...”, p. 262. 27 Agaton Giller, one of the famous intellectuals of Poland, also took part in the Delegacja Miejska (City Delegation) and wrote many manifests for the uprising that was expected to emerge due to the reform movements in Russia. He even maintained that such an uprising should be a struggle for independence with the full 510 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Similarly to the Towarzstwo Rolnicze, the Delegacja Miejska, which was formed under the name of ordinary people, strongly points out that the peasants, who came to the agenda after 1856, acted within the framework of land reform demands policy. Towarzstwo Rolnicze, based on the view of the Towarzystwo Demokratyczne Polskie (TDP- from 1852 named Koło Polskie) that the peasants should be included in the national struggle, expressed the defending of egalitarianism and freedom also with the help of the groups born from this organisation in the context of democratic principles. Therefore, it can be stated that Poland is a national phenomenon. This national phenomenon united people living in all classes around the reform and independence movement, for example in Warsaw in 1861 there were two hundred uprising movements of large and small size. The intervention of the Russians to suppress the demonstrations in Warsaw on 27 February 1861 and ended with the death of five people was a turning point for the changes in the structure of political movements.28 Following this event, the political group called Reds (Obóz Czerwonych), which was accepted as a radical leftist, was laid as well as spreading for the peasants the motivation of revolt to gain the Poland's independence. On the other hand thanks to the Reds, underground organizations such as the Komitet Centralny Komitet (National Central Committee) and the Żandarmeria Narodowa (National Gendarmerie) also emerged. In particular, the political camp the Reds, which acted with the idea of winning the country's independence by fighting the Russians, decided to reestablish the Rada Stanu Królestwa Polskiego (Polish Kingdom Council), which was eliminated after the November Uprising in 1830 because Russia was not ready for a more advanced conflict. Aleksander Wielopolski29, whose their liberal policies would be adopted by the Poles in the coming period, became the leader of the Council.30 On 12 August 1861, on the anniversary of Unia Lubelska, the closing of the entire establishment from shops to public institutions, and even the lighting of the households with oil lamps in front of the windows of the evening, shows how much the community has supported participation of Polish workers and peasants. See: M. Jarnecki, “Powstanie Styczniowe w Oczach Agatona Gillera”, Mazowieckie Studia Humanistyczne, Nmr. 10/1, 2004, s. 5-32.; see also: Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, p. 5. 28 Michalik, Kronika Powstań Polskich 1794-1944, p. 205-206. 29 Aleksander Wielopolski (1803-1877), and later in Poland has assumed important tasks. In 1861 he was appointed as the head of the governmental commission on education and religion (Commissioner Rządowej Wyznań i O komisyonwiecenia Publicznego). In 1862, he was appointed head of government in the Kingdom of Poland. He was able to carry out important reforms on behalf of the country. Developments such as the construction and polishing of schools, the recognition of certain laws to minorities such as the Jews are within the scope of these reforms. For more information: Chojnowski & Manikowska, Historia Polski, p. 327. 30 , Radosław Żurawski Vel Grajewski, “Poland in the Period of Partitions 1795-1914”, Poland History, Culture and Society. Wydawnictwo Universytet Lodzki, Łodż 2007, p. 99. 511 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies the Towarzstwo Rolnicze leaders on the basis of national values. In this context, under the leadership of these leaders, the underground newspaper Strażnica (Watchtower) 31 was created in order to keep the Polish enthusiasm alive and to move forward. . 32 Polish writers returning to their country after being exiled to Siberia, predominantly wrote in this newspaper. In the Kingdom of Poland (Królestwo Polskie), in 1861, after the declaration of war in the second half of November, the nationalist movement took place in a secret form. In November, the leaders of different organizations and groups of the Reds 33 formed the threemember Komitet Ruchu (Committee Movement). At the same time, this movement was also called the Organizacja Miejska (City Movement), the central governing body for the uprising. In the spring of 1862, the Komitet Ruch (Committee Movement) was united with the Komitet Akademicki (Academic Committee), and in June 1862 the Komitet Centralny Narodowy (National Center Committee) took place under the leadership of Jarosław Dąbrowski. 34 But when nationalist demonstrations and manifestos spread to other cities, Russia began to take harsh measures to prevent similar gatherings in other churches after arresting hundreds of Polish patriots in Jan Chrzciciel Cathedral in Warsaw. 35 These developments are a sign of an uprising against Russia at the first opportunity. Polish nationalists, who do not have left views, decided to establish an underground organization in a separate camp in order to ensure the independence of the homeland in the coming uprising. Therefore, another underground organization called the White (Obóz Białych) was founded in February 1862 by the aristocrat patriots who were seeking help from France and Britain as opposed to the ideas of the Reds.36 31 Agaton Giller (1831-1887), one of Poland's most important nationalist journalists, took part in nationalist organizations after his return from Siberian exile in 1858. He was the editor of Czytelnia Niedzielna (Sunday Readings) and Strażnica (Watchtower) publications before the January 1863 uprising. He was also the editor of the underground magazine Ruch, in 1862, of the Central Committee of Commitee Centralny Narodowy, of which he was a member. In addition to his journalist identity, his political identity gradually started to outweigh the Committee's decision to cooperate with the Russian revolutionaries. Giller immediately established the coalition government of the Whites and the Reds (Obózy Białych and Czerwonych) to represent the Poles living under Prussia, Habsburg and Russia as a whole. For more information on Agaton Giller: Jarnecki, “Powstanie Styczniowe w Oczach Agatona Gillera”, p. 5-32. 32 Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, p. 15-17. 33 Warsaw is the point where the Red Camp movement is nourished. The Red Camp has been supported by more intellectuals, artisans, workers and students. In June 1862, after the National Central Committee was established, the Reds felt the need to include the peasants in the other occupied territories in their political organizations. See: Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, p. 29. 34 , Dorota Lewandowska, “Rząd Narodowy `Tajemnego Państwa Polskiego` Okresu Powstania Styczniowego i Jego Najważniejsze Dokumenty Przechowywane w Zbiórach Archiwum Głównego Akt Dawnych”, Palestra, Nmr. 5/6, 2013, p. 270.; Apart from Jarosław Dąbrowski, journalist Agaton Giller, engineer Witold Marczewski, academician Władysław Danilowski and Bronisław Szwarce are among the founders of the committee. See: Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, p. 28. 35 Leszek Żebrowski, Powstanie Styczniowe 1863, Zysk i S-ka, Poznań 2013, p. 6. 36 Ramotowska, Tajemne Państwo Polskie, p. 17-21. 512 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The integration process of underground organizations was completed in the second half of 1862. In May-June 1862, the Komitet Centralny Narodowy (National Central Committee) was established to carry out an uprising in the territory of the Russian occupation.37 In the long term, their aims were to restore independence for the homeland by carrying out the uprisings which were planned on all Polish lands. The Organizacja Narodowa (National Central Organization) was established by the Committee, which aims to create an uprising between the societies living in the country based on the borders of Poland in 1772, by not taking any difference of religion, spreading the motivation of freedom and equality.38 Until the Komitet Centralny Narodowy was established in 1862, the formation of underground organizations took place in the early period with the participation of small societies connected to eachother with a weak ties and young people who were sensitive to the homeland. This underground movement increased on the basis of natural, deep and national demand for freedom. At the same time, the European synthesis of this movement within the framework of libertarian and social thought also contributed.39 The Komitet Centralny Narodowy, in their manifesto, emphasized that they were the only legal National Government (Rząd Narodowy) and invited Poles, Lithuanians and Ruthans (Ukrainians) to fight for freedom, equality and independence as the Provisional National Government (Tymczasowy Rząd Narodowy).40 The Committee emphasizing that all Polish are equal citizens, regardless of their beliefs and ethnicity, where they were from and their marital status, promised land as rented or landlords for them. The committee emphasized that the landowners of that period would be compensated for their losses from the general fund of the country. 41 The Committee gave a lot of space to socialist discourses in its calls. Although recommended to carry out uprising propaganda in Giller's manifesto, the committee's management stressed that an early uprising would be harmful. Therefore, the Committee cared Michalik, Kronika Powstań Polskich 1794-1944, p. 218. Agaton Giller, Historia Powstania Narodu Polskiego w 1861–1864 r, Księgarnia Luxemburgska, Paris 1978., p. 65. 39 Giller, Historia Powstania Narodu Polskiego w 1861–1864, p. 5. 40 In June 1862, Agaton Giller wrote the manifesto in ten articles. In fact, it is stated in the manifesto the necessity to spread the "uprising propaganda" by becoming together the members of the organization in the form of a group of ten and hundred especially among the villagers. For more information: Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, p. 29. 41 E. Halicz, Dokumenty Komitetu Centralnego Narodowego i Rządu Narodowego 1862-1864, Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, Wrocław 1968, p. 3. 37 38 513 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies about the organic work (praca organiczna) up to the great uprising as well as the cautious movement.42 At the same time, clergy tried to unite the Reds and the Whites under the National Government (Rząd Narodowy). With the combination of both camps, the clergy thought that it would be easier to get support from all parts of the society, especially the villagers. Głos Kapłana Polskiego (The voice of the Religion Man) as the organization of clergy was occurred for this purpose.43 However, the Whites who were more active in Galicia, Vilnus, Kiev were not very close to the mentioned unification because they saw Belarusian and Ruthenean peasants as a threat. In addition, the Reds sought support abroad. It is obvious that the Reds wouldn't have had support from France as Napoleon III was trying to establish a close relationship with the Russian Tsar, Aleksander II.44 The Reds tried to make contact with England as another power, but it was really hard for them as the Britain was worried about that the Poles feel themselves close to France because of their nationalist thoughts. According to that Britain decided to support the Whites of which Wielopolski was the commander. When the Reds realized that they wouldn’t find the support of a strong state, so the representatives of the National Central Committee decided to cooperate with the pro-reform rebellions in Russia. For this they went to London and reached an agreement with Aleksander Hercen and Bakunin.45 With the expansion of partisan actions, a number of changes occur in the organization. The Tymczasowy Rząd Narodowy (provisional National Government) was converted into the Rząd Narodowy (National Government) in May 1863. The National Government during the 1863 January Uprising consisted of nationalist movements being on the rise since 1856 firstly in the occupied territories of Russia and afterwrds in the occupied territories by Habsburg and Prussian. Significantly, the political camps called Whites and Reds (Obóz Biały i Czerwony) came together to form the mentioned government.46 Some of the nobles, intellectuals, artisans and workers were also part of this organization, but a small group of peasants. In the cabinet In August 1862, after Dąbroski was arrested, Zygmunt Padlewski became the head of the National Government. Shortly thereafter, he was responsible for the criminal work of judicial officers named Oskar Awejde. In rural areas, Awejde has formed committees, arguing that there must be religious officials among them. See: Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, p. 30. 43 Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, p. 31. 44 Armaoğlu, 19. Yüzyıl Siyasi Tarihi 1789-1914, p. 307. 45 The aforementioned agreement was published in a newspaper named Kołokoł in London and announced to the pro-reform mass in Russia. Kieniewicz, Powstanie Styczniowe – Dzieje Narodu i Państwa Polskiego, p. 32. 46 The whites consist of the reasonable needs and demands of the landowner, bourgeois and intellectuals. In the natural setup of the struggle of the whites, the long-term struggle for the independence of the motherland is considered, and the Whites of the January Uprising took part in the second half of March 1863. See: Lewandowska, “Rząd Narodowy `Tajemnego Państwa Polskiego`…”, p. 270. 42 514 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE many times, a total of dozens of management teams was changed. Although there were political conflicts and fights between the Whites and the Reds in managing the uprising, the government always functioned during the January Uprising. Civil and military officials were among the duties of the government for the overseas diplomatic representation and for carrying out domestic activities.47 The importance of informing the domestic events in the country and abroad was also seen as a compulsory. Because in the big centers of Western Europe, such as Paris and London, the Poles who have fled or exiled after the rebellion of the previous uprisings were living. Poles living in these cities have tried to get the support of foreign states by creating a public opinion abroad. They were aware of the fact that a newspaper, served abroad is a suitable tool to be aware of the events in the country and to create a perception on behalf of Poland. For this purpose, Gazeta Narodowa which was bounded to Koło Polskie (old name TDP) aiming a new underground administration to manage all of Poland began to be published with the support of Agaton Giller, a member of the National Government (Rząd Narodowy48) of the Kingdom of Poland (Królestwo Polskie).49 In this way, Poles living in countries such as Ottoman, France and England were aware of the developments in their homeland and they were able to make political attempts in the countries where they live in.50 However, these organizations weren’t not sufficient to establish the dominance over all Polish lands. Because the above-mentioned organizations, as they were more regional in nature, the voice of the people against the applications or decisions of the occupying force dominating that region could be found only within the limits implied. At this point, it must be remembered that the occupied Polish lands were dominated by the countries that aim to industrialize themselves. In other words, in general the Poland was one of the centers of the raw resources and manpower that these occupying states wanted to exploit in their industries. Due to this situation, more and more people joined the working class. Both the social and economic deprivations that the Poles suffered after 1864 were the main arguments for the resurrection of an idealized homeland.51 Noiński, “Rok Powstania Styczniowego w tajemnicy poczęte...”, p. 263 – 264. Michalik, Kronika Powstań Polskich 1794-1944, p. 223. 49 Agaton Giller started writing in Liviv in Gazeta Narodowa (National Newspaper) when the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 appeared. Thanks to this newspaper, Giller was able to gather around the nationalists who had previously participated in the January Uprising in January 1863, and to carry out an uprising in Galicia. Jarnecki, “Powstanie Styczniowe w Oczach Agatona Gillera”, p. 18. 50 R.F. Leslie, The History of Poland Since 1863, Cambridge University Press, Newyork 1980, p. 18. 51 Seyyal Körpe, “Polonya Edebiyatında Pozitivizm: Stefan żeromski’nin Siłaczka Adlı Öyküsü üzerine Bir İnceleme”, Sosyal Bilimler Işığında Polonya Cumhuriyeti. Ed. Emin Atasoy, Beta, İstanbul: 2017., p. 365-369. 47 48 515 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The crisis, which arose from the start of the Austro-Prussian War in 1866, raised hopes that non-German peoples could acquire certain privileges from the Vienna government. Because the Hungarians thought in February 1867 that the Conquest of the Constanta by the conquistent Richard Belcredi in the “Ausgleich agreement” would increase the autonomous structure of the government, the Galician Poles thought that they would have an equal autonomous status. Upon this, the Galician Assembly demanded a federal structure under the roof of the Habsburg Empire with the votes of the members of the Ruthenian peasants on 10 December 1866. When the demands were not accepted, a delegation was sent to Vienna. But in September 1868, after the rejection of the request for a federal structure, the elite, such as Stanisław Tarnowski, Stanisław Kozmian, Ludwik and Henryk Wodzicki, and Józef Szujski, gathered around the Polish magazine Przegląd Polski, and expressed their reactions to the Vienna administration.52 In 1869, the same group started to publish brochures under the title of Teka Stańczyka. This ecole evoked the concern that in Vienna, it could lead the masses to radical actions and weaken the influence of elite people on the society, thought to be out of control. In the eyes of the Habsburg administration, the Polish people had to be ruled out of revolutionary ideas and deprived of the movements of Livov's left liberalists like Franciszek Smolka.53 This clearly demonstrates the commitment to the need for an agricultural structure in the Galician region. It is highly probable that the Habsburg, who was aware of the fact that his army was too weak to suppress mass movements since the Kraków Uprising in 1846 and the Galicia Revolution in 1848, had to deal with his own internal problems, would have lost more than ever before in the face of collective movements, in particular workers' organizations. National Underground Organizations with dominant Worker based on Socialist Thoughts After Russia was defeated in the Crimean War (Ottoman-Russian, 1853-56), the demands and movements for the abolition of land slavery led Tsar Aleksandr II (reign: 1855-1881) to sign the Independence Law, which declared that the serfdom was abolished in March 1861. 54 Moreover, a significant number of noble sections of the Russian intellectuals as well as the Russian intellectuals now supported the idea that the system should be changed. According to this law, the villagers had the right to operate their lands independently, as well as the right to 52 Leslie, The History of Poland Since 1863, p. 11. Leslie, The History of Poland Since 1863, p. 12. 54 Armaoğlu, 19. Yüzyıl Siyasi Tarihi 1789-1914, p. 765.; Seton-Watson, The Decline of Imperial Russia, p. 4143. 53 516 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE act independently. However, unfair situations experienced in the distribution of the land caused a large part of the peasants to work in the industry. Thus, the foundation of the “proletariat” was laid in Russia.55 Following these developments, some privileges was granted for regional administration. In Russia, developments in the industrial field had also been reflected in Poland under Russian occupation. Development of textile, metallurgy and mining in Warsaw, Łódź (in the Russian sources of the period named "Kaliska") and Katowice has led Polish peasants to work in the field of industry.56 There had been attempts to spread the socialist ideas, that gained momentum in the 1860s under the Habsburg regime, in the Polish territory under the Russian occupation. Because after the 1863 January Uprising, Russia had a more repressive management approach. This management approach is shaped around the policy of Rusyfıkacja57(Russianization).58 Therefore, for a long time, the Poles could not use the underground organizations effectively. In this process, they realized not only the economic developments in the occupying states, but also the need to get the support of the working groups taking into account the developments in Europe. The socialist ideas, which emerged to receive the support of the peasants after the Galician Revolution of 1848, showed a difference from the demands of the working class. Because of the oppressive reign, there was not enough movement and - in Europe - that movement did not create an uprising because of the lack of necessary conditions in the political balance. The most suitable ground for the expected uprising was thought to have occurred in 1877 with the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. The idea of a favorable environment was during the 1877-78 Russian-Ottoman war, and so Walery Wacław Wołodźko Armaoğlu, 19. Yüzyıl Siyasi Tarihi 1789-1914, p. 766. For more information on working class and industrialized cities in the Russian and Prussian-occupied Polish lands, see: Mehmet Enver Erbil, Taksim, İşgal Ve Ayaklanma Bağlamında Polonya’da Milliyetçilik (1772-1905), (Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi), Hacettepe Üni., Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2017, p. 114-121. 57 In the state institutions and newspapers, Polish was the forbidden language. Orthodox churches have played a very important role in the realization of this program. Furthermore, in order to increase the effectiveness of Orthodox churches and erase Polish identity from the memories, the Russians oppressed the Catholic churches and even put pressure on the Catholic priests to leave the country. However, Orthodox churches were very difficult to implement in the regions where Catholic Polish peasants lived and Lithuanians lived. The Russian teachers produced stories of the Poles in Russian roots and maps of nine provincial were produced as Northwest and Southwest region. For more information: Vel Grajewski, “Poland in the Period of Partitions 1795-1914”, p. 101.; See also: Sevinç A. Özcan, Rusya ve Polonya’da Din, Kimlik, Siyaset, Küre Yay, İstanbul 2012., p. 179-181.; At the same time, for the policies of Kulturkampf and Rusyfikacja in the second half of the nineteenth century: Erbil, Taksim, İşgal Ve Ayaklanma Bağlamında Polonya’da Milliyetçilik, p. 121-134. 58 Rusyfikacja is not only a sanction against the January Upraising in 1863, but also the establishment of Russian national consciousness in the occupied region of Russia is considered as an important defense mechanism against rising nationalism. The use of Russian language in all units of the public is also within the framework of this program. From 1869 onwards, it was entirely ensured that Russian was the language of instruction in schools. Polish can only be used in religious education. For more information: Chojnowski & Manikowska, Historia Polski, p. 357. 55 56 517 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies (nickname Wacław Koszczyc - 1831-1904)59 established the Confederation of the Polish Nation (Konfederacja Narodu Polskiego) in Livov to encourage a military movement against Russia.60 In the near term of Konfederacja Narodu Polskiego Jan Ludwig Popławski founded an organization which was more intellectual in 1877 with Adam Szymański in the name of the “Union of Father Sons” (Związek Synów Ojczyzny). This organization is probably linked to the Konfederacja Narodu Polskiego in Galicia, because Popławski aims to encourage a uprising in a war that would likely take place in Poland between the two occupying states (Russia and Prussia). Sharing the similar fate of Związek Synów Ojczyzny was close to for the Konfederacja Narodu Polskiego61 in June 1877, because the occupying forces were divulging their activities and members. As a result, in 1878 the tsarist army disbanded Związek Synów Ojczyzny and exiled the group's leaders or imprisoned them.62 After the dissemination of the mentioned organizations, nationalist ideas, which were defended before, were constructed on the basis of socialism in terms of economic and cultural development. For this reason, it was founded by Ludwik Waryński, the first working classbased socialist organization in Poland, under the name of Proletariat in the late 1870s. The Proletariat organization has adopted the social revolution as a more important principle than the gaining of Poland's independence.63 Another socialist organization, founded recently with Proletariat, was founded by Bolesław Limanowski under the name of Lud Polski (Polish people) in the region occupied by Austria. Shortly thereafter, Limanowski began publishing a Wacław Koszczyc, whose real name is Walery Wacław Wołodźko, was born in a rich land noble family in Belarus in 1831. He studied in Russian schools and worked as an engineer officer at the Russian military school. For a while, while on duty in the Russian army, when the uprising of January 1863 erupted, he moved to the Polish ranks (in Belarus) and fought for the independence of Poland. As a result of the failure of the uprising, he fled to the Ottoman territory. Here, he served in road and telegraph works. In the 1876 Ottoman-Russian war, he worked as a journalist and writer in the literary community Koła Literacko-artystycznego based in Livov, where the Poles began an uprising. In this way, Koszczyc made great contributions to the popular movement in Livov. While he was living in the Ottoman Empire, he wrote the works "Wschód: ze Stambułu do Angory" (1874) and "Z tajemnic Wschodu: obrazki i szkice Sahi-Beja" (1886) with his pseudonym "Sahibey". See: Kurjer Liwowski, 10 Kwietnia 1904. (http://anno.onb.ac.at/cgicontent/anno?aid=klw&datum=19040410&seite=4&zoom=33&query=%22Wac%C5%82aw%2BKoszczyc%22 &ref=anno-search) (Date of access: 01/09/2018). 60 Apart from Walery Wołodźko; Edmund Riedle, Ksawery Gebhard, Teofil Szumski were among the founders of this confederation. However, this confederation was determined by the intelligence network of the occupying forces because it didn't act sufficiently prudently. Therefore, in June 1877, this confederation dissolved itself. For more detailed information: Beata K. Obsulewicz, “Walery Wołodźko (Sahi-bej) i Akademicy Kijowscy”, Київські полоністичні студії. Tom XXVII, 2016, p. 370. 61 Obsulewicz “Walery Wołodźko (Sahi-bej) i Akademicy Kijowscy”, p. 370. 62 Rafał Łętocha, “Przez lud do narodu. Patriotyczne wizje Jana Ludwika Popławskiego”, Obywatel, Nmr. 1, 2010, p. 59-64. 63 It was greatly influenced by the organization named Narodnaya Volya (in Russia). In 1884, Proletariat cooperated with a number of prominent names from Narodnaya Volya. However, after the execution of four leaders of Proletariat and the imprisonment of Waryński in Schlüsselburg in 1885, their activities ended. See: Seton-Watson, The Decline of Imperial Russia, p. 184. 59 518 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE newspaper in Paris and began to smuggle into the region occupied by Russia. In both the organization and the newspaper, it was emphasized that workers should not stand back from the struggle for political freedom and should strive for the independence of Poland.64 Apart from the intellectual sector living in Poland and abroad, publications were also accured and started to raise awareness of ordinary people (mainly in working class) in Poland. Among the peasants, the magazines Wieniec (crown) and Pszczolka (Bee) were purchased by Stanisław Stojałowski in the 1870s to belaud Christian values. The aim of Stojałowski's efforts was to attract peasants to politics in a broader perspective. The aim of these publications and movements based on Christian values was to avoid hate formation. The masses of peasants and workers were directed to unite against the democrats who prioritized political interests behind the church. Since 1878, however, these initiatives hadn't been welcomed by large landowners and Catholic churches.65 After the January Uprising in 1863, the political plane began to be shaped by the idea of socialism in order to make the ordinary people like peasants and workers more beneficial to society. According to this, it was essential that the peasant / working class and other class people should have acted in unity and avoid the thoughts and movements that would cause them to confront. Therefore, the initiatives were likely not supported by the Church, knowing that there should be some tolerance for the independence of the country, even if it is based on Christian values. Bolesław Wysłouch66 supporting the development and equality of Polish peasants and workers, began to publish the Kurier Lwowski (Liviv Post) in March 1883. He also co-authored Przegląd Społeczny (Social Overview) and then Przyjaciel Ludu (People's Friend) in 1886, in order to make the peasant organization more solid.67 Wysłouch argued that the future of Poland was in ordinary people like peasants and workers, and that the elite should be involved.68 Accordingly, it was also taken into account that the peasant and the 64 Seton-Watson, The Decline of Imperial Russia, s. 185. Leslie, The History of Poland Since 1863, p. 18-19. 66 Because Bolesław Wysłouch, until the 1890s by the nobility and the middle class (bourgeoisie), stressed that the villagers were thought to have no common ties with the homeland for many issues . The villagers opposed the re-establishment of Poland and demanded from the occupying authorities the protection of their interests against the Polish nobles. Wysłouch stated that the landlord nobles and bourgeois, because of the expectations of the peasants from the occupying administrations, argued that the peasants had no place in the fate of Poland and that they should not have equal citizenship rights. See: P. Brock “Bolesław Wysłouch, Founder of The Polish Peasant Party”, The Slavionic and East European Review, Vol. 30, Nmr. 74, 1951, p. 139-163. 67 For more information on the political character of Bolesław Wysłouch, his journalism and the parties in which he was a member, as well as on the Przegląd Społeczny and Przyjaciel Ludu magazines: J. Myśliwski, “Wysłouchowie: Twórcy Prasy Ludowej.” Kwartalnik Historii Prasy Polskiej, Nmr. 30/3-4, 1991, p. 145-152. 68 In newspapers and magazines such as Przegląd Społeczny and Przyjaciel Ludu, Bolesław Wysłouch emphasized that the peasant people were the most effective group of people in maintaining Poland's independence by preserving Polish culture and by participating in political movements in Poland. Bolesław Wysłouch and his wife, Maria, founded Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People's Movement - PSL) in 1905, defending the independence of Poland on the basis of peasant socialist ideas. For more details: Brock, “Bolesław Wysłouch, Founder of The Polish Peasant Party”, p. 139-163. 65 519 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies working class can be representative of the national identity because of how effective their economic power is. Therefore, the political organizations that emerged in this period, in addition to creating a consciousness for being the bearers of national identity, began to shape their policies within the framework of the participation of peasants and working class in the economy. In this respect, the peasants 'and workers' group also received support from the radical views under the roof of the Związek Młodzieży Polskiej (Young Poles Union - ZET) with socialist thought. Liga Polska acted predominantly in other occupied areas while moving. These movements aimed to build a national consciousness and build a life based on economic development shaped around national values. In the internal regulations of the Union of Young Poles (ZET) established in November 1886, it is emphasized that this union is the school of citizens, an independent Polish establishment and political, social and national justice.69 Stefan Żeromski, Roman Dmowski and Wacław Machajski were the founders of ZET. It can be said that the support of the people was quite low because of the fact that the political life was very difficult and socialist ideologies based on the socialist ideologies in the periods when ZET was founded. In this context, the socialists formed the main force for the survival of the organization. ZET carried out its activities in Polish schools and took part in student strikes and boycotts. Thus, with the revolution in 190570, schools with wider rights and privileged positions were opened in the Russian occupied regions. Thanks to these schools, ZET has achieved its greatest transformation through the work of Józef Piłsudski (1867-1935), who would later become the leader of the Poles. For the sake of independence, these initiatives must have influenced young people so much that ZET was on the verge of World War I, under the orders of the “Irregular Polish Warriors troops” (Wodza Polski Walczącej) fighting for independence.71 Związek Polskiej Młodzieży Demokratycznej. R.P. (1935). Dla Polski - ZPMD 1886. Warszawa: Związek Polskiej Młodzieży Demokratycznej, p. 3., In 1886, the printed declaration of the Association of Polish Young Democrats was not mentioned where the press was issued because of its secret print. See the original copy: http://polona.pl/archive_prod?uid=3826489&cid=3826400&name=download_fullJPG 70 As a result of the failure of the Land Reform in Russia since 1861, the villagers preferred to work in industry. The working class, which was formed around the industry, began to be crushed due to Russia's big industrial policies in the 1870s. In the 1890s, socialist workers' organizations began to show more aggressive attitude. The economic crisis and food crisis between 1899-1903 followed the 1904 Russian-Japanese War. In Russia, which was defeated by this war, the situation was worsened and in January 1905 there was a significant turning point under the name of "Bloody Sunday". In 1905, as a result of the great strikes and conflicts throughout the country the Tsar broke down and published the October Manifesto on 30 October 1905, forming a bicameral parliament composed of the State Council and the State Duma. See: Armaoğlu, 19. Yüzyıl Siyasi Tarihi 1789-1914, p. 764770.; Seton-Watson, The Decline of Imperial Russia, p. 41-46, 74-81, 109-130, 154-158, 197-217, 219-231. 71 In 1886, the printed declaration of the Association of Polish Young Democrats was not published because of its secret print. For more information, see: Związek Polskiej Młodzieży Demokratycznej R.P., 1935, p. 4-5. http://polona.pl/archive_prod?uid=3826489&cid=3826405&name=download_fullJPG 69 520 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE One year after his release in 1882, Popławski began writing in a weekly magazine, Prawda (Truth), published by positivist monk Aleksander Swiętochowski. Here Popławski and Jan Karol Potocki became close friends, but shortly after, they established the weekly publication of the journal, Głos (Voice), which rejected positivist ideas because they criticized the policy of not showing a way out to the public.72 In this journal, several writers have written Marxist, socialist, populist ideas such as Ludwik Krzywicki, Wacław Nałkowski, Aleksander Łętowski, Mieczysław Brzezinski, Zygmunt Miłkowski and Edward Paszkowski. The Głos magazine was de facto founded in 1887 as a publication element of the newly formed Polish League organization.73 Popławski was the editor in chief of the magazine in the Kingdom of Poland. Also in the Głos, Roman Dmowski gained a great reputation with his column in 1890. A year later, under the leadership of Popławski and Dmowski, the 100th anniversary of the Constitution of May 3, 1791 was organized in Warsaw. In 1892, Liga Polska became the Liga Narodowa (National League) in 1893 with the participation of Zygmunt Balicki, who was called “the third founding father of the national camp” (trzeci ojca założyciel obozu narodowego). However, the Głos was closed in 1894 by tsarism. Although it was tried to be revived in 1895 under the leadership of Popławski, its broadcasting life did not last long.74 The organization called Liga Polska was founded in 1887, mainly based on social and economic elements rather than religion. Liga Polska, in principle, argued that the greatest value was the country's interests. With the establishment of Liga Polska, a more inclusive system was reached under the title of Ruch Wszechpolski (All Poland Movement). Zygmunt Balicki, Jan Ludwik Popławski75 and Roman Dmowski were known as the leaders and ideologues of Liga Polska. Liga Polska followed a policy that encouraged hatred against the occupying states. Even the long-standing hate policy led Poles to have a harder attitude in the relations between the peoples of their homeland. Therefore, Liga Polska considered himself responsible for the anti-Polish policies of the occupiers. He was also in conflict with the movements of the working class. This attitude of the organization was changed only after it went to a new structure under Teresa Kulak, Jan Ludwik Popławski 1854-1908: Biografia Polityczna, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Wrocław 1989., p. 41. 73 Hugh Seton Whatson used Liga Narodowa instead of Liga Polska. He stated that Liga Narodowa was founded by Milkowski in Switzerland. See: Seton-Watson, The Decline of Imperial Russia, p. 185. 74 Łętocha, “Przez lud do narodu. Patriotyczne wizje Jana Ludwika Popławskiego”, p. 63. 75 Liga Polska had a socialist structure, but with the participation of Poplawski in the organization -on the basis of the history, tradition, geography and interests of Poland- the nationalist argument began to be produced. 72 521 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies the name of Liga Narodowa (National League).76 After Poland was established at the end of World War I, it can be claimed that this structure was successful because of dominant role in Polish politics, especially with the Stronnictwo Demokratyczno-Narodowe - SDN and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe-PSL parties. Liga Narodowa needed support from a class having money and influence to be able to operate and stand. At the same time, it had a democratic character in the field of ideological and education.77 The principle of national interest was the foundation of its ideology from the moment this movement was established. The mentioned National Interest in the pamphlets titled Nasz Patriozm (Our patriotism) published in 1893 and Myśli Nowoczesnego Polaka (The Thoughts of the Pole of the present day), published in 1903 by Roman Dmowski are more clearly stated. Liga Narodowa completed the first stage of its activities before the revolution in 1905. This group, which has taken the ideas about independence from abroad, tried to formulate the goals that could create independence. The people who brought these ideas of independence from abroad had always had an impact on the elite youth and peasants on the basis of socialist ideas (from a positivist point of view) and economic development. More emphasis was placed on organizational work. Initially nationalism was included in the program of this organization. This group advocated nationalist rhetoric and the same nationality consciousness. One of the most effective means of disseminating their thoughts was newspapers. In this context, the newspaper Przegląd Wszechpolski (View all Poland)78 published between 1885 and 1895 in Livov and aiming at more intellectuals, was used for this purpose. Through this newspaper, Liga Narodowa has adopted a more open policy. In this direction, Liga Narodowa declared the establishment of the Stronnictwo Demokratyczno-Narodowe (National Democratic People's Party- SDN) in the newspaper of Przegląd Wszechpolski in 1897. The SDN Party, thus, became The famous politician and historian Stanisław Kozicki of the period, in his book which deals with the formation and objectives of Liga Narodowa, stated that in the beginning of its establishment, the SDN had a “positivist thought as a principle”, while Liga Narodowa as a party with a secular perspective. But Kozicki, in describing the National Democracy Party (SDN), had in fact draw the fact that this party was a typical right-wing party. Formore information: S. Kozicki, Historia Ligi Narodowej: Okres 1887–1907. Myśl Polska, Londyn 1964, p. 223.; Kozicki has endeavored to extend the party to a wide range within the framework of its positivist reforms, with its close friend Roman Dmowski and with a commitment to Polish traditions and history. At the same time, Kozicki stated "how much positivist consciousness Balicki, Popławski and Dmowski had" in his work named Historia Ligy Narodowej in order to express how strong the positivist structure of the entire Ruch Wszechpolski movement was. See in particular: Kozicki, Historia Ligi Narodowej, p. 452-453. 77 It had an elite structure, with the most concrete evidence being the presence of about 350 members at the beginning of the twentieth century. 320 of these members were people living in the Kingdom of Poland (Królestwo Polskie). See: Andrzej Dwojnych, „Kościół i Katolicyzm w Ideach Narodowej Demokracji Przed Rokiem 1919”, Studia Płockie, Nmr. 32, 2004, p. 175. 78 Seton-Watson, The Decline of Imperial Russia, p. 185. 76 522 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE the first party established in Poland. The programs of this party were mostly implemented in Russian occupied territories. However, after the establishment of the Duma after 1905, SDN Party was able to start its activities.79 Conclusion After Poland was removed from the maps in 1795, the Poles carried out many uprisings. Poles in the Napoléon army, with the idea of regaining their independence, carried out their political activities in a number of European countries since 1815. In the late 1820s, organizations were set up to organize uprisings for the independence. The activities of these organizations increased with the help of Polish officers, noble and elite groups who went into exile after the November 1830 uprising. In the early 1830s, while liberal ideas were to advance the European economy, the roles of peasants and workers in society began to increase. However, until the 1946 Krakow Uprising and the 1848 Galicia Revolutions, the Polish intelligentsia ignored the power of Polish peasants in the existing organizations to gain the independence of the motherland. After the last two uprisings in Poland, the socialist ideas, which supported the right of the peasants and an equal community of the country, began to emerge. According to this, the “romantic ideologies” defended by underground organizations lost their popularity. In the late 1850s, a small number of underground organizations (eg Towarzystwo Rolnicze) were established on the basis of socialist ideas spreading in Poland after 1848, including peasants. In this period, it is possible to observe that newspapers and magazines are used as an awareness raising tool besides being news sources. At the same time, the politics that formed around socialist ideas had a significant fruit in the 1863 January Uprising thanks to some events in Russia. The applied politics was emerged as reasonable even though the January Uprising has failed, the biggest uprising in Poland and some successes, during this uprising, gained against the Russians. With the failure of the uprising of January 1863, the more repressive attitudes of the occupying states, especially Russia, led to a distinctly reduction in the activities of underground organizations. However, the developments in the industrial field of the occupying states in the B. Grott, „Chrześcijańskie i Świeckie Inspiracje w Doktrynach Nacjonalizmu Polskiego”, Przegląd Humanistyczny, Nmr.4, 1994, p. 80.; Bogomił Grott stated that while the SDN party was a right-wing party, and described the right-wing ideology as a doctrine against the social-political cosmopolitan movement of the second half of the nineteenth century. The nationalist world view” (światopogląd narodowy) is presented as a suggestion against “the socialist world view”(światopogląd socjalistycznego), and he emphasized that it is indisputable that “the nation” has the highest value in the world view. See: Grott, „Chrześcijańskie i Świeckie Inspiracje w Doktrynach Nacjonalizmu Polskiego”, p. 81. 79 523 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 1870s led Polish leaders to put socialist ideas in the center of their politics. The socialist discourses mentioned earlier was replaced by positivist ideas that respond to the changes supported by the slogans of the workers' movement over the long term. Periodicals published in periodicals were important to disseminate these ideas. The peculiarities of the journals published in Poland were the inclusion of poems and articles in order to criticize the philosophy, politics and deficiencies or distortions of the society in a wider range than the current newspapers. As a result of the effective use of newspapers and magazines by underground organizations, strikes were carried out in many industrial zones in the 1880s, and thus, even if an uprising could not be realized, the Polish intellectuals and ordinary people started to take part togather in the struggle for equality in the squares. The establishment of the first political parties in the 1890s and the demonstration of similar actions and attitudes by evaluating the political atmosphere in Russia brought Polish patriots closer to independence. The apparent reality achieved in the name of independence was that the political parties established in the 1890s represented Poland in the Duma after the Revolution of 1905. Thus, underground organizations have a legitimate structure around a political party. BIBLIOGRAPHY ARMAOĞLU, Fahir. 19. Yüzyıl Siyasi Tarihi 1789-1914, Timaş, İstanbul 2014. 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SLANTCHEV, Branislav L., “Territory and Commitment: The Concert of Europe as Self-Enforcing Equilibrum”, Security Studies. Vol. 14, No: 4, Taylor&Francis 2005, p. 565606. SZAREK, Jarosław, Powstanie Styczniowe - Zryw Wolnych Polaków. AA, Krakow 2013. TEMİZKAN, Abdullah, “Lehistanlıların İstanbul'da Lobi Faaliyetleri ve Kafkasya'ya Lejyon Gönderme Girişimleri”, TÜBAR, sy. XXVIII, 2010, p. 367. TEMİZKAN, Abdullah, “Lehistanlıların Kafkasya’ya Birlik Gönderme Girişiminde Zor Seçim: Sefer Bey mi Yoksa Muhammed Emin mi?” Türkiye-Polonya İlişkilerinde “Temas Alanları” 1414-2014 Uluslararası Konferansı Bildiriler Kitabı. VIII. Dizi, Say. 20, TTK, Ankara 2017, p. 205-227. TOPAKTAŞ, Hacer, “Polonezköy (Adampol) (1842-1922) Kuruluş, Tabiyet Meselesi, İmar Faaliyetleri ve Sosyal Hayat”, Belleten, Nisan 2015, p. 293-318. VEL GRAJEWSKI, Radosław Żurawski, “Poland in the Period of Partitions 1795-1914”, Poland History, Culture and Society. Wydawnictwo Universytet Lodzki, Łodż 2007. YÜCE, Neşe Taluy, Polonya Edebiyatında Aydınlanma Romantizm ve Realizm, Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, Ankara: 2002. 526 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ŻEBROWSKI, Leszek, Powstanie Styczniowe 1863, Zysk i S-ka, Poznań 2013. http://anno.onb.ac.at/cgicontent/anno?aid=klw&datum=19040410&seite=4&zoom=33 &query=%22Wac%C5%82aw%2BKoszczyc%22&ref=anno-search (Date of access: 01/09/2018) http://polona.pl/archive_prod?uid=3826489&cid=3826400&name=download_fullJPG (Date of access: 06/17/2017) http://polona.pl/archive_prod?uid=3826489&cid=3826405&name=download_fullJPG (Date of access: 06/17/2017) 527 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 528 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The notions of “state-building” and “state-creation” in historical and law studies, devoted to the Ukrainian revolution (1917-1921): comparative aspect Kapeliushnyi Valeriy PETROVYCH, Chubata Marina VALERIIVNA* The celebration of the 100th anniversary of the events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 intensified the publishing activity of not only historians and lawyers, but also philosophers, political scientists, economists, and philologists who contributed to the study of various aspects of the multifaceted issues concerning the transformations, achievements and failures of the revolutionary period. In these publications, in addition to the concept of "statebuilding", the terms "state-creation", "state building", "state development", "state development" are also used. In our opinion, despite the different sounding, all these terms can be considered synonymous in terms of content, since their essence is the development of the processes of creation of the state in any of all created by the revolutionary element of the national state formations: in the Ukrainian People's Republic (hereinafter - the Ukrainian People's Republic) The Central Council and the Directory, the Ukrainian State (Hetmanate P. Skoropadskyi) and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (hereinafter referred to as ZUNR). On the other hand, all these terms have certain specific features, for example, "state-creation" is a more general, abstract concept, and "state-building" involves processes of strengthening statehood or deepening already-established achievements. Therefore, in our opinion, there is an urgent need for a more thorough study of this aspect of the problem. The concept of "state-building" in recent years has been actively involved in scientific and political circulation, is widely used in the theory of sciences, studying the phenomenon of the state, in the field of legislation, practice of state-legal development of Ukraine. At the same time, scientists emphasize the fact that "there is no unambiguous understanding of this term due to its many-sidedness, different scientific approaches to the definition of its content, some lag in theoretical studies of domestic legal science in the field of state-building" [6, c .5]. The same point is also observed by V. Zhuravskyi, who believes that "the question of the state-building * Kapeliushnyi Valeriy Petrovych, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Corresponding Member of NationalAcademy of Sciences of Ukraine, Chair of the Department of Ethnology and Local Lore of TarasShevchenkoNationalUniversity of Kyiv. Chubata Marina Valeriivna, Candidate of Juridical Sciences,Assistant of the Department of History of Law and State of TarasShevchenkoNational University of Kyiv Kyiv, Ukraine 529 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies is still a debatable issue" [8, p.34], paying particular attention to the "synonymization of scientific terminology" [8, p. 37]. With this conclusion scientists should agree, because the concept of "state-building" is actively used in the publications of researchers, in law departments are formed"State-building Departments" (for example, at the National University "Yaroslav the Wise Law Academy of Ukraine"), students are taught the same courses, printed textbooks on state-building, but strangely enough, in Ukraine, in no legal encyclopedia, multi-volume or popular, in any legal or political science encyclopedias m no dictionary definition of "state-building". This definition is absent in one of the most recent fundamental monographs, directly devoted to the problem of state-building [14], as well as in a series of articles on its various aspects [15]. The literature on this subject states that "the current development of issues of state-building and local selfgovernment is at the stage of their production" [8, p.5]. According to P. Trachuk, "the concept of state-building and local self-government arose after the independence of Ukraine" [23, p.4]. The same point is also observed by V. Rubtsov and S. Fialko, considering the origins of the problem in March 1990 [21, p.13]. It is hardly possible to agree with it, rather - this is a new approach, a kind of revival of "Soviet building" with the latest changes inherent in the modern period of state-building. It is about this that A. Kolodiy and A. Oliynyk write, considering the modern "State-building and local selfgovernment" "the legal science that arose after the proclamation of independence by Ukraine on the basis of Soviet building, which investigated the organization and operation of the council system" [11, p.6]. Scientists note that there were two main approaches to understanding Soviet building: G. Barabashev and K. Sheremet believed the Soviet building sector of state-building, and another approach is represented by the views of the authors of the textbook "Soviet building" for ed. prof. O. Bezuglova, who considered state-building the branch of social management. The modern researcher of this problem P. Trachuk is inclined to consider statebuilding as a branch of state or social management [23, p.4]. In the majority of publications on this problem, including in the above mentioned textbook of Kharkiv scientists, the concept of state-building is used along with the concept of local government, although the authors themselves express the idea that "lawfully use the concept of "state-building"apart" [6, p.6]. In fact, in the Soviet period, the notion of "statebuilding" was synonymous with the concept of "Soviet building", part of which was then the very popular concept of "party building" - the name "science of the laws of development and growth of the leadership role of the Communist Party" [17, p.983] . Regarding the concept of "local self-government", it was practically not used by Soviet scholars in connection with the 530 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE full nationalization of the system of local authorities and self-government. In this regard, the scholars expressed quite clearly: "The Soviet government did not recognize local selfgovernment" [13, p.12]. In the legal literature, attention is drawn to the fact that the attitude towards local governments in the years 1917-1921, that is, in the era of the Central Rada, the Ukrainian State, the Directory, the ZUNR, was an entirely different one: "all independent Ukrainian governments attempted to build local self-government" [10, c .495]. In modern conditions, lawyers, applying the notion of "state-building", understand the process of forming a state apparatus without taking into account the system of local selfgovernment, as most scientists see in local self-government in Ukraine separate from the state subsystem of public power [1]. In the historiography of the problem under study there is a more detailed description of the elements that make up the meaning of the concept of state-building. For example, some researchers believe that if we consider state-building as a process of formation, functioning and development of the state mechanism, that is, in a broad sense, then its elements will be the basis of the organization and functioning of public power, including the origins of the transformation of the formation and various models of organization of power; actors that make the transformation; stages of development of state institutions; the procedure for organizing and conducting elections or the procedure for the appointment of officials in the country; systemic and structural organization of public authorities [6, p.7]. The study of state-building in Ukraine at specific stages of historical development, including in the years 1917-1921, when viewed in a broad sense, gives an opportunity to draw conclusions about value orientations, ideas, concepts, and approaches based on the organization of power, thanks to why can you determine the nature of the management system, the degree of centralization or decentralization of the state apparatus, methods of managing the processes of state and legal development. By studying the actors involved in the process of implementing the reforms of the state machinery, analyzing who and in what limits is able to really influence these processes, we can determine authoritarianism or democratization, collegiality or unity of power structures, and the level of implementation of the principle of national sovereignty. The stages of the development of state institutions make it possible to identify the dominant tendencies in the development of the organization of power, to analyze the factors of continuity and changes in the mechanism of public power, which in turn will contribute to the generalization of the experience of the establishment and functioning of the institutions of power, the comparison of the declared principles with the actual practice of transformations that were carried out or implemented in country. The order of organization and holding of 531 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies elections or appointment of the corresponding officials in the country allows us to conclude about the technology of receiving and transferring power, the procedure for the formation and rotation of bodies and officials of public authority. As regards the organs of the systemic and structural organization of public authorities, the scientists believe that this is the most complex element of the content of "state-building", since it characterizes the whole system of state authorities, including their apparatus, makes it possible to determine the types of public authorities , establish the place and role of each of them in society and the state, to characterize the relations between these bodies among themselves and with other elements of the political system, to establish their structural and functional aspects, the limits and ways of their power activities [6, p.8]. In the consideration of "state-building" in the narrow sense, that is, as an existing organization of the system of public authorities then its elements, that is, by the system of certain indicators,according to lawyers,are consideredits principles, functions, competence, structure, bases, forms, and methods of activity of the said bodies. In this case, they themselves characterize not only the process of formation of statehood or power institutions, but the actual state of the existing model of the organization of power [6, p.8]. It is important to note that, as in modern publications, V. Durdenevskyi and V. Ignatiev [7] indicated in their works in the 1920s the two meanings of the term "Soviet building " ("narrow" and "broad"). Very concisely expressed his opinion on this subject P. Trachuk: "In the narrow sense, state-building is the activity of executive bodies" [23, p.5]. We believe that this definition only partially reveals the essence and content of the concept, because public authority is not only executive power. In one of the newest publications on this problem, P. Vorona and A. Muchnyk offer a rather brief, general definition of this legal science: "State-building and local selfgovernment is a science that is a system of generalized knowledge about the organization of public authorities' work [ 5, p.5]. The system of government agencies is exploring various branches of legal science. More specifically, they study the science of the constitutional process and state-building. With regard to the history of state and law, it provides an opportunity to consider the system of government in one or another historical period and in the general context of the evolution of state-legal phenomena. In the study of the problem of historians, the law has its own peculiarities. For example, O. Myronenko, carrying out a political and legal analysis of the Central Rada, examines the five main components of the formation of national statehood: the distribution of power, constitutional law (which distinguishes between "national building"), socio-economic 532 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE legislation, military building and international legal relations [12, p.328]. As we see, the scientist is not limited to an analysis of the formation and development of only the authorities. According to Y. Rysich, "during the days of hetman PavloSkoropadskyi, state-building became fully developed. Customs frontiers were established ... "[20, p.18]. Analyzing the legislation of the Directory in the context of state-building, the author states that it had "a conceptually different character in terms of content and form of state-building" [20, p.18]. The more complex problem of state-building of the Directorate's period is considered in the publication of Y. Vovk. The author states that "with the introduction of troops of the Directory in Kiev, a new stage in the field of state-building began, it differed from the previous one and had a number of characteristic features" [3, p.35]. The author is not limited to analyzing the activities of the authorities. A wide range of issues is dealt with in monographs devoted directly to state-building in the ZUNRwritten by V. Velikochyi [2], M. Stahiw [22] and others. In addition to the terms military, state, national, national-state, state-legal building, scientists, while exploring various aspects of the formation of national statehood and law in Ukraine in 1917-1921, also use the term constitutional building [18]. Many aspects of the problem we are investigating have also reflected in modern textbooks on the history of state and law of Ukraine. Of particular interest is the separate unit entitled "State-building" in the author's manual of G. Trofanchuk [24, p.212-216], where the author analyzes the processes of creating central and local authorities, the question of the state status of the Ukrainian language, problems of state-church relations , national-cultural revival, agrarian-peasant question and many other aspects of the problem. In V. Zaruba's textbook in the numerous list of laws that, according to the author, "regulated relevant aspects of statebuilding ", is the Constitution of the UPR, the law on national-personal autonomy, the elections, citizenship, the state language, the national symbols of the UPR and many others [9, p.199]. All this once again shows that understanding the concept of state-building in the study of the right of historians to the problem of the formation of Ukrainian national statehood and law in 19171921 is not limited to the study of the activities of only state authorities, in the interpretation of this concept, they also explore many other aspects, with the formation and development of statehood and law. Concerning the relation between the terms "state-building" and "national-state building ", we consider that these terms are close but not synonymous, the latter, in our opinion, is somewhat broader in content, because national-state building also includes national and statebuilding processes. Conceptual approaches to the clarification of the phenomenon of nationalstate building are presented by researchers in a collective monograph devoted to a 533 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies comprehensive study of this problem [16], as well as in the Small Encyclopedia of Ethno-State Studies [19, p.563-564]. With regard to the definition of this term, among the most recent publications, it is included in the Legal Encyclopedia in the formulation of Y. Voloshyn: "National-state building is a sphere of state activity, which includes issues of taking into account interests and ensuring the rights of national minorities or indigenous peoples. National-state building covers the relations between the center and the regions, which manifests itself in the territorial structure of the country's national-territorial autonomy; the formation of a system of state bodies and the organization of their work, that is, the presence of special bodies formed from representatives of national minorities and have a certain competence in addressing issues of their national and cultural development (national-personal autonomy, advisory councils under executive bodies, quota places in legislative bodies and local self-government bodies) [4, p.103]. So, as we see, both state-building and national-state building involves the formation of a system of state authorities, but when it comes to national-state building, the competence of such bodies is limited to the sphere of problems of national-cultural development. However, scientists are not always aware of the essential nature of the content of these terms and the relevance of their use in their studies. In our opinion, in the topic of the monograph N. Myalovytska instead of the term "state-construction" it would be worthwhile to use the term "national-state building", since the author pays special attention to the role of autonomy in the decentralization of state power and the regulation of interethnic relations [14]. By the way, the monograph contains no material about what the researcher invests in the concept of "statebuilding", as well as its direct definition. Thus, in recent years a significant amount of scientific works by Ukrainian historians and legal scholars have been published in which various aspects of the problem of national statebuilding in Ukraine in 1917-1921 are investigated. 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Партийноестроительство // Советскийэнциклопедическийсловарь. – М.: Советскаяэнциклопедия, 1981. – С.983. 18. Присяжнюк А.Й. Конституційне будівництво в Українській Народній республіці доби Директорії (листопад 1918 – початок 1921 рр.): автореф. дис. … канд. юрид. наук: 12.00.01 / Анатолій Йосипович Присяжнюк. – Х.,2002. – 19 с. 19. Римаренко Ю. Національно-державне будівництво // Мала енциклопедія етнодержавознавства.– К.: Довіра, 1996. – С.563 – 564. 20. Рисіч Й.Л. Митна справа в історії українського конституціоналізму / Й.Л. Рисіч // Митна справа. – 2001. – №1. – С.18. 21. Рубцов В.П., Фіалко С.В. Державне будівництво і місцеве самоврядування / В.П.Рубцов. С.В. Фіалко. – К.: Ун-т «Україна», 2005. – С.13. 22. Стахів М. Західна Україна. Нарис історії державного будівництва та збройної і дипломатичної оборони в 1918 – 1923 рр. / Матвій Стахів. – Т.ІІІ. – Скрентон: Український робітничий союз, 1959. –200 с.; Стахів М. Західна Україна. Нарис історії державного будівництва та збройної і дипломатичної оборони в 1918 – 1923 рр. / Матвій Стахів. – Т.ІV. – Скрентон: Український робітничий союз, 1960. – 192 с. 23. Трачук П.А. Державне будівництво та місцеве самоврядування / П.А.Трачук. – Чернівці: Наші книги, 2007. – С.4. 24. Трофанчук Г.І. Історія держави та права України / Григорій Трофанчук. – К.: Юрінком Інтер, 2010. – С.212–216. – 384 с. 536 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 537 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 538 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Views On Scythian Historical Sources Murat ÖZTÜRK Introduction The early Iron Age (Ist millenium BC) was a kind of “golden age” not only in the history of the World’s great civilizations such as Greece, , Persia and China, but also in the history of their northern neighbours. Nomadism as a particular, mobile type of cattle-breeding economy originated from the turn of the IInd and Ist millenia BC and spread rapidly across broad swathe of the steppes and foothills of Eurasia that stretched for thousands of kilometers, tightly pulling together a huge area of plains from Central Asia in the east to Central Europe in the west 1. Most of the historians agree that the Scythians who began to be seen north of the Black Sea from the VIIth century, are afro Inner Asian society. There was a complex appearance in Inner Asia before the Scythians came to the north of the Black Sea. The Hsiung-nu, who battled against Chinese, moved to the northwest of China2. With the arrival of Hsiung-nu societies in this region, northwest of China, get moved and Scyhtians who battled with Massagets, has chosen to immigrate to the West. There are almost no sources about Massagets. But the reason why Massagets put pressure on the Scythians may be the movement of the Hsiung-nu towards the northwest. The area where the Scythians are located in the north of the Black Sea is named as Scythia. From the beginning, Scythia is placed on the steppe line between Danube and Don in Ukraine as a geographical settlement area. Assyrian sources and Greek written sources belonging to VIIth and VIth centuries associate Scythia with Caucasus. As a matter of fact, this view occupies an important place in terms of historical reality3. It is known that the Scythians reigned strongly in this region for at least four centuries. Handicaps Of Written Historical Sources There are very few written sources about the Scythians, and these written sources are not belong to the Scythians themselves. History researches are open to subjective evaluations. Especially written sources and copyrighted works can always contain personal opinions. In particular if the history of a nation is told by other nations, it is necessary to approach these  Assist. Prof. Dr. Inonu University Faculty of Science and Literature Department of History Malatya/TURKIYE, e-mail: murat123tr@yahoo.com 1 Alexeyev Andrey, The Gold of Scythian Kings in The Hermitage Collection, The State Hermitage Publishers, St. Petersburg 2012 p.9 2 Eberhard Wolfram, Çin Tarihi, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 3. Baskı, Ankara 1995, p. 37-38 3 Grakov, Boris N., İskitler, Çev. Ahsen Batur, Selenge Yayınları, Istanbul 2006, p.33 539 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies studies more cautiously. For instance, the only known written sources about the Hsiung-nu are Chinese annuals. Although these sources are the most valuable sources for the experts of this field, the same experts agree that these sources should be analysed cautiously. Because the Chinese and the Huns are enemies and a nation cannot be expected to praise the enemy or objectively describe the facts between each other. This is the main handicap of Chinese written sources about Hsiung-nu. Besides, if we keep going on the same example, another handicap of Chinese sources is to write about Hsiung-nu as much as they see the Hsiung-nu. The Chinese did not mention in detail the inner parts of the Hsiung-nu territory, because they did not know these regions very well, they did not see all of region. Another example is the period called lost sixteen years in Shan-yü Mao-tun period. During these sixteen years, written Chinese sources did not mention Mao-tun. It is thought that Mao-tun did not have any contact with China (Han State) during these 16 years, and he had committed battle against the Yüeh-chi in the west. These examples are important in terms of revealing the missing aspects of written sources describing the history of another nation. Handicaps of Chinese sources describing the Hsiung-nu can be obsedrved in all similar sources. Written Historical Sources About Scythians Written sources about Scythians are very diverse. These were inscribed by Assyrians, Persians, Ancient Greeks and Arabs. But it goes without saying that the ethnic history of Scythian age is known to us only in general terms and is mostly devoid of detail 4. In fact, this situation is related to the shortcomings of the written sources that we mentioned before. There is no deep enmity between the Scythians and the nations writing their histories as between the Hsiung-nu and China. For this reason, hostile statements are not seen in these sources, but of course there are no praises. Besides, written sources about Scythians are not as detailed as Chinese sources. All of these sources tell Scythians as much as they see them. They all tell fragments of Scythian history, they do not describe the history of Scythians as a whole. However, when all the information in these sources are combined, a partial amount of information can be obtained. 4 Alexeyev Andrey, The Gold of Scythian Kings, p.9 540 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Greek Sources Greek sources come at the beginning of written sources about Scythians. The Greek sources contain detailed information about the Scythians, but if they are to be compared, they do not contain details as much as the Chinese sources about the Hsiung-nu. Regular relations of the Greeks with the North of Black Sea started from VIIth and VIth century and with these relations, the interest of the Greek travelers and traders to the newly discovered region has showed itself. Literature including little or no fragmentary information were born out of this interest5. Some of this information is also mixed with mythological legends. We come across the first information about the Scythians in Iliad, who did not neglect to give their name. Iliad speaks of them as honest men milking a mare and drinking milk. One of the poets of that period was Aristeas informed about the trade routes. Aristeas mentioned the Scythians last expeditions that they attacked the Cimmerians' lands. As seen these informations in the Greek sources are fragmentary. In the sixth century, the information in these sources is a little more elaborated. At this point, Hekataios from Milet and his work The Depiction of the Earth are need to be mentioned. Hekataios cognize many indigenous tribes. His book contains important information about the different places where Greeks settled on the coastline. The most important Greek source about Scythians is Heredot's History. Although the birth year of Heredot is unknown, it is thought that he was born in 490 BC in the city of Karia Halicarnassus. He lived in a distinguished environment. He began to be known when he was in his thirties. His entire work has survived and has been translated into many languages. The fourth chapter of his book is devoted to Scythians. He talked about the geography of Scythia, its borders, the formation of the Scythians, their customs, religions, the northeastern caravan road, and the lives of the peoples of the north who live close to the Scythian lifestyle. What is described here clearly demonstrates the relationship between the Scythians and Inner Asia. Heredot does not tell the whole history of Scythian’s. Heredot began to be known between 468 and 467 and after this date, Scythians continued their existence for more than one hundred and fifty years. Heredot's work, like any other written source, has also some lacks, but the most detailed written source about Scythians is Heredot's History. In general, Herodot bases the origin of Scythians on various legends. Some Scythians are typical Central Asian settlers engaged in animal husbandry, some of them are farmers and some of them are merchants and go forward in mining. Heredot reports that the Farmers Scythians are on the banks of the 5 Grakov, Boris N., İskitler, p.15 541 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Dnieper (Ozi) River. He does not tell the political events in chronological order. This part is a little complicated. Thukydides, the contemporary of Herodotus, has written a valuable work called “Scythia”, which does not reach our present day. Some parts of the work have survived. Thukydides knew both the European part of Scythia and its extension beyond the Don River. According to the author, the inventor of iron is Scythians6. His work "On Weather Water and Places" is quite important among the many original works of Hippocrat, the great doctor of ancient times. He also mentions the external appearance and life styles of the Scythians and the effects of climates on physical structures of people7. In the fourth century there was a decrease in the interest in Scythia until the wars of Philip and Alexander of Macedonia ended. The Scythians have already begun to weaken after these wars. Most of the ancient Greek sources have been translated into many languages, including Turkish. Other Written Resources Written sources other than Greek sources do not contain detailed information, such as Greek sources. Assyrian sources include notable information among these sources. The Assyrians had the opportunity to meet with the tribes in Anatolia, the Caucasus and Iran, settling in the north of Mesopotamia. The Assyrians also met the Scythians. Scythian name is first encountered in Assyrian sources in King Asarhaddon period. The sources in this period are cuneiform tablets8. These cuneiform tablets describe the arrival of the Scythians in Anatolia and their expeditions westbound to Egypt. The most important Persian source about the Scythians and analyse them in three groups is the Behistun inscription belonging to the Persian King Darius. The Persians call them Scythians Sakai. There is also a variety of information about the Scythians in Arab sources. But the information here is very limited and is not regular. Some nations have called all the steppe communities as Scythians. This situation creates a confusion. It is not possible for all the communities mentioned in different national sources to be Scythian. All sources should be carefully evaluated in history researches but especially it Grakov, Boris N., İskitler, p.18 Grakov, Boris N., İskitler, p.18 8 Çay Abdulhalik, İlhami Durmuş, İskitler, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, Vol 1, pp: 575-596 p. 578, Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, Ankara 2002 6 7 542 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE is necessary to evaluate the written sources except the Greek, Persian and Assyrian sources carefully, and it is not correct to call all the steppe communities as Scythians in a hasty manner. Archeological Sources Written sources are not sufficient to examine the Scythians as well as all ancient history areas. Essentially, historical research cannot be based on a single source. The researcher should endeavor to examine all the sources related to the subject being studied. For example, when conducting a study on the history of Scythian, both written sources and archaeological evidence should be used together. In order to understand the archaeological data, it is necessary to examine both this material and publications related to the excavations. Most of the Scythian territories are within the borders of Russia and Ukraine today. Study of Scythian history in Russia began XVIIth century. As for archeological antiquities, the state authorities in Russia showed interest in them in the early XVIIIth century. Peter I signed the first memoranda and orders prescribing the search for and description of various antiquities, especially those that seemed surprisingly and unusual or had, for example, inscriptions. At that time, in connection with the beginning of the large scale scientific exploration of the eastern lands of Russian Empire, Scythian antiquities aroused very great interest, particularly the gold objects depicting animals and people from the Scythian era. Most of these, which had plundered by robbers from the ancient barrows called “bugrovshchiks” in Siberia, were brought to the capital and delivered to Peter I personally. They started the formation of the Emperor’s personal collection, which was transferred after his death to the Kuntskamera (Kuntskammer) he had founded in 1714, so becoming Russia’s first museum collection. In the mid XIXth century this collection from the Academy of Sciences was transferred to the Imperial Hermitage, where it was called Peter I’s Siberian Collection”9. As seen, there is a long history of archeology and Scythian researches in Russia. Scythian archaeological antiquities are made of various metals such as gold, silver, bronze and iron. In addition to these mines, there are also items made of various stones and timber. But in all of these materials, gold has a special place and gold antiquities are of great interest. These golds may be the reason of increasing interest in the Scythians and Scythian antiquities in Russia. Whatever the reason, the Scythian researches in Russia has been rapidly raging since the XVIIth century. 9 Alexeyev Andrey, The Gold of Scythian Kings, p.17 543 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies In the second half of XVIIIth century, during the Catherina II’s reign, extensive territories in the Northern Black Sea steppes, the Lower Dnepr, Crimea the area around Kuban were annexed by Russia. These events besides their important political and economic consequences for Russian history, also led to the beginnig of Russian archeology as a science 10. After this date, both Scythian’s and other ancient steppe communities’ archaeological antiquities within the borders of Russia began to emerge quickly. Today most of the Scythian materials are exhibited in the Hermitage Museum. Excavations still continue and new materials are added to the Hermitage collection almost every day. Archeological exploration on the Northern Black Sea coast did not cease after the outbreak of World War I. In 1918, after the October revolution, the final Archaeological Commission Report was published in Petrograd, containing information on excavations from 1912 to 1915. The main part of the Hermitage’s Scythian collection was therefore formed before 1917, after which there was a long break in the exploration of Scythian antiquities. By that time most of the Scythian pieces were already in the Hermitage and on general display in several rooms, which were then called theNicopol and Kerch rooms, and the Room of Antiquities from the South of Russia11. Today, the most wealthy museum has the Scythian findings is the Hermitage Museum. These antiquities here have significantly illuminates the Scythian history and largely consistent with the Heredot’s History from written sources. Other important museums exhibiting the Scythian finds within the borders of Russia are the Novosibirsk National History Museum and the Kyzyl History Museum. Especially in the Tuva National History Museum in Kyzyl, important antiquities found in Arzhan 1 and Arzhan 2 barrows are exhibited. Constructions of the barrows are also exhibited here as a model. The earliest known barrow on earth was found in the Arzhan 2 excavation in the early 2000s. During 2001, a Russian-German research project discovered the Arzhan-2 monument in the Uyuk hollow, about 7 km from the Arzhan-1 barrow. Arzhan-2 is unique because it has not been robbed or otherwise disturbed and appears untouched since its construction. The abundance and variety of well-preserved archaeological material in this monument has no equal among Eurasian Scythian monuments. Consequently, Arzhan-2 plays an important role in understanding the history of the Eurasian Scythian nomads. Concerning Scythian cultures, major questions concerning their origin, development, spread, and ways of life still need to be 10 11 Alexeyev Andrey, The Gold of Scythian Kings, p.17 Alexeyev Andrey, The Gold of Scythian Kings, p.23 544 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE answered12. This archaeological area at Turan Plateau, which is 70 km north of the Kyzyl city, has gained great importance especially with excavation of Arzhan barrows. The golden artifacts found in this barrow reveal the inner Asian origins of the Scythians. These figures and gold craftsmanship shows great similarities with the findings in west. In addition to these museums, there is also an important museum where Scythian gold antiquities are exhibited. This museum is the Ukrainian Treasures Museum located in Kiev, the capital of Ukraine. Scythian golds found in excavations in the territory of Ukraine are exhibited in this museum. To be able to interpret archaeological sources, of course, it is necessary to see them. However, examining may not be enough to understand what they want to say. Publications related to excavations should be followed for this. It takes a long time for the archaeological excavations to be finalized and publications about the excavation published. In addition, a large number of excavations still continue in the areas where Scythians live and new ones are likely to start. New finds and new publications will continue to come as new excavations are concluded. The most important written sources of excavations made until today are among the publications of the Hermitage Museum. At the beginning of these, Alexeyev Andrey, The Gold of Scythian Kings in The Hermitage Collection, The State Hermitage Publishers, St. Petersburg 2012 comes. This book is also written in Russian and English and tells history of Scythian Archeology and contains many pictures of Scythian antiquities. Besides, Archaeological Articles, which is among the publications of the Hermitage Museum, should be followed not to keep clear from Scythian researches. As a result, the sources of Scythian history are limited and it is not possible to illuminate the Scythian history alone due to their variety of poverties. Besides, although they are very rich, archaeological sources need both written sources and interpretations of those who bring them to light. It should also be noted that history and archeology always conceive new results and that is why we should always avoid certain expressions. 12 Zaitseva G.I. and 10 others, Chronological Studies of Arzhan-2 Scythian Monument in Tuva, Radiocarbon, January 2004, Vol: 46, pp, 277-284, p. 277 545 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Pic 1: Arrow Head (Arzhan 2 Barrow-Hermitage Collection) Pic 2: Phiale With Depictions Of Animals Being Thorn Apart (Solokha Barrow- Hermitage Collection) 546 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Pic 3: Plaque In The Form Of A Predatory Cat (First Kelermes Barrow-Hermitage Collection) Pic 4: Gorytos Cover (Melitopol Barrow-Ukraine Treasures Museum Collection) 547 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Pic 5: Headdress Adornment (Burial Mound “Three Brothers”-Ukraine Treasures Museum) Bibliography Alexeyev Andrey, The Gold Of The Scythian Kings In The Hermitage Collection, The State Hermitage Publishers, St. Petersburg, 2012 Çay Abdulhalik, İlhami Durmuş, İskitler, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, Vol 1, pp: 575-596, Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, Ankara 2002 Eberhard Wolfram, Çin Tarihi, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 3. Baskı, Ankara 1995 Grakov Boris Nikolayeviç, İskitler, çev. Ahsen Batur, Selenge Yayınları, İstanbul 2006 Heredotos, Tarih, çev. Müntekim Ökmen, Türkiye İş Bankası Yayınları, 10. Basım, İstanbul 2014 Zaitseva G.I. and 10 Others, Chronological Studies of Arzhan-2 Scythian Monument in Tuva, Radiocarbon, January 2004, Vol: 46, pp, 277-284 548 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 549 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 550 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Sino-European Relations During The Yuan Dynasty Nebil KARADUMAN China and Europe, located at two separate ends of the Eurasian continent, are geographically separated by Pamir in the south and the Ural Mountains in the north.1 The steppe of thousands of kilometers in the north had been passed by very few forces other than the Huns and Mongol cavalry through history. In a very long historical process, people at both ends of the Eurasian geography had an idea about each other with very little contact.2 The researchers date the history of the first interaction between China and Europe until 2000 years ago. Especially the fact that the records of the relations between Europe and China from the Han Dynasty (206 BC - 220 AC) period until Song Dynasty (960-1279) did not have much in both European sources and Chinese sources show that the mutual relations have been very little in this period. The fact that China has not yet achieved political and economic stability in the aforementioned periods has been an important reason for the fact that bilateral relations are extremely low. When as strong as the Han and Tang dynasties period (618-907), China had been able to organize some military and research campaigns in the north and northwest. In addition, Chinese dynasties were often more concerned with domestic matters in order to provide peace in their territory. As a result, Chinese emperors were often inclined to remain indifferent to the outside world.3 China’s relations with the Xiyu西域‘Western Regions’4, which include Central Asia, Southeast Asia and the Near East, have been relatively more vibrant than Europe. Especially some travelers, missionaries and merchants went to China from these  Res. Asst., Erciyes University Faculty of Lecture Department of History. E-mail: nkaraduman@erciyes.edu.tr Philip Johan von Strahlanberg, a Swedish soldier and geographer who made significant contributions to the Russian geography, defined the Ural Mountains and the Ural River as the eastern border of the European continent. For detailed information: W. H. Parker, “Europe: How Far?” The Geographical Journal, Vol. 126, No. 3, 1960, p. 278-297. 2 Zhang Xiping, Following the Steps of Metteo Ricci to China, translated by Ding Deshu, Ye Jinping, Beijing: China Intercontinental Press, 2006, p.7. 3 Cheng de Zhi, “Yuan dai Zhongguo yu Ouzhou de Jiaowang”, Wenshi zhishi, Vol. 3, 1985, p. 75.; Sally K Church, “The Eurasian Silk Road : Its historical roots and the Chinese imagination”, Cambridge Journal of Eurasian Studies, Vol. 2, 2018, p. 1–2. 4 Xiyu西域(Western regions) is a geographical name that was first recorded in the Han dynasty records, and was used in the southern foot of the Tian Shan in Gansu, and the regions and countries west of Yumen Guan 玉门关 (Yumen Pass) and Yang Guan 阳关(Yang Pass). In the Sui-Tang period (581-907), the meaning of this concept expanded to include the north of the Eastern Roman Empire and Iran. During the Yuan period (1280-1368), it was used to include part of Europe and Africa. For detailed information: Chengjun Feng he Junling Lu, Xiyu Diming (Xuli), Zhonghua Shuju, Beijing, 1980. 1 551 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Western Regions and went to China from the West between 2th and 9th centuries. From this period onwards, Buddhism, which is one of the most important cultural elements that began to penetrate China, has become an important part of Chinese culture.5 In the last years of the Tang Dynasty, the interaction between China and the West had slowed considerably. While the Song宋, Liao辽 (also known as Qidan契丹 907-1125) and Xixia西夏 (West Xia or Tanguts 1038-1227) empires were in conflict with each other, the liaison between the Northern Song Empire (Bei Song北宋960-1127) and the western regions was completely cut off. With the Liao dynasty, a new process began in the East-West relations. The Liao dynasty that had lost its power with the establishment of the Jin Dynasty in northern China was destroyed. Then, Yelu Dashi耶律大石, form this imperial family, led the west with his army and established the Western Liao dynasty(Xi Liao西辽1132-1218), which was also known as the Qara Khitai in Central Asia, the capital of Balasagun. The Western Liao dynasty has made significant contributions to the communication and cultural change between China and the Western world.6 For instance, Cathay expression derived from the name Kitan for China was used in Medieval Europe.7 The first person to sent from China to Europe in history was the military ambassador named Gan Ying甘英, who accredited to Rome in 97 AC by Ban Chao班超, one of the generals of the Eastern Han Dynasty (Donghan東漢25-220). Although Gan Ying could not reach Rome, he went to the eastern shores of the Mediterranean and returned to China with valuable information about the ancient world.8 The most important travels from Europe to China in history were those that took place during the Yuan dynasty. During this period, many delegations traveled from Europe to China as commercial, religious and diplomatic, and for the first time in history, a diplomatic envoy traveled from China to Europe and met with the pope and European kings. I will try to give brief information about the Yuan Dynasty that they established here by taking the rise of the Herbert Franke, “Sino-Western Contacts Under the Mongol Empire”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 6 1966, p.50. 6 Herbert Franke, “Kitan ve Cürcenler: Mançurya Ormanlarının Sakinleri” Erken İç Asya Tarihi, Translated by İsenbike Togan, İletişim Yay., 5th Edition, İstanbul 2009, p. 550; Wilhelm Barthold, “Karahitaylar”, MEB İslam Ansiklopedisi, Vol. 6, İstanbul 1977, p. 273-276; Ahmet Taşağıl, “Karahıtaylar”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, Vol. 24, İstanbul 2001, p. 415-416. 7 Zhang Fan, “A new period in history of Chinese-foreign relations”, The History of Chinese Civilization, Vol III, Sui and Tang to mid-Ming Dynasties (581-1525), ed. David R. Knechtges, Yuan Xingpei ve others, Cambridge University Press, 2012, p. 432. 8 Hong Zhu, “Gan Ying Fu Daqin”, Guangming Rıbao, 2016 April, 15 ban, http://epaper.gmw.cn/gmrb/html, Date accessed: 10.07.2018; Xiping, Following the Steps of Metteo Ricci to China. p. 7. 5 552 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Mongols and dominating China before examining the Chinese-European relations of the Yuan period. The Mongols, organized by Genghis Khan in the early 13th century, gained an important place in the history of the world after this term. Temüjin succeeded in uniting all the Mongol tribes under the roof of a single state, and by passing over the Mongol throne with the title of Genghis Khan at the ‘kurultai’ held in Karakurum in 1206, he ensured political unity in Mongolia until 1218.9 The military activities of the Mongols in the western direction began only after they were neighbors with the Khwarezmshah who (1211) ended the rule of Karahitay. Due to the pillage of a trade caravan belonging to the Mongols sent in 1218 to the Khwarazmshahs and the killing of the messengers sent after them, the state of the Khwarazmshahs was destroyed as a result of the military campaign of Genghis Khan on this state.10 After the Khwarazmshahs issue was concluded in favor of the Mongols, in 1220-1221, the Mongol cavalry of the Genghis Khan’s famous commanders Cebe and Sebutey Noyans devastated Azerbaijan and the Caucasus and carried out a reconnaissance operation in the north of the Black Sea.11 This military operation of the Mongols in the western direction aroused great amazement in the Near East and Europe and caused the spread of fantastic news about the Mongols in Western literature.12 During the reign of Cengiz Khan, who died in 1227, the Mongol armies had many successes both in the East and in the West. Mongolian armies have achieved many successes both in the East and the West during the time of his son Ögedei (1227-1241) who replaced Genghis Khan in 1227. During this period, Mongolian army under the command of Genghis Khan’s grandson Batu, with the participation of other Mongol princes, went to Central Europe without encountering a major resistance in the West (1237-1241).13 After Ögedei Khan died in 1241, his wife Turegene Khatun ruled the Mongol Empire as a regent until 1246. After that, Töregene left the throne to his son Güyük. During the Desht-i Qipchaq Campaign, Güyük and Moğolların Gizli Tarihi, çev. Ahmet Temir, 4. Edition, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yay., Ankara 2010, p. 133-134. M. Fuad Köprülü, “Hârizmşâhlar”, MEB İslam Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 5, İstanbul 1977, p. 274-275. 11 Saadettin Yağmur Gömeç, “Çingizli Devletinin Büyümesinde Rol Oynayan Türklerden Çelme ve Subutay”, Turkish Studies, Vol 2, No 2, 2007, p. 236; Altay Tayfun Özcan, Moğol-Rus İlişkileri (1223-1341), Türk Tarih Kurumu Yay., Ankara 2017, p. 26-30. 12 Jacques le Goff, Ortaçağ Batı Uygarlığı, çev. Hanife Güven ve Uğur Güven, Doğubatı Yay., 2. Edition, İstanbul 2017, p. 157-158. 13 More details about the Mongol princes who joined the army during this campaign: George Vernadsky, Moğollar ve Ruslar, çev. Eşref B. Özbilen, Selenge Yay., İstanbul 2007, p. 69-79; Osman G. Özgüdenli, “Moğollar”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 30, İstanbul 2005, p.226. 9 10 553 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Batu had a disagreement. When Güyük came to the Mongol throne, he wanted to conclude this dispute on his military expedition to Batu’s territory. However, the sudden death of Güyük Khan while he prepared for this campaign prevented a possible war.14 Möngke, son of Tuluy the youngest son of Cengiz, succeed to the Mongol throne when Güyük Khan died in 1248. Möngke Khan knew that he could not rule out the expanding Mongol empire from a single center. For this reason, Möngke gave the task of conquering Iran, Syria and Egypt to his brother Hulagu and appointed him as ‘ilkhan’. After capturing Iran in the direction of this task given to him, Hulagu invaded Baghdad and ended the Abbasid caliphate in 1258. However, the military success of the Mongols in Syria and Egypt ended with the defeat of the Mamelukes in the battle of Ain Jalut in 1260.15 Mongolian politics followed during the Genghis Khan period to seize China was continued by the Ögedei and Möngke Khans. The first activities of the Mongols in the Chinese territory under the leadership of Genghis Khan waged tree great war on the West Xia, which was founded by Tanguts in northwest China. As a result of these campaigns carried out in 1205, 1207 and 1209, the West Xia was forced to make peace by accepting tribute to the Mongols.16 The destruction of the Western Xia dynasty by the Mongols took place in the last attack of 1227. On the other hand, the wars launched by Genghis Khan in 1218, against the Jin Dynasty (or Great Jin, Da Jin大金1115-1234), founded by Jurchens who ruled northern China, continued for many years. These wars, finally ended when Genghis Khan’s successor, Ögedei, allied with the Song dynasty and defeated Jin state in 1234.17 Before he died, Ögedei Khan had given the Xingzhou 邢州 region which had just been captured in the north of China and contains about ten thousand households to Khubilai, the son of his younger brother Tului (1236). This was the first place Khubilai got in China. The first notable activity of Khubilai Khan was the reorganization of the tax policies of the people living in his area of responsibility. However, after the death of Ögedey Han, Mongol military progress in China stopped for a while. Even the indigenous people rebelled against the Mongol rule in the north of China because of the policy of Töregene Khatun, who ruled the state as regent after the death of Ögedei Khan.18 Moğolların Gizli Tarihi, p. 196. Bertold Spuler, İran Moğolları, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yay., çev. Cemal Köprülü, 3. Baskı, Ankara 2011, p. 5557; Bertold Spuler, “İlhanlılar”, MEB. İslam Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 5/2, 2.Baskı, İstanbul 1968, p. 967-968. For more information about Battle of Ain Jalut: Abdülkerim Özaydın, “Ayn Câlût Savaşı”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 4, İstanbul 1991, p.275-276. 16 Moğolların Gizli Tarihi, p.169-172. 17 Morris Rossabi, Kubilay Han, çev. Özgür Özol, Türkiye İş Bankası Yay., İstanbul 2015, p. 6-11. 18 Spuler, İran Moğolları, p. 49-52; Rossabi, Kubilay Han, p. 17-18. 14 15 554 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE During the period of Güyük Khan, who came the Mongol throne in 1246, the Mongol armies carried out a campaign to Tibet but during this period there was no remarkable progress of the Mongols in China. In order to fully dominate China, both the administrative and military initiatives started in the period of Möngke Khan. In the period of Mengu Khan elected with the death of Guyuk Khan, Khubilai reinforced his dominance in North China with the support of his elder brother Möngke. In addition, Möngke Khan sent Khubilai to the Dali Kingdom (Dali guo大理國937-1253) to the south of China as a preparation for the conquest of the Southern Song (南宋Nan Song 1127-1279) lands. As a result, Khubilai’s armies destroyed the Dali Kingdom in 1253 and completely conquered the Yunnan region, which was the territory of this state. Thus, an important step was taken for the capture of South China and it was possible to open trade routes in Southeast Asia.19 Möngke Khan had commissioned his brother Hulagu to complete the conquest of Iran and seize Syria and Egypt as we mentioned above in 1253. He has embarked on a new campaign to completely capture South China with his brother Khubilai in China. Kubiali’s mission was to command one of the four armies participating in the campaign of Möngke Khan. In 1258, Chengdu, the most important center of the Sichuan province, connected to The Song Dynasty, was captured. However, the resistance of the Songs and the extremely unfavorable geographical structure of the region for military expedition had forced Mengu’s South China campaign.20 Möngke Khan’s sickness and death during this operation saved the Song dynasty time. The fights for throne between the Mongol princes led to delay of South China’s fall under Mongol domination. Khubilai, who won the throne struggle after Mengu Han, officially established the Yuan dynasty, which has been going on for many years in China, but has not gained formality (1271). Khubilai, who declared himself as the Great Khan of the Mongols, defeated the Song Dynasty and completely put China under management in 1279. The Mongol period, named as Yuan Dynasty in China, continued until 1368. The Yuan Dynasty was the first foreign dynasty dominated China.21 19 The realm of the Dali kingdom was so wild that many travelers did not even dare to visit. In addition, it has been difficult to make military operations in the region consisting of rainy, dense forests and marshes by crossing a distance of 900 km for Mongols who have become accustomed to the steppe life. Rossabi, Kubilay Han, p. 21-26; Rene Grousset, Stepler İmparatorluğu, çev. Halil İnalcık, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yay., Ankara 2011, p. 291-292. 20 Rossabi, Kubilay Han, p. 43-44. 21 Caroline Blunden ve Mark Elvin, Atlaslı Büyük Uygarlıklar Ansiklopedisi VII. Cilt ‘Çin’ , İletişim Yay., İstanbul 1989, p. 90, 102. 555 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies When the Yuan Dynasty period is examined, we can find the most important examples of the contacts between China and Europe. In addition, this period has left a deep impact on economic, political and cultural life on many nations and states throughout Eurasia. The Mongols, who became an important power under the rule of Genghis Khan in eastern Asia, had rapidly expanded their borders by gaining significant military successes in the East and West throughout the Eurasia geography at the beginning of the 13th century. The European kings and the papacy were stunned by the forwardness of the Mongols. The European executives, who soon took action, searched for various remedies in order to minimize the harm of the impending invasion. After the negotiations, Europeans decided to send embassy delegations to the Mongols. The aim of these first ambassadors was to gather information about the state of the Mongols and their lives, purpose of their military operations, and to prevent possible attacks against Europe.22 The Ismaili leader in Iran sent a letter to the kings of France and England, asking for help against the approaching Mongol invasion in 1238. This letter also contained the first official informations received by European rulers on the Mongols.23 However, the first news did not attract the attention of the British and French kings. The invasion of all of Russia by the Mongol armies and the seizure of much of Poland and Hungary attracted the attention of the European rulers and forced them to take measures against the Mongols in 1241-1242. As a result of the fear the Desht-i Qipchaq Campaign of the Mongols in Europe, Pope IV. Innocent organized a meeting Lyon, France against this threat in 1245. At this meeting, clerics and European kings negotiated preventive measures against the Mongols.24 As a result, participants decided to send the Franciscan monk Plano Carpini as an ambassador to the Mongols. The main task of the Plano Carpini was to learn the purpose of the Mongols, who were advancing to the West, and to argue the Mongol Khan out from a possible invasion of Europe. In addition, this embassy delegation would gather information about the Mongols’ state and their lives. In addition, the Franciscan monk was to carry out missionary activities among the Mongols to promote Christianity to the Mongol Khan and his people.25 A man named Benedict who was also a Fransciscan joined Carpini’s delegation as an interpreter. The religious consul organized Pope IV. Innocent in Lyon discussed the measures to protect the Christian world against the “Mongol Trade and the Silk Road”, http://factsanddetails.com/china/cat2/sub90/entry-5492.html. Date accessed: 23.07.2018. 23 Farhad Daftary, “Ismailis in Medieval Muslim Societies”, I. B. Tauris in Association with the Institute Of Ismaili Studies, London 2006, p. 159. 24 Vernadsky, Moğollar ve Ruslar, p. 83; Spuler, İran Moğolları, p. 55. 25 Özgür Türker ve Serkan Ükten, “Haçlılar, Moğollar ve Ortadoğu’da Haçlı – Moğol Münasebetleri”, Ankara Üniversitesi DTCF Dergisi, Cilt 54, Sayı 1, 2014, p. 335-336. 22 556 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE possibility of repeating the Mongol attack in June of the same year. The embassy delegation headed by Plano Carpini was able to reach the kurultai where Güyük was selected as the Great Khan near和林Helin (Karakorum) in July 1246. Guyuk Khan accepted the delegation and learned the reason for their visit. The Great Khan Güyük sent a letter of reply to the European kings and the pope exactly to their expectations. Plano Carpini presented to the Pope a reply letter of the Great Khan and a detailed report on the Mongols recorded during his travel in 1247. In the reply letter written in Persian, Guyuk Khan ordered that the pope and all European kings must obey him and pay taxes.26 Before the arrival of the Plano Carpini, the Pope sent two Dominican priests, Ascelin and Simon, as legation to the Mongol khan with a letter almost the same content as the previous mission. This delegation reached the camp of Baycu, the commander of the western campaign of the Mongols, in the north of the Caspian Sea and the Araz River in May 1247. The ambassadors who presented the letter to the Baycu with the precious gifts they brought, received the letter of Baycu had written to the Pope and returned in July of the same year. Two Mongol envoys accompanied them on the way back.27 Güyük Khan had appointed Elcigidey Noyan as commander in charge of the Mongol advance in the west. Elcigidey sent two envoy named David and Mark, to King Louis IX of France on behalf of the Great Khan of the Mongols. The letter sent by this delegation to French King Louis IX, recorded that the Mongols would protect all Christians of Latin, Greek and Armenian origins without any discrimination in December of the same year. The King considered the Christian presence in the Mongol dynasty family as an important advantage for an alliance that could be established with them. The King wanted to take the opportunity, sent priest Andrew to the Mongols with generous gifts, and a letter which included an offer of an alliance which could be established on the basis of religious relations in early 1249. Andrew met with Oghul Qaimish Khatun, who was responsible for the administration as a regent after the death of Guyuk Khan in Yemili 叶迷立 (Dörbiljin County in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region). The regent Oghul Qaimish, who received the gift and letter of the king of France, replied that the king must pay taxes to the Mongols every year for peace. The embassy delegation headed by Andrew, who failed to accomplish their duties, returned to the port city of Caesarea, northwest of Jerusalem in April 1251. However, this delegation did not reach its John de Plano Carpini, Moğol Tarihi ve Seyahatname, çev. Ergin Ayan, Derya Kitabevi, Trabzon 2000, p.121131. 27 Gregory G. Guzman, “Simon of Saint-Quentin and the Dominican Mission to the Mongol Baiju: A Reappraisal”, Speculum, Vol. 46, No. 2, 1971, p. 242-245. 26 557 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies goal, but they brought very important information about the Mongols. The most valuable of these reports was the knowledge that Sartaq Khan, son of the Khan of Golden Horde Batu, was a Christian.28 Louis IX was eager to ally with the Mongols. So he decided to send a new delegation to the Mongol palace, and he appointed Franciscan monk William of Rubruck as the head of this mission. William of Rubruck and his colleagues met with Baldwin of Hainaut, who had just returned from a travel to Karakurum, in Constantinople and got the necessary information from him about the road. These missioners went to the city of Sudak of Crimea through the Black Sea and then reached the camp of Sartak on the banks of the Don River. After Sartak met with them, he sent them to the Saray city on the edge of the Volga River to meet with his father, Batu Khan. Batu, who accepted the ambassadors at his palace and sent them to the palace of the Great Khan in Karakorum, thought it would be more appropriate to meet with Great Khan Möngke (16 September 1253). At the end of the year, the delegation reached the winter quarters of Möngke Khan, located in the south of Karakorum. In 1254, Möngke Khan met with William of Rubruck and his delegation and asked them about the purpose of their visit. Then Great Khan asked them to participate in a religious discussion that would soon be held in the presence of Khan. William of Rubruck participated in this religious debate with representatives from different religions. Möngke Khan, launched a military campaign to China in August 1254, allowed the delegation to return to their country by giving a letter to the King of France.29 The politics of the Mongols, which invaded a very wide geography and united many nations under a single flag, created the favorable conditions for East-West interaction. There was a noticeable increase in the number of Europeans coming to the East during the Mongol period. After all, for the first time in Chinese history, some important information about delegations from the West was recorded in term of Yuan Dynasty. Chinese written and archaeological sources have provided information about a number of travelers, merchants and missionaries who came to China by taking advantage of favorable travel conditions throughout the Eurasian geography in this term. Denis Sinor, “The Mongols in the West”, Journal of Asian History, Vol. 33, No. 1, 1999, p. 21-23. For detailed information: Wilhelm von Rubruck, Moğolların Büyük Hanına Seyahat 1253-1255, çev. Ergin Ayan, Ayışığıkitapları, İstanbul 2001. 28 29 558 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE We learned from Qiu Jian ji秋澗集 recorded by Wang Yun王惲, one of the administrators and writers of the Yuan Dynasty era that the envoys of Frank country30 came to Shangdu上都31 and they offered various gifts to the emperor, in the fifth month of Khubilai Khan’s reign (June 1261). In the source, the country of these envoys was recorded as极西Jixi (the far West, an old concept used for Europe). It was noted that men and women in this country were beautiful people with blue eyes and blond hair. Wang Yun noted that they reached China in 1259. The journey of this envoys to China lasted three years, and they crossed the two great seas on their way. Gold and silk gifts were presented to these guests came from distant lands.32 There is no information about this delegation in the Western history records, which was quoted as发郎国使 Falang guo shi (the envoys of Frank country) in Chinese sources. These guests were probably merchants from Europe.33 A few years after their visit, two European merchants also went to Shangdu. These visitors were the famous traveler Marco Polo's father and uncle, the Venetian Niccolo and his brother Mafeo Polo. Khubilai Khan accepted them and asked detailed questions about Europe. Khubilai then decided to send these two brothers with a government officer, named Kogatal, to Europe, as an envoy to the Pope. In his letter, Khubilai asked the Pope to send a hundred people who was conversant with Christianity, who was also experts in seven arts34 and who had the skills to teach them to people. These envoys were the first diplomatic delegation sent from the Yuan Dynasty to the Papacy. Kogatal, who departed with the Polo brothers to fulfill the mission of the embassy of Khubilai Khan, was ill on the road and was unable to move further. The Niccolo and Mafeo brothers who continued the road, reached the port city of Acre in the north of al-Quds in 1269. However, before they reached Acre, Pope Clement IV had already passed away (November 23, 1268) and the council of cardinals had not yet chosen the new pope. In order to give information about their duties given to them by Khubilai Khan, Polo brothers visited the priest of the Vatican emissary who represented the Roman Church in Egypt. This priest was Teobaldo of Piacenza, who would later be named X. Gregory elected as the new The Chinese called Europe as Fulangguo 拂郎國 (or Falang guo發郎國, Folang guo佛郎國, and Fulang guo富 浪國) from the ‘Frank’ name, which is often used for Europe and European people in Arabic and Persian sources, in the period of the Yuan Dynasty. 31 Kublai Khan’s first capital in China was Shangdu上都. This city used as the summer capital after moved of the capital to Khanbaliq (Dadu大都, today Beijing). The ruins of the city are located in the Xilin Gol area of Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, 275 km north of Beijing. 32 Wang Yun, Qiu jian ji, Qinding si ku quanshu, Juan 81/35. 33 Cheng de Zhi, "Yuan dai Zhongguo yu Ouzhou de Jiaowang", p. 76. 34 Seven art knowledge; it was considered as grammar, rhetoric, dialect, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music in the middle ages. 30 559 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Pope by the cardinals. They told him the whole story about why the Khubilai Khan sent them as envoys and what their purpose was. Teobaldo thought that the mission given to Polo brothers by Khubilai Khan could be a very important opportunity for the entire Christian world. Therefore, he promised to help Polo brothers to complete their mission after selected a new pope. However, upon continuing uncertainty about when a new pope’s election would take place, the Polo brothers have decided to return to their home country, where they have not seen for more than sixteen years. After two years in their homeland, they took the son of Niccolo, Marco, and returned to Acre in 1271. When the Polo brothers went back to their friends’ Teobaldo, the cardinals had not yet decided who the pope was to be. So the Polo brothers decided to return empty-handed to Khubilai’s Palace. However, before they left, the Cardinals council elected Teobaldo of Piacenza who had welcomed to the Polo brothers, as the new pope. Teobaldo who was called Pope Clement IV after elected as pope, considered this mission as an important opportunity to Christianize the Mongols. The election of their friends as the new Pope was also a great chance for the Polo brothers. Pope Clement IV appointed two priests named Nicolau de Vicense and Guillielme de Tripule, who were merit holder and well-known in the region, to go to Yuan court with Polos. These two priests would have as much authority as Pope in China with the powers and privileges given by the Pope. However, these monks have refused to continue on the road because of couldn't bear some of the difficulties they faced on the way to Armenia. Poles, which continue empty-handed, followed the route of the old Silk Road through Iran, crossed Pamir and then proceeded in the northeast direction from the Hotan, Qakilik and Gansu corridors, and crossed the Ningxia and reached the summer palace of Khubilai, which was east of Hohhot City. Polos had spent seventeen years in China since that date. The young Marco Polo learned from Mongolia in a very short period of time because he was clever and excited, and had a deep conversation with Khubilai Khan. Marco Polo, who served as an officer in the palace of the Yuan Emperor, was sent many times by Khubilai as ambassadors to different places. In this way, Marco Polo had the opportunity to see many regions in the north and south of China. After many years lived in China, Poles received permission from Khubilai Khan to return to their country. They moved from Quanzhou by sea with an ambassador sent to the Ilkhanate (1291). This time the Polos were carrying the letters Khubilai had sent to the Pope, kings of England and France. The trip of the Polos who spent some time in Iran ended in 1295 when they arrived in Venice. In 1298, Marco Polo’s narratives of this trip were arranged as a book. For the first time, this book provided significant informations about the great geography 560 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE of China, its rich resources and civilization for Europeans. However, there is no information about the travel of Polos and the years Marco Polo spent in the service of Khubilai in China.35 The confidence of the Mongol administration in the vast Eurasian geography was seen as a great opportunity for European traders and missionaries. After the Mongols realized the contribution of trade to the state treasury, they reduced their entry and exit tributes. They secured the roads against the bandits. They also developed the ortaq system36 and encouraged trade with the West. They made the postal relay stations (yi zhan驿站) much more effective used in China earlier. In fact, the postal stations, which were established in order to make the official correspondence of the state healthy and fast, were made about every 30 kilometers. These relay stations were organized in such a way that they could meet the needs of the envoys and soldiers who came here and it was also very useful for merchants and travelers. 37 Siben Zhu, one of the Yuan geographers, noted that even though the West Sea (Xihai西海) was tens of thousands of kilometers away, it was possible for foreigners to trade there through the Mongol postal relay stations.38 The source written by the Italian merchant Francesco Balducci Pegolotti as a guide to the merchants going to China is also very important in terms of showing the commercial relations between China and Europe during the Yuan Dynasty. In his guidebook titled Practica della mercatura (The Practice of Commerce or Merchant’s Handbook) Pegolotti mentioned that a day-to-day trip from the East of the Sea of Azov to China was quite safe. Pegolotti had worked for a long time in Florence as a manager of the Balduch Company having dealt directly with Laurence Bergreen, Marco Polo, çev. Mine Zeybeyoğulları, İş Bankası Kültür Yay., İstanbul 2012. p. 36-44, 337-350; Morris Rossabi, Kubilay Han, p. 143-148.; Fan, “A new period in history of Chinese-foreign relations”, p. 434–436. 36 Turkich name, means partner or associate for merchant organizations authorized by the court of the Khan to trade during the Mongol rule. It was one of the first international trade and tax systems. China: A Cultural and Historical Dictionary, ed. Michael Dillon, Curzon Press, New York 1998, p. 235. 37 Morris Rossabi, “The Reign of Khubilai Khan” The Cambridge History of China: Vol. 6 Alien Regimes and Border States 907-1368, ed. Herbert Franke and Denis Twitchett, Cambridge University Press, 1994, p. 450.  Chinese people thought that their country was covered with seas in the past. The oldest use of the name Xihai 西海was used to refer to one of the earliest of these seas surrounding China. This name was used to indicate the Kokonor (Qinghaihu青海湖, Qinghai Lake) during Warring States (Zhanguo戰國 475-221 BC )and Qin 秦(221207 BC)and Han 漢(206-220) dynastic periods. In the period of Han Wudi漢武帝 established a military management unit here included Kokonor. Houhan shu, Xi qiang zhuan, Wuying dian Ershisi shi ben, juan 87.; This name also used for the Caspian Sean and the Aral lake in Chinese historical sources. Shiji, Liezhuan, Da wan liezhuan, Wuying dian ershisi shi ben, juan 123.; Xihai was used for the Kokonor during Sui隋 (581-617) and Tang唐(618-907) Dynasties too. Xihai was also used to show the coasts of the West Sea controlled by the Eastern Roman Empire during this period. It was probably the Mediterranean where it was mentioned. Wang Yuanlin, “Gudai Zaoqi de Zhongguo Nanhai yu Xihai de Dili Gainian”, Xiyu Yanjiu, 2006, di 1 qi. It is understood that this name was used to indicate the Mediterranean in the Yuan period. 38 Zhu Sıben, Zhen yi Zhai Shiwengao, Bei Hai ze, Beijing Daxue Tushuguan, Juan 1/165. 35 561 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies British royal family belong to British royal family. In order to benefit the merchants, he gave important informations about the trade routes to China (Tana-Astrahan-Sarai-Urgench-OtrarAlmalyk -Ganzhou-Hanzhou-Dadu), the goods to be traded and the prices of these goods, and mentioned in detail the many European merchants in China.39 During Marco Polo’s journey to China, a traveler from China visited Europe for the first time. He was called Rabban Sauma, whose name was not mentioned in Chinese sources. Two Nestorian pilgrims named Rabban Sauma and Marcus set out on the twelfth year of the Yuan Dynasty (1275) to visit the pilgrimage to Jerusalem from Khanbaliq. These Nestorian pilgrims reached Baghdad, but were unable to complete the pilgrimage visits because the road to Jerusalem was unsafe. Then, Markos was elected as the patriarch of the Nestorian Church and named the Mar Yahballaha III. Argun Khan, ruler of the Ilkhanate, needed the help of European kings at the time of his planned military campaign against Mamluks. For this reason, he was thinking of sending a suitable person to convey an alliance offer to Europe, especially to the Pope, and to the kings of England and France. Marcus, new Nestorian patriarch, advised his teacher Rabban Sauma to be appointed to the embassy in Europe. Argun Khan, who accepted this recommendation, appointed Rabban Sauma as an envoy to Europe (1287). Rabban Sauma,visited France king Philip IV and England king Edward I and met with Pope Nicholas IV newly elected in Rome. After successfully completed his mission, Sauma returned to Baghdad. The alliance Argun Khan intended to establish with European kings never realized. However, the information that Rabban Sauma conveyed to the cardinals in Rome about Christians in China was then very effective for the new missions that Papacy would send to China.40 Pope Nicholas IV in accordance with the information provided by Rabban Sauma on the Christian presence in China, sent John Montecorvino, an Italian Franciscan, to Chinaas an envoy in 1289.41 John Montecorvino, who arrived at Khanbaliq, presented the Pope’s letter to 39 Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither- Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China., Vol. II., Printed for the Hakluyt Society, London 1866, p. 292.; Pegolotti's Merchant Handbook, https://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/pegol.html, Date accessed: 14.06.2018.; For Pegolotti's work, Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, La pratica della mercatura, Ed. Evans Allan, The Mediaeval Academy of America, Cambridge: the Academy, 1936.; Jacques le Goff, “Ortaçağ Tüccarları ve Bankerleri, çev. Oğuz Adanır, Doğubatı Yay., İstanbul 2018, p. 155. 40 Pier Giorgio Borbone, “A 13th Century Journey from China to Europe. The Story of Mar Yahballaha and Rabban Sauma", EVO (Egitto e vicino oriente), Vol. XXXI, 2008, p. 221–242; Fan, “A new period in history of Chineseforeign relations”, p. 437; Peter Jackson, The Mongols and the West 1221-1410, Routledge, New York 2005, p.169; Anthony Bryer, “Edward I and Mongols”, History Today, Vol. 15, No.10, 1965, p. 700-702. 41 Otto Hartig “John of Montecorvino” The Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 8, Robert Appleton Company, New York 1910, Date accessed: 22.07.2018 (http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/08474a.htm). 562 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Emperor Yuan Chen Zong元成宗 (Temür Öljeytü Khan, 1295-1307), who had just ascended the throne, and received permission from him to perform his missionary duties in China. Later he wrote a letter to inform the Vatican about his activities in China. In his letter, he reported that he spent most of his time in the capital, Khanbalıq, not only constructing two churches one after another, but also learned Mongolian in written language, translating the New Testament and various Christian prayers, and baptized many people.42 Some of these new Christians were Alan, Kipchak, and the Russians, who were indigenous peoples brought to China to serve in the Mongol army after the Mongols occupied the Caucasus. The population of the Russian military unit, established in Khanbaliq in 1330, reached 10,000 and was placed in the north of Khanbaliq as a colony. There was a commander named Bayan who led them in 1339.43 Because the new Pope Clement IV was delighted with John of Montecorvino’s services to spread Christianity in China, appointed him as archbishop of China as a recompense for his services. The Pope also sent priest Andrew and seven other Franciscan clergyman to China to organize an archbishop appointments ceremony. They first reached India by road, then from there they reached Khanbaliq by sea. After a very long and arduous journey, only three of these eight members of the delegation were able to reach Khanbaliq by overcoming many dangers and difficulties. 44 There are informations about their travels to China in historical sources recorded in time of the Yuan Dynasty. Zhe Derun 朱德润recorded the following in the section Yiyu异域of the Cunfu zhai wenji存复斋文集: “According to Yue Hu Nan岳忽难, Darugaci in Changzhou常州city, he was a guard in the palace when ambassadors from Fulinguo 佛霖 国 (Europe) came in to the time of Emperor Yuan Renzong元仁宗 (Buyantu Khan 1314-1320). These legates reached Qishimi 乞失密 (Kashmir) in four years and Zhong Zhou 中州 (China) in four years, crossing the seven seas on their way.”45 The time and route mentioned in this record are suitable for the priests who came to China as described above. Although the history of Christianity in China was earlier46, the Roman Catholic Church managed to establish a diocese in China with John of Montecorvino. This was an important 42 Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China, Vol. I., Hakluyt Society, London 1866, p.197-209. 43 The Mongols captured many people from the west region during the campaign of Desht-i Qipchaq commanded by Batu. This military unit in Khanbaliq probably consisted of prisoners who gathered as a result of this military campaign. Moğolların Gizli Tarihi, s. 195, 196, 198. Ayrı bir kaynak ekle Çin’deki Rus ve Alanlarla ilgili 44 Fan, “A new period in history of Chinese-foreign relations”, p.438. 45 Zhu Derun, Cunfu Zhai Wenji, Sıbu congkan, Juan 5. 46 The beginning date of Christianity in China started with the inscription erected in Xi’an in 781 on behalf of the Nestorian priest named Alopen arrived to China in 635. H.Joachim Klimkeit, “Religions And Religious Movements, Part Two: Manichaeism And Nestorian Christianity”, History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. 563 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies historical development in the cultural interaction between China and Europe. The emperors of the Yuan Dynasty were following a policy that saw all religions as equal like other Mongol khans.47 Catholic priests also could freely preach and establish their own religious organizations in China. They were also supported by the khans, taking advantage of the special treatment of Buddhist clergy. The Congfu Temple (Chongfu si崇福寺), an influential centre in the Christian religion in the Yuan Dynasty, was also an important center for the Catholic community in China. John of Montecorvino founded a diocese in Zeytun city (Quanzhou泉州)48, and he appointed the priests came to China named Gerard, Pellegrin and Andrew in 1313. Later, archbishop John of Montecorvino built two churches in the same city. The Latin inscription of the tomb of Bishop Andrew, who died in 1332, was later discovered. This epitaph is exhibited in the Quanzhou Maritime Museum as a relic of Chinese-European historical relations.49 Another Franciscan monk Odoric of Pordenone came to India through Iran and reached Guangzhou city of China by sea in 1321. Odoric of Pordenone visited the cities such as Quanzhou, Fuzhou福州, Hangzhou杭州, Jiankang 建業 (today Nanjing) and Yangzhou 扬州 followed by the big canal and reached the capital city Khanbaliq in the north. Odoric, who spent three years at Khanbaliq, then went to Tibet, traveled to western China and returned to Italy by road. Odoric recorded reliable information about the social life, customs and traditions of the people living in different parts of China, the official ceremonies and celebrations of the Yuan Dynasty, the palace buildings in the Khanbaliq and the situation of various religions on his travel notes. His travel notes created a second-most influence in Europe after Marco Polo’s travel notes.50 Some researchers claim that after Montecorvino, the papacy has appointed a priest named Nicholas as the Chinese patriarch to take over the mission in China, but he couldn’t IV, The Age of Achievement: AD. 750 to the End of the Fifteenth Century, Part Two. The Achievements, Ed. C.E. Boswoıth and the late M.S. Asimov, Multiple History Series, UNESCO Publishing, p. 77-78. 47 Spuler, İran Moğolları, p. 220-227; Abdulkadir Yuvalı, İlhanlılar Tarihi-I Kuruluş Devri, Erciyes Ünversitesi Yay., Kayseri 1994, p. 178-180. 48 Ibn Battûta recorded Quanzhou City in Fujian福建Province of China as ‘Zeytun’. Ibn Battûta, who came to the region at the beginning of the 15th century, noted that since the South Song era (1127-1279), Zeytun was the largest port in the world, there were more than a hundred large ships and small ships were too many to count. Ebû Abdullah Muhammed et-Tancî, İbn Battûta Seyahatnamesi, çev. A. Sait Aykut, Yapı Kredi Yay., İstanbul 2005, p. 617-618.; Cemil Hee ve Soo Lee, “Çin- Ülkede İslamiyet”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 8, İstanbul 1993, p. 324. 49 Colleen Ho, “Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century European-Mongol Relations”, History Compass, Vol. 10, No. 12, 2012, p. 946; Fan, “A new period in history of Chinese-foreign relations”, p.438. 50 Luigi Bressan, “Odoric of Pordenone 1265-1331, His vision of China and South-East Asia and His Contribution to Relations Between Asia and Europe”, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 70, No. 2, 1977, p. 8-9; For more information on Odoric’s of Pordenone activities in China: Odoric da Pordenone, The Travels of Friar Odoric, Translated by Henry Yule, Grand Rapids:William B.Eerdmans Publishing, 2002. 564 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE completed his journey with a delegation of twenty members. Although this travel took place almost at the same with Odoric’s, there is no information about the fate of Nicholas and his colleagues. However, in the Ming Dynasty record, it was noted that a person named Nicholas came to China to trade at the end of the Yuan Dynasty. It was noted that Ming Taizu明太祖, the first emperor of the Ming Dynasty, assigned Nicholas to deliver a letter to the Roman emperor in the fourth year of his reign (1371).51 It has been suggested that this person was priest Nicholas who was previously appointed as bishop to China, but who could not reached Khanbaliq at the time.52 Yuan Shundi 元顺帝 (Toghon Temur 1333-1370), the last emperor of the Yuan dynasty, send a man named Andrew and an Alan53 beside him as a delegate to Europe to deliver the letter he had written to the Pope in 1336. The Alans, who lived in Khanbaliq, also sent a letter requesting from the Pope to appoint a new bishop to teach them their religion by informing that the archbishops in China had died eight years ago. These envoys arrived to Avignon, the residence of the Pope in France, in 1338, where they were welcomed in a very hospitable manner and visited many cities in Europe. While these envoys were returning to China, the Pope sent a delegation of 50 men of clergy led by Giovanni de Marignolli to China with them. This delegation, which proceeded eastward by road, was able to reach Khanbalıq in 1342. Marignolli and his delegation presented the Pope’s letter to the emperor with the gifts, including the emperor’s beloved horse. Yuan shi, based on the records of the emperor, it was noted that a different horse which was about 3 meters in length, 2 meters 11 cm in height, pure black colored and had white rear hooves in July 1342 from Europe. Being another author in Yuan’s era, Wu Shidao 吴师道reported that ambassadors who came from Frank country presented a horse as a gift to Luan jing 滦京. In the source, it is noted that Francia is located at the west of the West Sea, far away tens of thousands of kilometers, at the seven large seas beyond, and four years away. The emperor accepted the gift curiously at the palace hall and then ordered his servants to draw a picture of the horse. This spectacular horse has attracted both the emperor and the community with its posture and greatness. In order to describe the beauty of the horse, poets and artists created works in which they also provided information about ambassadors coming from Europe. In his poem Tianma hang ying zhizuo 天马行应制作 Cheng de Zhi, “Yuan dai Zhongguo yu Ouzhou de Jiaowang”, p. 79. Fan, “A new period in history of Chinese-foreign relations”, p. 441–442.; Cheng de Zhi, “Yuan dai Zhongguo yu Ouzhou de Jiaowang”, p. 79. 53 This tribe recorded as 阿速人Asuren in Chinese sources and Asut in the Secret History of Mongols were the Alans and one of the captive nations brought to Khanbaliq by Mongols during the Qipchaq campaigns. “Moğolların Gizli Tarihi”, p. 185, ps 6; Cheng de Zhi, “Yuan dai Zhongguo yu Ouzhou de Jiaowang”, p. 79-80. 51 52 565 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies , one of the Yuan era writers Zhou Baqi 周伯琦 mentioned about this horse and the ambassadors that brought him. Zhou Lang 周朗, a prominent writer and also a painter of the time, illustrated the emperor Togan Temur while shooting saddle to Tianma 天马. This painting was later seen by the Jesuit missionary Antoine Gaubil (d. 1609) in China during the early years of the Qing Dynasty. Currently, the location of this Picture, which had been in the Picture catalog of Qing Dynasty until 1815, is not known. In the 13th century, the fact that the Mongols combined virtually all of the Eurasian geography under a single state and their unique management philosophy that allowed for an unprecedented counter trade along the roads in this region and any kind of cultural interaction, led especially the Western sources to refer to this era “Pax Mongolia”, Mongol Peace. Although the ruthless invasions of the Mongols gave rise to the collapse of many states and dynasties in the east and west, the very same invasion has also created unprecedented opportunities for many communities, including mainly merchants and missionaries, in terms of their impacts. Mongol period allowed for a rapid dissemination of different ideas and an international fusion in a cultural sense in Europe and Asia. The Mongols, who ruled many nations in a vast geographical area, has accelerated the cultural interaction by facilitating the communication among these nations. The adaptation of the Mongolian rulers to local cultures in the Near East and China can be considered as the most striking example of this period. The affairs between Europe and China during the Yuan Dynasty improved through Christian missionaries, traders and diplomatic embassies. On the other hand, during this period, almost all the diplomatic embassies, sent to China from Europe, were catholic priests who were ordered by Vatican to ask for permission for their missionary activities from Yuan emperor. In the Yuan era manuscripts, after these diplomatic ambassadors for religious purposes from Europe to China, mostly the information about the merchants was recorded. Mongolians, who have a nomadic way of life, comprehended the benefits of trade to the treasury in early periods. Following the conquest, they created a dynasty in China and also made amendments and regulations that support and prompt trade, and protect and encourage traders. Contrary to the Confucian view, which did not welcome trade and merchants in China, the general policy of the Yuan dynasty was to support traders and trade54. This policy, followed by the state to increase the revenues from trade, attracted traders from different parts of Asia and Europe, along with various riches of China that offered trade opportunities. Although it is known that the number of European traders in China is much higher than the papal embassies, 54 Morris Rossabi, “The Reign of Khubilai Khan”, p. 459. 566 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE there has not been adequate information recorded in the records of the period. In addition to the fact that the individual commercial activities were not crucial enough to be recorded in the historical sources, it can be argued that the Confucianist historians who interpret trade as an unnecessary effort, did not attach any importance to the news. However, it is known that the European merchant population has increased unprecedentedly, and even the neighborhoods and private trade zones of these merchants had been established55. BIBLIOGRAPHY  BARTHOLD, Wilhelm, “Karahitaylar”, MEB İslam Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 6, İstanbul 1977, p. 273-276.  BERGREEN, Laurence, Marco Polo, çev. Mine Zeybeyoğulları, İş Bankası Kültür Yay., İstanbul 2012.  BLUNDEN, Caroline and Mark Elvin, Atlaslı Büyük Uygarlıklar Ansiklopedisi VII Cilt ‘Çin’ , İletişim Yay., İstanbul 1989.  BORBONE, Pier Giorgio, “A 13th Century Journey from China to Europe. 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Knechtges, Yuan Xingpei ve diğerleri, Cambridge University Press, 2012, p. 432-453.  ZHANG, Xiping, Following the Steps of Metteo Ricci to China, translated by Ding Deshu, Ye Jinping, Beijing: China Intercontinental Press, 2006.  ZHI, Cheng De 陈得芝, “Yuan dai Zhongguo yu Ouzhou de Jiaowang 元代中国与欧 洲的交往”, Wenshi zhishi文史知识, Di第1 期qi 3, 1985, p.75-80 .  ZHU, Derun朱德润, Cunfu Zhai Wenji存复斋文集, Sıbu congkan 四部丛刊续编本, 卷Juan 5.  ZHU, Hong, “Gan Ying Fu Daqin甘英赴大秦”, Guangming Rıbao光明日报, 2016 Nian, 15 ban, http://epaper.gmw.cn/gmrb/html/2016-02/26/nw.D110000gmrb_20160226_215.htm?div=-1, Erişim Tarihi 10.07.2018  ZHU, Sıben朱思本, Zhen yi Zhai Gao 贞一斋稿, Juan 卷 1, 165. 570 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 571 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 572 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Post-Soviet Methodology Of The Ukrainian Historiography: A Transition From The Formative To The Civilisational Conception Of The Historical Process Yaroslav KALAKURA* The problem statement, its relevance. One of the scientific creativity paradox is, that, on the one hand, it needs self-sacrifice, great devotion to work, sometimes an ordinary, routine, not always properly appraised willingness to give up some "everyday goods", and, on the other hand, he who has come to this path is doomed to study for his lifetime, how to improve himself, how to raise the theoretical and methodological level, to update the knowledge, skills and research tools, to master the innovative methods, ways and means of a cognitive activity. It is no coincidence, that people say: “A scientist without a methodology is the same, as a captain of a ship without a compass, and as a ship without a sail. Methodology is a strategy and tactics of any scientific knowledge, including historical one. Its role and significance especially grows at the critical stages of history, one of which was the collapse and decay of the USSR, the formation on its ruins of a number of independent states, and the restoration, in particular, of Ukraine's independence. In the context of the historical science, this significant event was accompanied by a methodological reorientation of the Ukrainian historians, their break with the methodology of the formative interpretation of history, an assimilation of the civilisational understanding of the historical process, an anthropological turn and the conceptualisation of historiography. The urgency and importance of this study was determined by at least three factors: Firstly, a further enhancement of the role of the historical science, all its segments in the structure of the humanitarian knowledge are not possible without an in-depth elaboration of the theoretical and methodological foundations of the historical research. This is especially important in the context of the post-modernist narrativism, the supporters of which question the need for a common methodology, and even the very ability to achieve the scientific truth. Sometimes choices are distributed about the fact, that treatment of methodological problems is contrary to the post-modern freedom of creativity and is a tribute to the past. Besides, among a certain part of researchers there is an underestimation of the importance of theory and methodology in scientific knowledge. It is enough to review the abstracts of candidate and some doctoral dissertations, in order to ascertain a theoretical confusion, methodological helplessness 573 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies and blurring of approaches of a part of scientists to solving scientific problems. There is also a lack of scientific and methodological literature dealing with the methodology of historical writing. In addition, the world began to face the fact of mass historical writing, which, on the one hand, demonstrates an increase in the public interest to history, but, on the other hand, it entails a certain danger of deprofessionalisation of the historical science, attempts by some modern writers and especially journalists to assume the functions of the interpretation and expert assessments of historical events and figures. Secondly, new approaches need comprehension of the modern methodology of historical studies as a component of the methodology, its modernisation on a basis of conceptualisation of history, and involvement of the latest information technologies, analysis of the experience and research laboratories of the national and foreign historians, in particular – methods for searching, identification of and processing the sources, for establishing their authenticity, for obtaining the true information, for the transformation of knowledge into a scientific and ideological system. Thirdly, and this is very important, history is increasingly used as a means for manipulating the public consciousness. An indication of this is a centuries-lasting hybrid war of Russia against Ukraine, especially Putin’s modern format of that, which places the historic science and propaganda on the priority place in the production and dissemination of lies, misinformation of the population in order to revise history, revive and preserve the imperial ideology and the Soviet stereotypes, like "one people, "one country", “a common enemy","the Russian measure", "a canonical territory", etc. The purpose of the study is to draw attention to the essence of the civilisational knowledge, its advantages in comparison with the formational approach to the historical process, to show the significance of the civilisational tradition of the Ukrainian historiography in the context of the European and world historical science, to address the tendencies of updating the methodology in the context of breaking with the Marxist methodology of the historical materialism and the formational approach, conceptualisation of historiography and an anthropological turn. Presenting the main material. How can you assess the current state of the development of a problem? First of all, we note, that its availability was facilitated by the availability and opportunity of Ukrainian historians to join works of the founders of the theory of human civilisations and the civilisational understanding of history by F. Brodel, M. Weber, V. Vernadsky, M. Danilevsky, R.J. Collingwood, G. Spencer, A.Toinbi, A. Spengler, the well574 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE known American political scientist S. Huntington and by others.1 Based on the general theory of cognition, its civilisational segment, a number of scholars are focused on clarifying the features of the modern interpretation of the theory and methodology of the historical science, including the specifics of the civilisational cognition2. At the same time, they did not consider the contribution of the main Ukrainian historians as the development of the methodological foundations of the historical studies, including those by M. Hrushevsky, Y. Dashkevych, D. Doroshenko, I. Krypyakevych, B. Krupnytsky, I. Lysiak-Rudnitsky, O. Ogloblin, O. Pritsak, I. Franko and others. The monographs by of V. Honcharevsky and V. Kosmina were met with interest3; they are directly dedicated to the methodological foundations of the civilisational analysis of the historical process.. Of crucial significance there was the publication of the theoretical and methodological guidebook "History in terms and concepts" prepared at the *Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, National Taras Shevchenko University of Kyiv, Ukraine; email: kalajar@ukr.net Вебер М. Избранные произведения. М.: Прогресс, 1990. 808 с.; Данилевский Н. Я. Россия и Европа. М. : Книга, 1991. 576 с.; Вернадский В. Научная мысль как планетное явление. М.: Наука, 1991. 271 с.; Шпенглер О. Закат Европы. Очерки морфологии мировой истории. Т.2. Всемирно-исторические перспективы. Новосибирск: Наукa, 1993. 592 с; Тойнбі А. Дослідження історії / А.Тойнбі. В 2-х т. К., 1995. Т.1. 614 с.; Р. Дж. Колінгвуд. Ідея історії. К., Основи, 1996. 616 с.; Хантингтон С. Столкновение цивилизаций. М. : ООО «АСТ», 2003. 603 с.; Бродель Ф. Материальная цивилизация, экономика и капитализм. Т.3: Время мира. М.: Весь мир. 2007. 752 с. та ін. – (Weber M. Selected works. Мoscow: Progress, 1990 808 pp.; Danilevsky N. Ya. Russia and Europe. Мoscow: Kniga, 1991. 576 pp.; Vernadsky V. The academic idea as a planetary phenomenon. Мoscow: Nauka, 1991. 271 pp.; Spengler О. The decline of the West. Sketches of the morphology of the world history. Volume 2. The world historical prospects. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 1993. 592 pp; Toinbi А. Studies of history/А.Тоinbi. – In 2 volumes. Kyiv, 1995. Vol. 1. 614 pp. – In Russian); R. J. Collinwood. The idea of hisotory. Кyiv : Osnovy, 1996. 616 pp. – In Ukrainian); Hantington S. A collision of civilisations. Мoscow : AST LLP, 2003. 603 pp.; Brodel F. The material civilisation, economics and capitalism. Volume 3: The time of the world. Мoscow : Ves mir. 2007. 752 pp. and others. – In Russian) 1 Реєнт О.П., Ткаченко В.М. Україна на межі цивілізацій: історико-політологічні розвідки. – К.: ІІУ НАН України, 1995. 159 с. Павленко Ю.В. Історія світової цивілізації. Соціокультурний розвиток 2 людства: навч. посібн. К.: Либідь, 1998. 360 с.; Зашкільняк Л. Методологія історії від давнини до сучасності. Львів : Львівський державний університет ім. Ів. Франка, 1999. 226 с.; його ж. Сучасна світова історіографія: Посібн. Львів : Паіс. 2007. 312 с. Яковенко Н.М. Вступ до історії. К.: Критика, 2007. 376 с. – (Reyent О.P., Tkachenko V.M.. Ukraine on the border of civilisations: historical and politilogical studies. Кyiv: Institute for the economics of industry, within the National Academy of Sciecnes of Ukraine, 1995. 159 pp. Pavlenko Yu.V. A history of the world civilisation. The sociocultural development of the humanity: A study guide. Кyiv : Lybid, 1998. 360 pp.; Zashkilniak L. The methodology of history from the ancient to the present time. Lviv : Ivan Franko SWtate University of Lviv, 1999. 226 pp.; Zashkilniak L. A moder world historiograsphy: A guidebook. Lviv : Pais, 2007. 312 pp. Yakovenko N.M. Introdcution to histry. Кyiv : Krytyka, 2007. 376 pp. – In Ukrainian). 3 Гончаревський В.Е. Цивілізаційний підхід до історії: сучасний український досвід (1991-2009). К., 2010. 220 с.; Космина В.Г. Проблеми методології цивілізаційного аналізу історичного процесу. - Запоріжжя: ЗНУ, 2011. 309 с. – (Honcharevsky V.E. A civiloisational approach to history: the modern Ukrainian experience (1991-2009). Кyiv, 2010. 220 pp.; Kosmyna V.H. Problems of the methodology of the civilisational analysis of the historic process. – Zaporizhiz: ZNU, 2011. 309 pp. – In Ukrainian). 575 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies National Taras Shevchenko University of Kyiv, which contains over 100 publications on various aspects of the theory and methodology of making historical studies. A number of issues related to the methodology of making historiographical studies in the context of an assimilation of the civilisational theory, the author of this article has also touched upon4. It is good, that the modern generation of the Ukrainian historians (V. Andreyev, O. Bogdashyn, V. Vaschenko, I. Verba, I.Gyrych, Y. Grytsak, L. Zashkylniak, I. Kolesnyk, V. Pidheytsky, V. Potulnytsky, T.Orlova, O. Reyent, V. Smoliy, S. Stelmakh, O. Yas, etc.) examine the issue of methodology from the perspective of comprehending the real processes in the history of Ukraine on the background of the world history. It should be noted, that the Ukrainian historians are increasingly cooperating in the field of methodology with their American, Polish, German, Turkish and other colleagues, particularly with such well-known in Ukraine scientists, as the American methodologist Alan Meghil (the author of "The Historical Epistemology”), Wojciech Wośek, Eva Domanskaya (students of Jerzy Topolski – the author of "The Methodology of History"), the German historian in the field of culture Wolfgang Shivelbusch, the Turkish historians Ahmed Zeki Velidy Togan (the author of "The Methodology of Historical Studies", Galil Inaljik ( a scholar in the field of the methodology of studying handwritten acts and old books), Yujel Oztürk (an expert in the history of the Ukrainian Cossacks), etc. The essence of the civilisational approach to history is that stages of the historical process, socio-historical, socio-economic, and cultural-spiritual life are not considered "socio-economic formations", but a human "civilisation" as a type of sustainable cultural codes of peoples and nations. This civilisational approach focuses on an evolutionary character of the historical and socio-cultural process. Instead, the formation gives a priority to a revolutionary development. The methodology of the civilisational comprehension of history involves a scientific analysis of a cyclicity and multilinearity of the development, that is, in the end, such an interpretation, by which the national history is considered not separately, but in Калакура Я.С. Цивілізаційні орієнтири новітньої української історіографії // Історіографічні дослідження в Україні: Інститут історії України НАН України. Вип. 24. К.: Інститут історії України НАН України, 2014. С. 23–38; його ж. Методологія історіографічного дослідження:науково-методичний посібник. К. : ВПЦ «Київський університет», 2016. 319 с.; його ж. Методологічні нотатки щодо співвідношення і взаємопроникнення української, зарубіжної та всесвітньої історії в контексті глобалізації // Україна– Європа–Світ. Міжнародний збірник наукових праць, 2017. Вип. 20. С. 257–266. – (Kalakura Ya.S. Civilisational orients of the сontemporary historiography // Historiographical studies in Ukraine: Institute for Ukraine’s History within the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine – Issue 24. Кyiv : Institute for Ukraine’s History within the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, 2014. pp. 23–38; Kalakura Ya.S. Methodology of a historiographical study: An academic and methodical guidebook. Кyiv : Productive Poligraphical Centre “Kyiv University”, 2016. 319 pp.; Kalakura Ya.S. Methodological notes on the relationships and mutual penetration of the Ukrainian, foreign and world history in the context of globalisation // Ukraine–Europe–World. An international collection of academic works, 2017. Issue 20. pp. 257–266. – In Ukrainian). 4 576 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE interrelationships and comparable to the history of other peoples, in the context of the regional and world civilisations. This approach allows one to grasp the self-worthiness of every society, every nation to outline their place in the world history and culture. This means, that the Ukrainian, incidentally the German, Polish and French, and the Turkish and other historiography, are national components of the world historical science, each of which was formed on a distinct basis, while percepting both the universal intellectual, and spiritual values, which, by the by, they are not homeless or supranational. The world historical science integrates achievements of historians from different countries and peoples, regardless of their population amount and the size of the ethnic territory, which becomes a decisive trend in the development of historiography in conditions of the globalisation and informatisation of the modern world. In the Soviet era, the civilisational approach in Ukraine, like in other republics, was subject to an anathema, in fact it was forbidden and excluded from the historiographical practice. The civilisational vision of the historical process was mastered and preserved only by separate dissident historians and, of course, by representatives of the Ukrainian Diaspora’s historiography. In the USSR, it was replaced by an administratively-forced formational approach and economic determinism. But the formative interpretation of the historical process was to prove the inevitability of the world socialist revolution and building of communism, and therefore it was considered as a mandatory canon, and should be accompanied by the domination of a party-class interpretation of events and facts, phenomena and personalities. All that has led to dramatic and sad consequences for the historical science and turning that into a propagandist servant of the Bolshevik regime, while the historians were turned into ideological fighters of the Communist Party. With the restoration of Ukraine's independence in the course of the transformation of the society, its integration into the European and world space, the process in clearing the historical science from ideological stereotypes and layers of the past, the restoration of its natural functions, unfettered conditions for a synthesis of the linearly-staged and locally-cyclic approaches to the history of the world, regional and local civilisations. The methodological reorientation of historians and the transition to the study of the history of the Ukrainian people in the context of a civilisational paradigm was not easy, since the Ukrainian historiography, from the totalitarian times, was far from the best inheritance in both the humane, and intellectual terms. It is known, that all the historical literature – academic papers, encyclopaedias, textbooks – were built on the ideological basis of the dogmatic Marxism, the formation and party-class interpretation of the historical process. Historians did not have access to the western historiography, as the latter was seen as an ideological weapon of imperialism and the 577 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies bourgeoisie. In 1991, out of 2,500 professional historians involved in higher education and academic institutions in Ukraine, almost 2,300 were historians of the Communist party of the Soviet Union, as that was a compulsory academic discipline taught at all higher and secondary specialised educational institutions. After the restoration of its independence and implementing a radical transformation of the society, Ukraine had to use services of the Soviet historians, because there were no other ones. I had to involve an overwhelming majority of them before teaching the Ukraine’s and Foreign Histories, leading postgraduate students, developing new textbooks, conducting scientific studies, which could not, but reflect in their titles and both at the theoretical, and methodological levels, works referred t from the 1990s to the beginning of the 21st century. For the sake of justice, it should be noted, that a considerable majority of these historians, especially among the national-communist ones, managed to depart from the stereotypes of Stalin’s and Brezhnev’s times and traditions; they methodologically reorientated to get engaged in an assimilation of the national traditions of the Ukrainian historiography, and in achievements of the Western historians. Historians received great help in the process of personal meetings and communication with their Western and diaspora colleagues. Meanwhile, a young, not overbearing generation of historians has been forming in parallel, which today has already declared itself in science and didactics. With this participation, a considerable amount of scientific studies has been made, which enabled filling significant gaps, refuting a number of issues and points having been rigged and distorted during the imperial and Soviet times, and doing all that a basis of expanding the source base and application of new study methods. The aim was to prove the civilisational identity of Ukraine and enrich the knowledge of all the periods of its historical past. The transition of the Ukrainian historical science to the civilisational interpretation of history is not a short-term campaign, but a long process: its de-communisation, purging from the stereotypes of the totalitarian era is still taking place nowadays. The Soviet historiography, transforming itself into a post-Soviet, and, consequently, into the national one, has gradually acquired a national-state and socio-cultural orientation, become involved in an assimilation of achievements of the Western historiography, the historiosophy of the postmodern period. The leading tendencies of the civilisational comprehension of the history of Ukraine are becoming more and more visible, certifying the interrelation of the personal and social levels of the civilisational knowledge and establishing on this basis a special type of a socio-cultural identity of the Ukrainian and foreign societies. 578 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The modern methodology of the civilisational approach to the historical process is based on the general theory of scientific knowledge, on achievements of experience, and it acts as a synthesis of the theory and practice of making scientific studies. The civilisational paradigm of history is based on the philosophy of integrity of the world, on the dialectical unity of the society, culture and spirituality. The civilisational model of the historical knowledge has an important scientific and practical significance to overcome the breakdowns of the historical continuity of traditions, the world-view crisis and collisions of different interpretations of the national memory, to establish a Ukrainian identity, to avoid blunders in the course of reforms, particularly ignoring the traditional culture and mentality of the Ukrainian people and deepening the regional features of the country, which have developed for centuries. With the civilisational knowledge of Ukraine, its civilisational choice, European integration processes, its dialogue with Europe, orientation on values of the European civilisation, the formation of a new, civilisational identity 5. Assimilation of the civilisation's understanding of the historical process took place in close connection with the conceptualisation of the Ukrainian historiography and anthropological turn, that is, with a transition from the history of history to the history of people and human communities. How do these processes affect the nature of historical writing and the growth of historical knowledge? Science in general, and each of its branches, including the historical one, in particular, has its own categorical-and-conceptual apparatus, with the help of which it carries out the corresponding knowledge and builds its intellectual potential. In the context of the globalisation of the modern world, a noticeable universalisation of the terms, which occurs mainly within a framework of the English linguistic space, becomes actual. At the same time, this process is of a dual nature: economics, politics, the Internet, communications are destroying the borders, and people do not want to lose their sense of belonging to their own homes, their belonging to a certain identity, which leads to an increase in the localisation syndrome and self-preservation. Taking into account these tendencies, the Ukrainian historiography closely monitors the conceptualisation process and improves its own communicative apparatus within a framework of the national linguistics from the point of view of the conceptualisation of the national historical science. Development of the lexical potential and the terminology of the Ukrainian Калакура Я. Цивілізаційний вибір України: теоретико-методологічний, історичний та освітянський аспекти // Україна у світовій історії. 2014, № 3(52). С. 224–242. – (Kalakura Ya. Ukraine’s civilisational choice: the theoretically methodological, historical and educational aspects // Ukraine in the world’s history. 2014, # 3(52). pp. 224–242. – In Ukrainian). 5 579 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies historiography from the time of modernity to the modern times was analysed in the book by I.I. Kolesnyk 6, and the author of this study touched upon the tendencies in the modern conceptualisation of the Ukrainian historiography 7. Today it becomes increasingly clear, that the right way to comprehend the history of this or that people, its sign events can only be in coordinates of the historical anthropology, that is, in the segment of the historical science in its modern, postmodern understanding, for which the priority object of studies is not so much direct events and phenomena, but their creators and participants, that is, the people. This is a kind of "settling” the historical texts by means of specific figures and characters8. From the point of view of the recent years, especially after the EuroMaidan, efforts of the Ukrainian historians have been focused on the problems, that were silenced, falsified or unrelated to the objective coverage in the Soviet historiography. This is the ethnogenesis of the Ukrainian people as a separate and distinct ethnic group, a millennial tradition of the formation of the Ukrainian nation, the Ukrainian resistance movement to totalitarian regimes, a reformation of the Ukrainian society, Ukraine's international cooperation and integration processes, etc. In the process of conceptualisation of the Ukrainian historiography, the anthropological turn and transition to a civilisational understanding of the history of Ukraine and foreign countries, the modernisation of the methodological tools of historians have been increasingly traced. What does it mean? First of all, we are talking about the new priorities in studying problems: the ratio of the world, the regional and local civilisations, the socio-cultural processes in conditions of globalisation, the integration and informatisation of the modern world. Such a transition dictates needs for a further elaboration of a number of theoretical and methodological problems, in particular – the definition of the criteria of the civilisational progress, an alternative in the civilisational process, the role of the ethnic factor in the regional civilisation, the ratio of the urban and rural components in a civilisation, the civilisational context of the multiculturalism concept, the mental foundations of the regional civilisation of Ukraine, the Колесник І. Українська історіографія: концептуальна історія /І.І. Колесник. К.: ІІУ НАН України, 2013. 566 с. – (Kolesnyk І. Ukrainian Historiography: a conceptual history / І.І. Kolesnyk. Кyiv : Institute for PU, within the National Academy of Ukraine, 2013. 566 с. – In Ukrainian). 7 Калакура Я. Методологічні засади концептуалізації української історіографії// Symposium historiographicum Czercasiensium / Черкаський історіографічний симпозіум / За ред. В. Масненка. Т. ІІ (Нові сенси історичного знання). Черкаси, 2017. С. 230, С. 9–20. – (Kalakura Ya. Methodological graounds for conceptualisation of the Ukrainian Historiography // Symposium historiographicum Czercasiensium / Edited by V. Masnenko. Volume ІІ (New senses of the historical knowledge). Chewrkasy, 2017. p. 230, pp. 9–20. – In Ukrainian). 8 Калакура Я. «Україна – постаті» як концентр українознавства //Українознавство, 2013, № 3–4. С. 10–18. – (Kalakura Ya. “Ukraine’s Personalities” as a concentre of the Ukrainian studies // The Ukrainian Studies, 2013. # 3–4. pp. 10–18. – In Ukrainian). 6 580 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE formation of a concept of its civilisational integrity, etc. Assimilation of the methodological potential of the civilisational interpretation of the historical process and use of achievements of foreign historians will facilitate transformation of the Ukrainian historiography into an organic part of the world historiography. Transition to a civilisational knowledge of the Ukrainian history is accompanied by significant innovations and periodisation, which has been based for a long time on the criteria of the revolutionary change of formations as the highest form of the class struggle. By the way, the Soviet historiography constructed a peculiar cult of revolutions and wars. It ignored the connection and interaction between cycles of the social and civilisational transformations, as well as the evolution of inter-civilisational communications. Along with modified traditional methods (analysis and synthesis, deduction and induction, abstraction, modelling, generalisation), the civilisational approach implies an increasingly widespread interdisciplinary studying and application of methods of the semiotic analysis, deconstruction, observation of the second order, differentiation and comparison of meanings of information, etc., a special approach to studying the narrative texts. The author of these words, in his own experience, managed to ascertain the benefits of the civilisational approach to history in the process of implementing, in cooperation with other historians, a series of projects relating to the history of Ukraine, Ukrainian culture and mentality9. By joint efforts historians prove the presence of the Ukrainian civilisation as a community of people, historically formed on the ground of the regional and the objectively existing reality, produced by different generations of the Ukrainian people for more than one thousand years of a continuous history – from the ancient times to the present days. It has naturally intertwined the identity of the Ukrainian people, its language, mentality and cultural and spiritual values, an amazing beauty of the nature, creating at the end a unique combination Юрій М.Ф., Алексієвець Л.М., Калакура Я.С., Удод О.А. Україна: цивілізаційний контекст пізнання. У 2х кн.: Кн.1. Україна: найдавнішого часу – ХVІІІ ст.: цивілізаційний контекст пізнання. Тернопіль: Астон, 2012. 700 с.; Кн. 2. Україна ХІХ – початку ХХІ століття: цивілізаційний контекст пізнання. – Тернопіль: Астон, 2012. 696 с.; Калакура Я.С. Українська культура: цивілізаційний вимір. Я.С. Калакура Я, О.О. Рафальський, М.Ф. Юрій К. : ІПіЕНД ім. І.Ф. Кураса НАН України, 2015. 496 с.; Калакура Я.С., Рафальський О.О., Юрій М.Ф. Ментальний вимір української цивілізації. К. : Генеза, 2017. 560 с. – (Yury M.F., Akexiyevets L.M., Kalakura Ya.S., Udod О.А. Ukraine: the civilisational context of cognition. In 2 books: Book 1. Ukraine from of the most ancient times – to the 18th century: the civilisational context of cognition. – Ternopil: Astom, 2012. – 700 pp.; Book 2. Ukraine from the 19th century to the beginning of the 21st century: the civilisational context of cognition. Ternopil: Aston, 2012. 696 pp.; Kalakura Ya.S. Ukrainian culture: the civilisational measurement. Ya.S. Kalakura, O.О. Rafalsky, M.F. Yury. Kyiv: I.F. Kuras Institute for the Political and Ethnographical Studies, within the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, 2015. 496 pp.; Kalakura Ya.S., Rafalsky О.О., Yury M.F. The mental measurement of the Ukraininan civilisation. Кyiv: Geneza, 2017. 560 pp. – (In Ukrainian). 9 581 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies of man and the environment, a rare cultural-and-geopolitical space. Further studies of the Ukrainian civilisation should be aimed at for the sake of knowledge of the following points: a) features of the national anthropological code (a Ukrainian man in the civilisational space; b) the specific basic values of the society. With the transition from a formative to a civilisational approach, an increasing interest of the Ukrainian historians to the world history as an integrity 10. We are increasingly interested in the history of our neighbours, supporters of the association of Ukraine with the EU, its cooperation with the NATO countries including the Republic of Turkey. In conclusion, it seems advisable to distinguish between a number of the theoretical, methodological and specific historical problems, that require a further study. These are the criteria of the civilisational progress, an alternative in the civilisational process, the role of the ethnic factor in the regional civilisation, the ratio of the urban and rural components in a civilisation, the civilisational context of the multiculturalism concept, the mental foundations of the Ukrainian civilisation, the formation of a civilisational integrity of Ukraine, etc. Assimilation of the methodological potential of the civilisational interpretation of the historical process, the anthropological approach to it, use of achievements of foreign historians through an international cooperation, exchange with literature and experience will facilitate a transformation of the Ukrainian historiography into an organic part of the world historiography. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1.Brodel F. Materialnaya tsivilizatsiya, ekonomika i kapitalizm. T. 3: Vremia mira. M. : Ves mir, 2007. 752 s. 2. Danilevskiy N. Ya. Rossiya i Yevropa. M. : Kniga, 1991. 576 s. 3. Honcharevsky V.E. Tsyvilizatsiynyi pidkhid do istoriyi: suchasnyi ukrayinskyi dosvid (1991–2009). Kyiv, 2010. 220 s. 4. Kalakura Ya.S. Metodolohiya istoriohrafichnoho doslidzhennia: naukovo- metodychnyi posibnyk. K.: VPTs «Kyivskyi universytet», 2016. 319 s. 5. Kalakura Ya. Metodolohichni zasady kontseptualizatsii ukrayinskoyi istoriohrafiyi // Symposium historiographicum Czercasiensium / Cherkaskyi istoriohrafichnyi sympozium / Za red. V. Masnenka. T. II (Novi sensy istorychnoho znannia). – Cherkasy, 2017. s. 9–20. Орлова Т.В. Всесвітня історія. Історія цивілізацій: навч. посібн./Т.В.Орлова. К.: «Знання», 2012. 446 с. – (Орлова Т.В. History of the World. History of civilisations: A guidebook ./ T.V. Orlovaq. Кyiv : “Znannia”, 2012. 446 pp. – In Ukrainian). 10 582 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 6.Kalakura Ya.S. Metodolohichni notatky schodo spivvidnoshennia I vzayiemopronyknennia ukrayinskoyi, zarubizhnoyi ta vsesvitnioyi istorii v konteksti hlobalizatsiyi // Ukrayina–Yevropa–Svit. Mizhnarodnyi zbirnyk naukovykh prats, 2017, Vyp. 20. s. 257–266. 7. Kalakura Ya. “Ukrayna–postati” yak kontsentr ukrayinoznavstva // Ukrayinoznavstvo, 2013, № 3–4. s. 10–18. 8. Kalakura Ya. Tsyvilizatsiinyi vybir Ukrayiny: teoretyko-metodolohichnyi, istorychnyi ta osvitianskyi aspekty // Ukrayina u svitoviy istoriyi, 2014, # 3(52). s. 224–242. 9. Kalakura Ya.S. Tsyvilizatsiyni oriyentyry novitnoyi ukrayinskoyi istoriohrafiyi // Istoriohrafichni doslidzhennia v Ukraini: Instytut istoriyi Ukrayiny NAN Ukrayiny. Vyp. 24. K. : Instytut istoriyi Ukrayiny NAN Ukrayiny, 2014. s. 23–38. 10. Kalakura Ya.S., Rafalskyi O.O., Yurii M.F. Mentalnyi vymir ukrayinskoyi tsyvilizatsiyi. K. : Geneza, 2017. 560 s. 11. Kalakura Ya.S. Ukrainska kultura: tsyvilizatsiinyi vymir. Ya.S. Kalakura, O.O. Rafalskyi, M.F.Yuriy. K. : IPiEND im. I.F. Kurasa NAN Ukrayiny, 2015. 496 s. 12. Khantynhton S. Stolknovenye tsyvilizatsyyi – M. : OOO “AST”, 2003. 603 s. 13. Kolesnyk I. Ukrayinska istoriohrafiya: kontseptualna istoriya / I.I. Kolesnyk. K. : IIU NAN Ukrainy, 2013. 566 s. 14. Kosmyna V.H. Problemy metodolohiyi tsyvilizatsiynoho analizu istorychnoho protsesu. Zaporizhzhia: ZNU, 2011. 309 s. 15. Orlova T.V. Vsesvitnia istoriya. Istoriya tsyvilizatsiyi: navch. posibn. / T.V. Orlova. K. : “Znannia”, 2012. 446 s. 16. Pavlenko Yu.V. Istoriya svitovoyi tsyvilizatsiyi. Sotsiokulturnyi rozvytok liudstva: navch. posibn. K. : Lybid, 1998. 360 s. 17. R. Dzh. Kolinhvud. Ideya istoriyi. K., Osnovy, 1996. 616 s. 18. Reient O.P., Tkachenko V.M. Ukrayina na mezhi tsyvilizatsiyi: istorykopolitolohichni rozvidky. K. : IIU NAN Ukrayiny, 1995. 159 s. 19. Shpengler O. Zakat Yevropy. Ocherki morfolohii mirovoy istorii. T.2. Vsemirnoistoricheskie perspektivy. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 1993. 592 s. 20. Toinbi A. Doslidzhennia istoriyi /A.Toinbi. V 2-kh t. K. : 1995. T.1. 614 s. 21. Veber M. Izbrannye proizvedeniya. M. : Progress, 1990. 808 s. 22. Vernadskyi V. Nauchnaya mysl kak planetnoye yavlenie. M.: Nauka, 1991. 271 s. 23. Yakovenko N.M. Vstup do istoriyi. K. : Krytyka, 2007. 376 s. 583 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 24. Yurii M.F., Aleksiyevets L.M., Kalakura Ya.S., Udod O.A. Ukrayina: tsyvilizatsiynyi kontekst piznannia. U 2-kh kn.: Kn.1. Ukrayina: naidavnishoho chasu – XVIII st.: tsyvilizatsiynyi kontekst piznannia. – Ternopil: Aston, 2012. 700 s. ; Kn. 2. Ukrayna ХХ – pochatku ХХІ stolittia: tsyvilizatsiynyi kontekst piznannia. Ternopil: Aston, 2012. 696 s. 25. Zashkilniak L. Metodolohiya istoriy vid davnyny do suchasnosti.Lviv: Lvivskyi derzhavnyi universytet im. Iv. Franka, 1999. 226 s. 26. Zashkilniak L. Suchasna svitova istoriohrafiya: Posibn. Lviv: Pais. 2007. 312 s. 584 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 585 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 586 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Use of Environmental History Approach in Crimean Khanate Studies: The Results of Climate Change in Crimea in the Little Ice Age: Famine, Migration and Slavery Sema AKTAŞ SARI  Buz üstünden geçen geldi bana yaz dedi tarihin Deniz altmış sekizde dondu buzdan bendeniz geçtim1 Introduction The geographic environment and climate that has been experienced have always had an impact on human life and continue to do so. In modern times, we began to feel this effect through the concept of global warming. However, the historians such as Herodotus and Thucydides have emphasized on the environmental conditions in historical narratives2. Ibn Khaldun defending the understanding of geography as fate3 and Montesquieu4 who cares about the differentiating effect of climate on the bio-psychological structure of human beings also formed the foundations of environmental history by emphasizing the physical environment. With the concept of global warming in the 20th century, the climate and its effects were discussed in various scientific platforms. According to this, from the second half of the 19th century, there is an increase in the temperature of the world. Climate theorists attribute this situation to the effect of greenhouse gases, which are mainly caused by human activities. Environmental History, which started to enter the literature after the 1970s when the discussions continued, attracted the attention of American historians through conferences discussing the climate change and effects of the world and emerged as an interdisciplinary field. In particular, the UN Stockholm conference in 1971 contributed to the expansion of the environmental history5. In the 21st century, the importance of the science of ecology which examines the structure and function of nature has increased with the understanding that the disruption of the Sakarya Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, aktassari@gmail.com Transfer from Seyyid Hakim Mehmed Efendi: Hüseyin Ayvansarâyî, Mecmuâ-i Tevârih, p.215; Semavi Eyice, “Haliç”, DIA, Vol: 15, Istanbul 1997, p. 275. 2 J. Donald Hughes, Çevre Tarihine Giriş, Çev. , M. Fatih Çalışır, İpek Üniversitesi Yayınları, Ankara 2016, p. 39. 3 Cemalettin Şahin, Rauf Belge, “İbn Haldun’da Coğrafi Determinizm”, İktisat ve Girişimcilik Üniversitesi, Türk Dünyası Kırgız-Türk Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Akademik Bakış Dergisi, Issue: 57 (September - October 2016), p.440. 4 Ülker Gürkan, “Montesquieu Ve Kanunların Ruhu ”, Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, Vol: 40, Issue: 1 (1988), p. 17. 5 İlhan Tekeli, “Türkiye Çevre Tarihçiliğine Açılırken”, Türkiye'de Çevrenin ve Çevre Korumanın Tarihi Sempozyumu (Bildiri Metinleri), Türkiye Ekonomik ve Toplumsal Tarih Vakfı, İstanbul 2000, p. 2  1 587 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies physical environment of the world started to threaten the life of all living things6. Therefore, the history of the environment, which is the narrative of the mutual relations of human with the environment, has gained importance. Because man is an important part of the system related to the environment in the past and today. While the human being is affected by the environment, he / she also affects his / her environment, gets used to control and transforms the environment. The climate has a dynamic structure linked to a large number of variables and can reveal many historical break moments. In this study, it is aimed to focus on the climate changes and Crimean geography in the Little Ice Age and to examine how climate can be used in history in the context of environmental history approach. Climate changes which took place in the past in the certain geographic area can be observed by examining the samples of pollen from the mud bottoms, from the isotopic analysis of perforated sea animals at ocean depths and from and the findings obtained by detecting changes in lakes, glaciers and tree lines7. In this study, it is possible to obtain the data about the climate from historical records such as diaries, letters and picture tables as well as archival records and travel records. Especially the travelers such as Evliya Çelebi, notes8 on life and geography in climate zones and the daily weather report of intellectuals such as Kelemen Mikes9, can be traced to the climate of past periods. There are a number of problems such as the fact that the human beings who live during that period could not see the natural events and climate changes from the perspective of today. We have a chance to place the puzzle pieces back and see the big picture. It is understood from the writings and poems of the 16th century Ottoman historian Mustafa Ali, who is known with his sharp observations and critical point of view, that something is wrong in the world and in the empire. In the middle of summer (in July) there is a snowstorm during the Iranian campaign, which includes Mustafa Ali10. Food scarcity has increased dramatically due to the high prices caused by the army. Scarcity is reflected in the amount of bread the soldier eats on the front. However, Ali interprets the natural phenomena of the period as the jinx of the political environment of the period11. The people who saw the Brahe comet in the skies of Istanbul in Emrullah Güney, Toplum ve Doğa İlişkileri, Çantay Kitabevi, İstanbul 2003, p. 14. Clive Ponting, Dünyanın Yeşil Tarihi-Çevre ve Büyük Uygarlıkların Çöküşü, Trans. Ayşe Başcı, Sabancı Üniversitesi Yayınları, İstanbul 2008, p. 119,120. 8 Adnan Doğan Buldur, “Evliya Çelebi’nin (17. yüzyıl) “İklim” Anlayışı ve Seyahatname’de Beldelerin İklimi”, Marmara Coğrafya Dergisi, Issue: 33 (Ocak-2016), p. 392 9 Özlem Sert, “Kelemen Mikes’in Mektuplarına Göre 1716-1758 Yılları Mevsim Takvimi” , Kebikeç Dergisi, Issue: 23 (2007), p. 79-83 10 Cornell H. Fleischer, Tarihçi Mustafa Ali - Bir Osmanlı Aydını ve Bürokratı, Trans. Ayla Ortaç, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, İstanbul 2013. p. 87. 11 Cornell H. Fleischer, Tarihçi Mustafa Ali - Bir Osmanlı Aydını ve Bürokratı, p.120. 6 7 588 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 1577 interpret the difficult times and the plague as the signs of apocalypse. Likewise, the observatory in Tophane is destroyed by the ruling power in 158012. The historian Selaniki states that the rain removal and rain prayer applied in some villages in Anatolia still apply to prevent rainfall and scarcity during the years of drought13. In addition, the solution methods sought in the locust infestations by the use of holy water such us the lodge water show that the people of the period look at climate and natural events as punishment from God14. In the little glacial age, the experiences of people in Europe were problematic in the climate disasters and the events were quite dramatic. Human deaths have increased due to widespread epidemics caused by abnormal weather and animals have been destroyed. The following times of famine brought general fear and insecurity. People have accused their neighbors of producing bad weather. Intense snowfall was seen as the wrath of God for the sins of people. Especially women were accused of witchcraft15. 1. The Little Ice Age The Little Ice Age, where the relationship between ecology and history becomes more evident, is a period of cool down immediately after the Medieval Hot Period and where temperatures are decreasing globally compared to today. Although the effects vary from region to region and have different opinions about the beginning and the end of the period, the boundaries of the average period are considered between A.D 1300 and 190016. The global cooling caused by the decrease in sunspots and natural processes due to volcanic activities brought about sudden climate changes. The periods that sunspot decreases between A.D 1420 -1570 are called Spörer Minimum and between 1645 – 1715 are called the Muander Minimum and between the years A.D 1795 - 1823 are called Dalton Minimum17 . The climate of the period is characterized by long winters, harsh temperatures, severe droughts and extreme Metin And, Minyatürlerle Osmanlı-İslam Mitologyası, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, İstanbul 2018, p.255. Selânikî-II, (1999) : 600); Mehmet Demirtaş, “XVI. Yüzyılda Meydana Gelen Tabii Afetlerin İstanbul’un Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayatına Etkilerine Dair Bazı Misaller”, Atatürk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Vol.: 4, Issue: 2 (2004), p.40. 14 Orhan Kılıç, “Osmanlı Devleti’nde Meydana Gelen Kıtlıklar”, Türkler-X, Editor: Hasan Celal Güzel, Kemal Çelik, Salim Koca, Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, Ankara 2002, p.727 15 Brian Fagan, The Little Ice Age: How Climate Made History, 1300-1850, Basic Book, New York 2002. p. 7980. 16 See: Hubert H. Lamb, Climate, History and the Modern World, Routldege, London 1997. Brian Fagan, The Little Ice Age: How Climate Made History, 1300-1850, Basic Book, New York 2002.Güneyi Vural, Fiziki Özellikleri ve Beşeri Etkileriyle: Küçük Buzul Çağı (1300 - 1850), Unpublished Master's Thesis, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, İstanbul, 2016. 17 Barbaros Gönençgil, Güneyi Vural, Çevre Tarihi Açısından Küçük Buzul Çağı ve Sosyal Etkileri, TÜCAUM Uluslararası Coğrafya Sempozyumu, 13-14 Ekim 2016 /13-14 October 2016, Ankara, p.14 12 13 589 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies rainfall. As a result of this, agricultural production decreased, economy became fragile, food processing system disrupted, prices and cost increased, famine and hunger increased, human and animal diseases became widespread, migration, war, banditry and riots increased, and public order was broken and insecurity occurred. In the 20th century, historians as well as geographers began to work on the findings of this period. The French historian Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie first demonstrated in the 1960s that the Little Ice Age was a historical event, not just a climate phenomenon. He followed the traces of several eras in the Alps from the late 16th to the mid-19th century. During the period of humid weather and cold weather in northern Europe, it was found that similar rates of hard winters and droughts occurred in the Mediterranean18. Braudel stated that the advantages or limitations of geography affected the development or non-development of any civilization. Braudel, in his first book of climate, wrote a new note for the Mediterranean in 1947, referring to Emmanuel Le Ladurie's views and the concept of the Little Ice Age. Braudel emphasizes human determinism at this point by linking the gradual delay of vintages to accepting late-harvest harvests, while acknowledging the effect of the climate. By the end of the 16th century, animal breeding was over and less wheat was obtained, cold and rain was a persistent visitor to the Mediterranean. However, in Braudel's period, we do not yet have their rates and human beings have undeniable responsibilities19. Today, we have come a long way in terms of the climatic and historical results of the Small Ice Age. Natural memory materials that could be used as evidence for weather conditions increased. For example, Dendrochronology, which studies and evaluates the rings of wet and dry woods, to reveal certain consequences for the climate and nutritional conditions from the thickness of each ring, has now become capable of inspecting furniture and musical instruments20. However, Braudel's Mediterranean work is very well summarized in the climatic geographical panorama of the Little Ice Age period. According to this, in the 16th century, there were great famines in Andalusia, Tuscany, Italy and Spain. Particularly, Naples spent six great famines over 40 years from 1560 to 1600. Efficiency from agriculture depends entirely on precipitation. In the years when rain is abundant, fertile crops are obtained and in the dry years harvest is decreasing and 18 Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Times of Feast, Times of Famine, Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1971. Transfer: Sam White, Osmanlı’da İsyan İklimi: Erken Modern Dönemde Celâli İsyanları, Trans: Nurettin Elhüseyni, Alfa Yayınları, İstanbul 2013, p. 182. 19 Fernand Braudel, II. Felipe Döneminde Akdeniz ve Akdeniz Dünyası I, Trans: Mehmet Ali Kılıçbay, Doğu Batı Yayınları, Ankara 2017, p. 439. 20 Ronald D. Gerste, Hava Nasıl Tarih Yazar- Antikçağdan Günümüze İklim Değişiklikleri ve Felaketler, Trans: Meltem Karaismailoğlu, Kolektif Kitap, İstanbul 2017, p. 43. 590 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE some years are completely ruined. Drought is thus the main cause of the greatest misery and poverty of the Mediterranean countries21. Together with the Little Ice Age this situation will become more complex and terrible. Far East geography is also considered among the regions that are heavily affected by the Little Ice Age. Climate change in China in the 16th and 17th Centuries is one of the factors that reveal the dynasty change. In the European continent, where the Ottoman borders are located, the severe colds that are experienced between the years 1550-1700 are considered to be a part of the Little Ice Age22. The coldest winters for the whole of Europe took place at the end of the 16th and 17th centuries, according to researchers studying the values of the five-century period covering 1500-2000. The temperature has dropped to record levels that have never been seen before, and has continued for long periods23. One of the empires, whose economy was shaken by the influence of the Little Ice Age, was the Habsburgs. The Ottoman-Hungarian wars, which lasted a long time and did not give the desired results for both countries, eroded the Habsburgs with the influence of environmental factors. Due to the increasing cold and storms, agricultural production became fragile and wine production decreased in Switzerland, Austria and Hungary. It is in this period that the consumption of wine in Europe decreases and beer is consumed24. In terms of world history, the Ottoman lands were the last of the great empires that dominated the main civilization center in southwest Asia. The three major trade routes of the southwest Asia from the Bosphorus to the Black Sea, from the Levant to Mesopotamia to Central Asia and from the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean were under Ottoman control25. In addition, the Ottoman Empire, which dominated the three main regions that exported cereals such as Mesopotamia, Egypt and the Black Sea region, felt the pressure of Little Ice Age climate events and cold winters, especially through crises in wheat and sheep, and the Celali Rebellions that emerged in the provinces. During the Ottoman-Hungarian War, which lasted for 13 years Lütfi Güçer, XVI.-XVII. Asırlarda Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Hububat Meselesi ve Hububattan Alınan Vergiler, İstanbul Üniversitesi Yayımları, 1964 İstanbul, p. 10. 22 For a rewiew of climate change in the comnext of the Ottoman-Chinese comparision, see: Vi An Lu, Ming Hanedanı Döneminde Osmanlı-Çin İlişkileri ve İklim Değişiklikleri, Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Sakarya 2018. 23 Zafer Karademir, İmparatorluğun Açlıkla İmtihanı Osmanlı Toplumunda Kıtlıklar (1560 - 1660), Kitap Yayınevi, İstanbul 2014, p. 52. 24 Güneyi Vural, Fiziki Özellikleri ve Beşeri Etkileriyle: Küçük Buzul Çağı (1300 - 1850), p. 52. 25 Clive Ponting, Yeni Bir Bakış Açısıyla Dünya Tarihi, Çev. Eşref Bengi Özbilen, Alfa Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. p.509. 21 591 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies (1593-1606), it faced negative climatic conditions that would affect almost all the Empire. Severe colds stretched out the war and stunned the state, the military and the people. Growing problems created an environment that could cause rebellion26. The effects of the Little Ice Age reached its peak after the 1590s. Drought, severe colds and precipitation continued its effect alternately. By 1597, the Ottoman Empire entered the longest period of rainy period of 600 years. Snowfall made the army more difficult to access. The Danube river froze many winters. During the same period, the river froze in Serbia, in Belgrade. Floods occurred during periods when the ice melted and precipitation increased. Bridges collapsed. Ottoman historians noted that almost every winter was cold and rainy during the period from 1596 to 1606. Hungarian sources have similar findings27. The event, called Büyük Kaçgun, was quite devastating for Anatolia between 1603 -1607. The famines are seen as more important than other events28. In Ankara, the daily wage of a worker in 1594 was 12 akce and the weight of bread was reduced to 200 dirhams (640 gr.). This was a 4-5 times decrease in the bread dirham in 1550, which meant that the price of bread increased only by a three-times increase in the daily wage of workers. In the case of the Büyük Kaçgun (1603-1607), the daily wage of workers was 18-20, which was 5 times that of the 1550. Bread price rise was 10 times higher. It is understood that social life is down29. The influence of Small Ice Age continued in the 17th century in the Ottoman Empire. In 1621, the Bosporus was frozen. Poets such as Neşati and Sayyid Haşimi reflected this rare event to his poems: Emr-i Hak ile İstanbul’da olan kış bu sene Belki dünya duralı olmadı bir böyle şita. Üsküdar ile İstanbul dondu, derya kurudu Her gören kimse sanırdı deniz olmuş sahra. 26 About the effects of climate and little ice age in the revolts and crises in the Ottoman Empire see:: William J. Griswold, Anadolu’da Büyük İsyan 1591-1611, Trans: Ülkün Tansel , Kırmızı Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. William J. Griswold, “Climate Change: a Possible Factor in the Social Unrest of Seventeenth Century Anatolia”, Humanist and Scholar. Essays inHonor of Andreas Tietze, edit: by Health W. Lowry and Donald Quataert, The ISIS Press, İstanbul 1993. Sam White, Osmanlı’da İsyan İklimi: Erken Modern Dönemde Celâli İsyanları, Trans: Nurettin Elhüseyni, Alfa Yayınları, İstanbul 2013. Sam White, “Climate Change and Crisis in Ottoman Turkey and the Balkans, 1590-1710”, Proceedings of the International Conference on Climate Change and Middle East: Past, Present and Future, edit: Y. Ünal, C. Kahya and D. Demirhan Bari, 2006. 27 Sam White, Osmanlı’da İsyan İklimi: Erken Modern Dönemde Celâli İsyanları, p. 241-242. 28 Mustafa Akdağ, Türk Halkının Dirlik ve Düzenlik Kavgası Celali İsyanları, YKY Yayınları, İstanbul 2017. p.422. 29 Mustafa Akdağ, Türk Halkının Dirlik ve Düzenlik Kavgası Celali İsyanları, p. 427. 592 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Bunu kim gördü ki deryada buzun üstünde… (Neşati) İstanbul Üsküdar arası dondu, kış katı oldu Geçerler her cânibe âdem yürür havf etmeyip buzda Denizle yer bir oldu, var ona ibret gözüyle bak… Yol oldu Üsküdar’a Akdeniz dondu bin otuzda(Seyyid Haşimi)30 The severe cold and frost that had not been seen until then closed strait of Alexander. The water bridge in the narrow strait separating Europe and Asia united the two continents and the imperial lands. As the transportation of the ships was prevented, the city's food service was negatively affected31. Not only in Istanbul but also in the Crimean and its ports were affected. Sea transportation has the advantage of being relatively fast. A road taken by a land caravan in 40 days could be taken to Trabzon in 7-8 days. The trip to the Danube in 3-4 days was possible in the Crimea in less than a week. In the Black Sea, however, the voyages were often hampered by winds, and during the winter months (from November to March) there were times when the sea had never been sailed due to severe storms and lack of shelters on the shore. The Black Sea ports were in very poor condition in the sense of shelters32. The Black Sea, which was frightening for the storms, was also Non-Friendly a sea for the travelers and envoys who visited the Ottoman Sea33. 2. Crimea in the Little Ice Age Pollen records from Saki Lake in Crimea indicate low temperatures in Black Sea and Crimea during Little Ice Age. The severe cold phase starts around A.D 1300.According to historical data records; the cold shows an increase in the A.D 1300s, 1400s and 1500's in the winter months. Even if the cold continues, the same increase is not observed later. It is understood that the Maunder Minimum weather conditions (1645-1715), which is the coldest phase of the Small Ice Age, are not much cooler in Russia than in Western and Central Europe. This difference with Western Europe has been suggested by geographers to be related to the Peçevi İbrahim Efendi, Peçevi Tarihi II, Haz: Bekir Sıtkı Baykal, Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, Ankara 1999, p. 375. 31 Roiala Mamedova, Küçük Buzul Çağı’nın Osmanlı’ya Etkisi, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Ankara 2018. p. 58. 32 Robert Mantran, XVI.-XVII. Yüzyıl’da İstanbul’da Gündelik Hayat, Trans: M. Ali Kılıçbay, Eren Yayıncılık, İstanbul 1991, p.149. 33 Ogier Ghislain de Busbecg, Kanuni Döneminde Avrupalı Bir Elçinin Gözlemleri (1555-1560), Trans: Derin Türkömer, Türkiye İş Bankası Yayınları, İstanbul 2011, p. 86. 30 593 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies parallel deficiency between NAO (North Atlantic Oscillation) and EAWR (East Atlantic-West Russia)34. Because a part of the Black Sea, the Bosphorus and Golden Horn froze in 1621, 1669, 1755, 1779, 1823, 1849, 1862, 1857, 1878, 1893, 1928, 1929, and 1954, the area characterized by severe winters. However, the density of winter colds gradually decreased in this process. These are the last cold periods of the strait throughout the history35. The climate of the region (Black Sea) was strongly influenced by the Siberian High Pressure System in winter. This air pressure carries dry and cold air36. The regions in the northern borders of the Ottoman Empire were known for their cold winters. Today, still cold wave in Turkey is called as "Russian cold” Siberian’s cold and the Balkan’s cold. According to the Seven Climate theory, which is thought to be of ancient Greek origin and used by Islamic geographers through Ptolemy's geographical works; the livable world is divided into seven climatic zones37. According to Evliya Çelebi, Crimea is located in the 7th Climate zone which extends from the Turkish country at the end of the Great Wall to China, including Mongolian Dasht-i Kipchak, Tatar, and Kazakh countries, and cover the north of Europe, to Polish, Czech, Swedish and Dutch countries38. Apart from the seven main climates, the travel book also contains secondary climatic conditions. Apart from the seven main climates, the travel book also contains secondary climatic conditions. These are the so-called customary climates used to indicate local differences within the general characteristics of the main climatic zone39. According to Ptolemy; the climate of the Crimean region is found in the twenty-eighth consecutive climate and fifth real climate in the circle40. It is seen from the notes of the ambassadors and travelers who visited Crimea that the weather conditions in the region are depicted with cool weather, snow and severe winters. These climate recipes are the main features of the seventh climate, covering the cold North geography. 34 Carlos Cordova, Crimea And The Black Sea An Environmental History, Published by I.B.Tauris, London 2016, p.122. 35 Vural Yavuz, Naki Akçar, Christian Schlüchter, “The Frozen Bosphorus And İts Paleoclimatic İmplications Based On A Summary Of The Historical Data”, The Black Sea Flood Question, Edit: Valentina Yanko-Hombach, Allan S. Gilbert, Nicolae Panin, Pavel M. Dolukhanov, Publisher Springer, 2007, p. 646 36 Vural Yavuz, Naki Akçar, Christian Schlüchter, The Frozen Bosphorus an Its Paleoclimatic İmplications Based On A Summary Of The Historical Data, p.644 37 Murat Ağarı, “İslam Coğrafyacılarında Yedi İklim Anlayışı”, AÜYFD 47, Issue: 2, (2006) , p. 214. 38 Adnan Doğan Buldur, “Evliya Çelebi’nin (17. yüzyıl) “İklim” Anlayışı ve Seyahatname’de Beldelerin İklimi”, p.400. 39 Adnan Doğan Buldur, “Evliya Çelebi’nin (17. yüzyıl) “İklim” Anlayışı ve Seyahatname’de Beldelerin İklimi”, p.401. 40 Evliyâ Çelebi, Seyahatnâme , Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi Bağdat 308 Numaralı Yazmanın TranskripsyonuDizini, Vol: VII, Prepared by: Yücel Dağlı, Seyit AliKahraman, Robert Dankoff, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, İstanbul 2003, p. 234. 594 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Since there was a lot of snow in these areas every year, the animals would dig up land in order to find the straws and grasses under the snow for feeding41. Hindi Baba Mansur, one of the comrades of Evliya Çelebi, almost died of the cold during the trip in the November42. Evliya Çelebi, who provided us with detailed data on the geography and climate of the regions he travels in, tells of the violent winters of the Black Sea during him trip to Eastern Europe, the Crimea, Dagestan and the Caucasus. Evliya Çelebi, who had to walk frequently on frozen rivers or on horseback, tells that the waters of the Azov Sea and the Don River froze for 5 to 8 months. The courageous people would break ices in the river and fishing and sell the fish. Some ate the fish themselves and some of them gave it to their horses or other animals. Hawk and goshawk birds were catching fish with their beaks43. Evliya Çelebi's narrative reminds us paintings that Abraham Hondius painted in the 17th century when he performed various activities on the completely frozen Thames River44. Although man has to cope with his own methods against the difficulties of nature, it is understood that this is not always easy. It would not have been possible to bury the people who were frozen in their homes during the severe winter of Azak. As the ground was frozen from the cold, the paddles would not work. The dead people stopped at their homes for months, and as the weather softened, people buried their bodies with a lot of difficulty by digging up the ground45. When the Don River frosted in the cold winter and hard wind, the cars and sleds began to pass over the River, but people would not have the power to go out of their homes. In some places, the ice of the river cracked and flooded to the Heyhat Plain, and the plain was frozen, therefore cars, horses and people had a difficulty walking in places which cover with bright ice. Winter climate of Erbain and Zemherir46 cracked up ground and the cracks would be like the Gayya creek. In some places, the ice of the river was broken and the Heyhat Plain was Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Tavernier Seyahatnamesi, Trans: Teoman Tunçdoğan, Edit: Stefanos Yerasimos, Kitap Yayınevi, İstanbul 2006, p. 326 42 Evliyâ Çelebi, Seyahatnâme, Vol: VII, p. 310. 43 Evliyâ Çelebi, Seyahatnâme, Vol: VII, p. 342. 44 Hubert H. Lamb, Climate, History and the Modern World, p. 211. http://bib.gfz-potsdam.de/pub/wegezurkunst/paintings_as_climate_archives.pdf (Date of access 19/10/2018) https://www.museumoflondon.org.uk/museum-london/event-detail?id=180608 (Date of access 19/10/1028) Nowadays, the London Museum organizes sightseeing tours of the River Thames, where they tell their ancestors how they deal with the Little Ice Age. 45 Evliyâ Çelebi, Seyahatnâme, Vol: VII, p. 338. 46 Zemherir or erbain is often mixed with zemheri. According to the language of the people, zemheri period or zemheri month generally refers to winter season, while zemherir or erbain is the most severe period of winter. https://www.havaforum.com/zemherir-erbain-zemheri-nedir/( Date of access: 19.10.2018) 41 595 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies flooded, and the plain froze, so cars, horses and people had difficulty walking in places with bright ice47. Even though frozen lakes and rivers made people's lives difficult, the Tatars would wait for them to freeze to pass the rivers easily when they were to raids to remote places. In the winter of 1695, the Crimeans' raid on the Barabaş Cossacks was dangerous and untimely, as the rivers were not completely frozen. On the other hand, there was a dispute between the Crimean Khan Gazi Giray and Kalgay Sultan. Kalgay Sultan did not participate in the army on time. Kaplan Giray also retreated to his hometown after the small raids on the Don Cossacks on the way. Thus, this flock, which is called, sardonically, the 'Donuz Kırımı', between Tatars, did not give the desired result because of both the nature barrier and the political disputes48. Chief Admiral Deli Hüseyin Pasha, who defeated the Cossacks pirates in the Black Sea, besieged the Azov Castle in 1641. However, the captain did not succeed because he fell in disagreement with Siyavus Pasha and the support he was waiting did not reach on time. Evliya Çelebi, who participated in the expedition along with the Crimean Khanate, attributed the discontinuation of the siege and the return of the military to the desire to move away from the region before the fierce winter of the Black Sea. He returns to Crimea with Giray Khan49. When the Ottomans set off for Vienna in 1683, freezing weather and heavy spring rains hampered the military's progress along the Balkans. In 1685, it is sprayed towards the Danube. Continuous cold and drought shoots Greece and Anatolia. In the defeats of the 1680s and 1690s, the number of historians who realized the role of the Little Ice Age was very small 50. In the years that followed the siege of Vienna, prices of bread in Crimea Khanate changed frequently. It is seen that the price of bread has been determined for 9 times in the Crimean Courts registers between 29 September 1683 and 31 October 168451. 2.1. Famine and Migrations in Crimea It is possible to list the events that caused the famines in the natural causes such as drought, climatic conditions, geographical location, grassroots infestation and field mouse infestations, and the lack of arable land, and in some cases due to the reasons such as smuggling, Evliyâ Çelebi, Seyahatnâme, Vol: VII, p. 332. Halil İnalcık, Kırım Hanlığı Tarihi Üzerine Araştırmalar 1441-1700, İş Bankası Yayınları, İstanbul 2017, p. 311. 49 Evliyâ Çelebi, Seyahatnâme, Vol:VII, p. 337. 50 Sam White, Osmanlı’da İsyan İklimi: Erken Modern Dönemde Celâli İsyanları, p. 296. 51 Nuri Kavak, Karasu Kazası (1683-1744) Kırım Hanlığı’nda Bir yerleşme Örneği, On-Mat Öner Matbaacılık, Bursa 2014, p. 175. 47 48 596 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE black market, siege, war, and migrations caused by people52. Although there are many reasons that reveal and disseminate famine, it is understood that the famine occurring in the Little Ice Age is largely based on climate and the weather conditions cause the hunger. As a result of sudden climate changes, freezing in the spring, flooding caused by heavy rains and showers during the summer months led to famines. Seed cultivated under favorable conditions could be exposed to a disaster every time until it was matured and stored. In some years, climactic events were accompanied by a crush of grasshoppers and the destruction of mice53. In 1578, the reason for the famine that occurred in summer in Caffa is not known but in the same year, the famine that occurs in Azov is shown as a cause of grasshopper infestation as. 6 great famines arose in Caffa in the 1560-166054. For the region, grains were provided from Varna, Akkirman, Silistra, Canik, Trabzon, Moldavia and Wallachia and Danube piers and Samsun55. However, apart from the times of scarcity, wheat collected in coastal cities and provinces such as Crimea, Caffa , Kili, Varna, Akkerman and Burgas was transported to Istanbul by sea56. The Crimea and its cities had a strategic importance in the purchase of wheat and the providing of the capital's food supply. Geography and climate were also effective factors in the process of the food processing system. For the healthy functioning of the system, it is necessary to have a rainfall that will allow harvesting at the desired level. However, rainfall alone is not enough. It is also important that precipitation falls in sufficient amounts during the periods that the product needs, and it is important that the weather conditions and temperature values are of the proper degree to absorb the soil precipitation. That is to say, both rainfall and air temperature values are important for an efficient harvest. Excessive rainfall and subsequent cold temperatures can damage this balance and even stop production. The Ottoman geography, which had lands in the Mediterranean basin and the European continent, was affected by the cold57. In areas where the winters were extremely cold in the Empire, the environment was always available for famine. In almost every state of the empire that witnessed all stages of the Little Ice Age, there were famines, which were always reflected in the capital, as in Crimea. Orhan Kılıç, “Osmanlı Devleti’nde Meydana Gelen Kıtlıklar”, p. 722. Lütfi Güçer, XVI.-XVII. Asırlarda Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Hububat Meselesi ve Hububattan Alınan Vergiler, p.11 54 Başbakanlık Osmanlık Arşivi, Mühimme Defteri 35, page 134, order 340. 55 Zafer Karademir, İmparatorluğun Açlıkla İmtihanı Osmanlı Toplumunda Kıtlıklar (1560 - 1660), p. 262. 56 Gülgün Üçel-Aybet, Avrupalı Seyyahların Gözünden Osmanlı Dünyası ve İnsanları (1530-1699), İletişim Yayınları, İstanbul 2003, p. 510. 57 Zafer Karademir, İmparatorluğun Açlıkta İmtihanı Osmanlı Toplumunda Kıtlıklar (1560-1660) , p. 53. 52 53 597 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Throughout history, grain has been a product with a mass market, but it was one of the most basic requirements of people to produce bread. Although the peoples of the long-term war had suffered from wheat shortages, the problems of the grain suffered by the soldiers were able to determine the fate of a war. Although the peoples of the long-term war had suffered from wheat shortages, the problems of the grain suffered by the soldiers were able to determine the fate of a war. When the Azov Castle was surrounded by the Kazakh leader Dimitraş, it is understood that the siege took quite a long time from the edicts sent from Istanbul to the head of Azak and ruler of Caffa and also it is understood that the people of the castle suffered from famine in this period when the Kazakh attacks were felt for the first time 58. It is seen that the famine experienced in this period is not limited with Azov Castle, and in 1560 there has been a general Black Sea famine which affects the large areas of the khanate and spread to regions such as Özü, Moldavia and Wallachia59. When the effects of drought and political turmoil combined in the Crimea, a shortage of foodstuffs, especially cereals, emerged. It is understood that the increasing famine due to the siege is due to severe climatic conditions such as a general Black Sea drought. Later in the Crimea, many castles had to be abandoned to the Russians because of the lack of cereals. Drought is defined in the ecology as an unusual lack of water in any season. Water scarcity which is characteristic of a climate is not drought. Temperature values are also important. While calculating the drought index, the average temperature with rainfall is taken into consideration60. The territory of the Crimean Khanate covers the Azov Sea, the Danube, the Don, the Özü and the Danube rivers. In the vast steppe lands, some places such as Özü and Aksu rivers were desolate, thirsty and barren, and many rivers flowed in these lands 61. For the peninsula known as the green island62, it is not possible to define the arid climate. It is now more likely to link famine cases in the Khanate to the unusual oscillations of climate. The Black Sea and the Azov Sea, where we can follow the traces of the Little Ice Age, remained as an Ottoman lake from 1400 years (until the loss of Crimea) to 300 years. Azak is known for its cold and famine, which is a strategic region in Russia and in the Ottoman Empire. Azak is known for its cold and famine, which is a strategic region in Russia and in the Ottoman Empire. If ships would be came there was abundant, but ships could not come from Caffa and Yücel Öztürk, Osmanlı Hâkimiyetinde Kefe (1475-1600) , Bilge Kültür Sanat Yayınları, İstanbul 2014, p. 116. BOA, MD 3, 324/949, 441/1321, 445/1333. 60 Emrullah Güney, Çevre Bilim Sözlüğü, Sabev Yayınları, Ankara 2007, p. 232 61 Akdes Nimet Kurat, IV- XVIII. Yüzyıllarda Karadeniz Kuzeyindeki Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri, TTK Basımevi, Ankara 1972, p. 203. 62 Kırım , DİA, C. 25, İstanbul 2002, p. 447. 58 59 598 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE elsewhere because the sea was frozen for 8 months. While Evliya Celebi was in Crimea (17th century), 80 dirhams (172 g) bread was sold to 1 Akçe, 1 sheep 8 Guruş, 1 beef 20 Guruş, 1 chicken 1 Guruş and to 6 hazelnut 1 akçe63. Although the traveler resorted to fantastic and exaggerated expressions in some cases, it is quite significant to sell the nuts with grain in order to understand the high food prices. Beyond political developments, bread shortages directly affected people's lives. According to the records of the Ottoman archives; one of the salvations of the people exposed to famine was to migrate to the surrounding cities and regions. People who had difficulty to provide food would migrate or try to migrate. Thus, they expected to ward off the difficult years and return to their former home64. Basically these migrations made to survive and care for livelihood; it was a necessity not choice. In pre-industrial societies, the daily minimum energy demand of people working in physical jobs, for example a farmer, is 2300 calories. Even in periods of good harvest, it was very difficult for the majority of the pre-modern population to reach this amount. Even though this calorie requirement was met, there was often a lack of nutrition65. In this case, it is a usual result that famine times which cannot be harvested well cause hunger and nutritional deficiencies As a result of malnutrition caused by scarcity, it was easier for people with immunity to be affected by epidemic diseases. Although in the arrival of plague from China to Europe, the impact of the trade routes, the Mongols and the Crimean Tatars, has been mentioned, it is necessary to express the impact of the famine on the spread of the disease as well as the climatic conditions. It is possible to say that climatic conditions are the leading factors that facilitate the spread of epidemic diseases such as the plague during the period when the Little Ice Age was effective66. Extreme colds and droughts not only damaged to people, but it also is understood that herds suffered damage. Cold winters and frosts caused infectious diseases in animals. Animal wastage contributed to widespread hunger and confusion. According to the warning sent by Caffa governor to Istanbul in 1595, the number of sheep or goat, which was 400-500, fell to 2030 in the Crimea because of the disease. Subsequent correspondences report that the disease damage flocks for the second time and that there is nothing left to meet the sultan's demands. It Evliyâ Çelebi, Seyahatnâme, Vol: VII, p.342. Lütfi Güçer, XVI.-XVII. Asırlarda Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Hububat Meselesi ve Hububattan Alınan Vergiler, p.11. 65 Ronald D. Gerste, Hava Nasıl Tarih Yazar- Antikçağdan Günümüze İklim Değişiklikleri ve Felaketler, p.71. 66 Güneyi Vural, Fiziki Özellikleri ve Beşeri Etkileriyle: Küçük Buzul Çağı (1300 - 1850), p.17. 63 64 599 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies is possible to think that the disease, which is not mentioned in the documents, is a pest or anthrax67. These developments, which coincide with the period of Sultan Suleiman I, have an interesting course that includes the process of examining, taking into account the migration and even excluding the Tatars. The Ottomans attempted to provide research, help and finance for these migrations but as a result of the fact that it cannot be handled in the end, we see that attitude of Suleiman I was silent to be silent68. The Divan does not believe that they can save from these intruders. The danger was that the guests carried the scarcity to the region they were traveling to. Therefore, the sultan warned his people that they would no longer be able to dislodge them, but at least if they prevented them from gathering in one place, the danger could be reduced69. According to the information given by Devlet Giray Khan, the Russians sent large-scale troops all over the place at this time, but they regret from their decision. Due to severe winters, their cattle were not broken. It wasn't even rain that year70. It is understood that there is a huge famine between İtil and Özü rivers, which affect not only Turkish regions but also Russian countries. Even the grain that should reach Istanbul was directed at the places of famine due to the great the famine71. In the terrible famine in the Crimea in 1609, some of the Tatars left their homeland and migrated to the mouths of the Danube along with their animals. The people of Akkerman and Kili, who had fled in front of them, also had to take refuge in Moldova The Ottoman State took care to determine the fields of herds and made arrangements for the safety of agriculture. However, as in the migration by the Crimea, the farmer had been attacked by herds all over the country. This time the local farmer would have to leave his place. Thus livestock would threaten the grain cultivation on the one hand and on the other hand caused the destruction of the annual crop in the Empire and the occasional occurrence of famines. The peasant did not feel himself in security and public order and the annual crop was affected72. As in the case of migration events in Crimea, the consequences of famine-related to nature could be a factor that increased scarcity and spread to other regions. Sam White, Osmanlı’da İsyan İklimi: Erken ModernDönemde Celâli İsyanları, p. 221. Gilles Veinstein, “Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Büyük 1560 kuraklığı: Osmanlı Yetkililerinin Durumu Algılayışı ve Gösterdikleri Tepkiler”, Osmanlı İmparatorluğ’unda Doğal Afetler, Edit: Elizabeth Zachariadou, Trans: Gül Çağalı Güven, Saadet Öztürk, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, İstanbul 2001. p. 297-306 69 Gilles Veinstein, “Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Büyük 1560 kuraklığı: Osmanlı Yetkililerinin Durumu Algılayışı ve Gösterdikleri Tepkiler” p. 299. 70 Yücel Öztürk, “Dimitriy İvanoviç Vişnevetskiy ve Faaliyetleri”, Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, Vol: 9 (Aralık-2003), p.134. 71 Yücel Öztürk, “Dimitriy İvanoviç Vişnevetskiy ve Faaliyetleri”, p. 123 72 Lütfi Güçer, XVI.-XVII. Asırlarda Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Hububat Meselesi ve Hububattan Alınan Vergiler, p.19 67 68 600 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 2.2. Famine and Slavery A society's own history or culture determines the reaction of that society to various disasters such as famine and hunger. In Crimean society, a subject open to evaluation not only sociologically but also psychologically is the famine and starvation to feeds the captive trade. In 1560, 1578, 1609 the rest Tatar families left their homes and fled to the sandjaks like Silistra, Niğbolu and Vidin and sold themselves as slaves. In cases in which this is not possible, it is followed from the documents that the children go to as their slave73. It is known that in the region there was a slave trade since then the antiquity. The Black Sea was an important source of captive until the Ottoman conquest of Istanbul and shortly before the emergence of the Crimean Khanate. In trade of captive after 1475, Muslims replaced the Italians74. The regions that benefited from the slave trade were not limited to Caffa, Azak and Taman. The regions that benefited from the slave trade were not limited to Kefe, Azak and Taman. The economy of the Khanate was largely fed by captive trade. The socio-cultural structures of the communities living in the hinterland of Crimea were available for captive trade75. The Crimean Tatars and Noghais in the total of 164 floods until 1699 not only plundered the cities and villages but also dragged many people into captivity76. The Crimean Tatars and Noghais not only plundered the cities and villages in the total of 164 floods until 1699, but also dragged many people into captivity. The annual volume of Eastern European origin prisoners brought to the Ottoman Empire is estimated to be between 10,000 and 20,000 in the current literature. However, in recent studies, it is estimated that this will be the highest number around 3,00077. It is understood that the Crimean people internalized the slave trade and actively exploited the slave labor. As far as we can follow in the Crimean’s the court records registers, at least one slave name is passed on the legacy of the three out of every 4 people who have died. Especially in the court records of districts such as Bahçesaray, Gözleve, Mankub, Karasu, Dibtarhan, slave trades among the people, slave labor in the field, renting, leasing and freedoms is constantly Orhan Kılıç, “Osmanlı Devleti’nde Meydana Gelen Kıtlıklar”, p.728. Alan Fisher, Kırım Tatarları, Selenge Yayınları, 2009 İstanbul, p. 46. 75 Yücel Öztürk, Osmanlı Hâkimiyetinde Kefe (1475-1600), p. 510. 76 Omeljan Pritsak, “İlk Türk-Ukrayna İttifakı (1648)”, İlmi Araştırmalar 7, Trans: Kemal Beydilli, İstanbul 1999, p. 256. 77 Yücel Öztürk, “Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Köle Emeğinin Rolü ve Hacmi” Osmanlı Devleti’nde Kölelik:Ticaret, Esaret, Yaşam, Edit. Zübeyde Güneş Yağcı, Fırat Yaşa, Tezkire Yayınları, İstanbul 2017, p. 49. 73 74 601 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies encountered78. In the 17th century and later periods when the raids of the Tatars became widespread and uncontrollable, a increase in the number of slaves was noticed especially in Bahçesaray79. The impact of extraordinary climatic conditions on increase in the number of raids and slaves along with political and economic reasons is an issue worthy of in the mentioned centuries. The provision sent to Caffa in the year 1560 indicates that there was no Tatar prisoner from Caffa since then old times, but because of the famine Muslim Tatars were brought to the pier for sale by some people as slaves. These people are rescued from captive merchants and released, however, the governor of Caffa, the kadi and the minister are warned that they have negligence in this regard and they are ordered to prevent the sending of the Tatar as a prisoner to Istanbul and other cities. If this is continued, it is warned that the executives who do not prevent it as well as those people who buy and sell, will be punished with execution. The Tatars sold and sent to Istanbul should be identified and the records of the people who sell and buy them should be kept and notified to the divan80. Although the Caffa captive market is actively used in this period, it is understood that the Ottoman sultan had the necessary sensitivity for not capturing Muslims81. The scarcity in the Crimea seems to led to serious events that are reflected in the Ottoman capital and the divan. Slave-owner people could rent out the labor force of their slaves to others in the fields, in the mill or in the shepherd works in order to gain profits outside their own business82. However, it is understood from the correspondence reflected on the divan that ordinary people seem to rented themselves and their labor for the sake of hunger and survival in the face of the danger of starvation. For the records of slavery in social and economic life in Crimea see: Dilek Celik, Dilek Çelik, 67 A 90 Nolu ve 1017-1022 (1608–1613) Tarihli Kırım Hanlığı Kadıasker Defteri (Tahlil ve Transkripsiyon), Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Master Thesis, Sakarya 2011. Fırat Yaşa, 67 A 90 numaralı (Dördüncü Cilt), 1061- 1062 Tarihli Kadıasker Defterine Göre Kırım’da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayat, Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Master Thesis, Sakarya 2014. Sema Aktaş Sarı, 1648-1679 Tarihli 3a ve 3b Numaralı Kadıasker Defterlerine Göre Kırım’da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayat, Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Master Thesis, Sakarya 2016. Erim Vatansever, 67 A 90 Numaralı (On Dokuzuncu Cilt), 1083-1087 (1672-1676) Tarihli Kadıasker Defteri’ne Göre Kırım’da Sosyal Ve Ekonomik Hayat, Eskişehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Master Thesis, Eskişehir 2018. 79 A. Nezihi Turan, “Bahçesaray Köleleri (17.-18.Yüzyıllar)”, Bilig Dergisi, Vol: 48 (2009) , p.243. 80 İsmet Binark (der.), 3 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri (966-968/ 1558-1560), Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Ankara 1993. p. 654-655 81 The slave trade made by the purchase of children from Tatar families is against Islamic law. Because in Islam slave law, there is a basic rule that Muslims cannot be made slaves. See: Mehmet Akif Aydın-Muhammed Hamîdullah, “Köle”, DİA, Vol: 26 (2002) , p. 237-246. 82 Crimean Court Records, 3b/52- 6 ; 3a/ 57-10 78 602 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE It is understood that some of the slave traders did not miss the opportunity from complaints Circassians which reach up to the Istanbul. It is seen from the divan's records that the Circassian tribal chiefs had some sort of agreement with these traders who forced and sold the Circassians which attached to Caffa due to their old habits, and that these chiefs had clearly or secretly sold people from the rival or their people83. In 1564, when he arrived at the center where the people were sold by the tyrants, Caffa's governor was asked to inspect this issue and capture and imprison the traders and allies who are the led to the people's captivity84. It is understood that in times of famine, not only in Caffa but also in other regions, people use the same way as a solution to the misery they suffer. This time, the provision goes to the kadi of Akkirman; it is reminded what is experienced in the previous year in caffa due to scarcity. It is explained that those who fled from famine were sold as slaves in around of Caffa and were even sent to Istanbul but were released when they were Muslims. If there are Tatars purchased for help or rent and sold as slaves, it is ordered that they to be freed and no similar situations could be allowed. It is reported that the Muslim Tatar prisoners is forbidden from being bought and sold, otherwise the apology of the judge will not be accepted85. We know that Mehmet Giray who is the Crimean Khan had a direct knowledge of the events. It can be understood from the Muhimme records that the Crimean Khan wrote to the Ottoman Empire to call for help. In the provisions sent to the kadis of Niğbolu, Silistra and Vidin, it is reported that the Tatar families who flee from famine are heard to sell their children. It is ordered that the sons and daughters who are made slaves should be identified and released86. All this should be seen as the sociological and psychological implications of climate on human life. Here, the public seems to have found the most practical solution that can be applied based on the reality of the society and environment in which it is located. a. Anthropology of Hunger Even if famine did not kill directly with hunger, weakening of the immune system could lead to nutritional deficiencies, reducing the ability to withstand illnesses, psychologically attrition and so on. The shortage in a nomadic-agricultural society, which requires physical force, can prevent a decent life, especially when a person cannot obtain the calories that a person BOA, MD 6-293 / 623; Yücel Öztürk, Osmanlı Hâkimiyetinde Kefe (1475-1600), p. 189. BOA, MD 6-293 / 623; Yücel Öztürk, Osmanlı Hâkimiyetinde Kefe (1475-1600), p. 161. 85 İsmet Binark (der.), 3 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri (966-968/ 1558-1560), p. 664-665. 86 BOA, MD 39-121/ 291, BOA, MD 40-223/500 83 84 603 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies should receive daily. The reactions and stages of famine and starvation also differ from society to society. In severe famines, human relationships can slowly disappear and leave their place to that strategy the most powerful survive. The elderly and the weak and the children are sometimes left behind when a place to seek food is being abandoned. Such behavioral patterns were observed in the famine of the Qing dynasty in China during the great famine in Northern Europe at the beginning of the 14th century and in the shortage of potatoes in the mid-19th century87. Anthropologists have identified three common phases, looking at the broader social responses to food shortages. When the hazard is detected, a general alarm condition is triggered. They can share more by creating things like communal kitchens. They can migrate. Rebellion and looting can be seen. Religious ceremonies and mystical actions may increase. In the second stage, humans conserve their energies rather than consume. His behavior is concentrated on finding food. Friends and wider family members who are outside the elementary family may need to be excluded. Theft is widespread. Random violence and attack actions increase. This is the 12th week of famine. In the final stage, all efforts, including those in the family, are eliminated. This can happen slowly. Before the elderly, and then the young children are removed88. However, the phenomenon of self-capture and the captivity of children is a behavior that should be considered historically without considering the modern human mentality. Conclusion According to some historians, it is to take the easy way out to look for the reasons of these events in the climate events. As simple explanations are not always wrong, complex explanations are not always accurate89. With activists and states participating in global warming prevention studies, environmental historians have also emphasized environmental problems and climate change process in recent years. The effects of climate change on human life in history and today are indisputable and can be transformed into a historical phenomenon due to the results they lead. The Little Ice Age is a recent historical example of what the social, political, economic and psychological impacts of climate change and oscillations may be. As a result of climate changes, civilizations can be destroyed, maps can be changed, wars can be lost, banditry and bullying events may increase, and as in the examples given in this 87 Yaron Ayalon, Natural Disasters in the Ottoman Empire : Plague, Famine And Other Misfortunes, Cambridge University Press, 2015 New York, p. 163-164. 88 Sharman Apt Russell, Hunger An Natural History, Basic Books, New York 2005, p. 147-148. 89 Sam White, Osmanlı’da İsyan İklimi: Erken Modern Dönemde Celâli İsyanları, p.39. 604 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE study, you can come across hunger and cannot provide your basic human needs or even disregard your children. However, the societies that have to adapt to the environment and the difficult conditions of climate change have found various solutions based on their own realities. According to the records of the Ottoman archives; The first measure that the Crimean people had to take against the famines developed in the form of immigration to the nearby regions of Anatolia and the Balkans, where they could feed themselves. Tatars, who became an important society of exile after the annexation of Russia in 1783, lived the Siberian exiles in the 20th century. However, it is understood that they were constantly on the move for ecological reasons. It seems to be their fate that the society has to move. The human being managed to survive by dealing with his own methods against the climatic changes and natural disasters. The social events in the Little Ice Age have allowed people to adapt to difficult conditions. However, it was observed that the price was heavy in some societies. States and governments also had their share. The Ottoman Empire confronted the Celali revolts, which would lead to the political and social struggle of the state and the crisis. Families struggling to feed themselves in Crimea tried to survive by renting or selling themselves, their children and their families as slaves. As a result of the historical and environmental disasters we will interpret the famine, slavery, migration as well as the consequences of all these measures against people and power can take. What kind of an approach they have taken; this is one of the subjects of environmental history. Suleiman I's approach to the issue of scarcity and migration in Crimea and the request of the Crimean Khan Mehmet Giray from the Ottoman Empire is significant in this regard. While accepting a historical phenomenon such as slavery, the Ottoman sultans opposed the enslavement of Muslims under all circumstances. Regardless of the nature and environmental perception of the power, historian and people of the period and it is possible to obtain necessary data from historical events such as war, trade, agriculture, demography, cities, famines and migrations of the cities, and to draw a picture of the history of the environment. BIBLIOGRAPHY Archive Documents Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, Mühimme Defterleri 3, 35, 39, 40. Crimean Court Records, 3a/3b Numbered Registers 605 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Research Works And, Metin, Minyatürlerle Osmanlı-İslam Mitologyası, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, İstanbul 2018. Aktaş Sarı, Sema, 1648-1679 Tarihli 3a ve 3b Numaralı Kadıasker Defterlerine Göre Kırım’da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayat, Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Sakarya 2016. Ayalon, Yaron , Natural Disasters in the Ottoman Empire : Plague, Famine And Other Misfortunes, Cambridge University Press, New York 2015. Binark, İsmet, 3 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri (966-968/ 1558-1560), Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Ankara 1993. Braudel, Fernand, II. Felipe Döneminde Akdeniz ve Akdeniz Dünyası I, Trans: Mehmet Ali Kılıçbay, Doğu Batı Yayınları, Ankara 2017. Buldur, Adan Doğan, “Evliya Çelebi’nin (17. yüzyıl) “İklim” Anlayışı ve Seyahatname’de Beldelerin İklimi”, Marmara Coğrafya Dergisi, Issue: 33, İstanbul 2016, p.390-409. Busbecg, Ogier Ghislain de, Kanuni Döneminde Avrupalı Bir Elçinin Gözlemleri (15551560), Trans: Derin Türkömer, Türkiye İş Bankası Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. Cordova, Carlos, Crimea And The Black Sea An Environmental History, Published by I.B.Tauris, London 2016. Çelik, Dilek, 67 A 90 Nolu ve 1017-1022 (1608–1613) Tarihli Kırım Hanlığı Kadıasker Defteri (Tahlil ve Transkripsiyon), Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Sakarya 2011. Evliyâ Çelebi, Seyahatnâme , Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi Bağdat 308 Numaralı Yazmanın Transkripsyonu-Dizini, VII, Haz: Yücel Dağlı, Seyit AliKahraman, Robert Dankoff, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, İstanbul 2003, Eyice, Semavi , “Haliç” , DİA, Vol:15, İstanbul 1997, s.264-280. Fagan, Brian, The Little Ice Age: How Climate Made History, 1300-1850, Basic Book, New York 2002. Fisher, Alan, Kırım Tatarları, Selenge Yayınları, İstanbul 2009. Fleischer, Cornell H. , Tarihçi Mustafa Ali - Bir Osmanlı Aydını ve Bürokratı, Trans: Ayla Ortaç, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, İstanbul 2013. Gerste, Ronald D. , Hava Nasıl Tarih Yazar- Antikçağdan Günümüze İklim Değişiklikleri ve Felaketler, Trans: Meltem Karaismailoğlu, Kolektif Kitap, İstanbul 2017. 606 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Güçer, Lütfi, XVI.-XVII. Asırlarda Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Hububat Meselesi ve Hububattan Alınan Vergiler, İstanbul Üniversitesi Yayımları, İstanbul 1964. Güney, Emrullah , Çevrebilim Sözlüğü, Sabev Yayınları, Ankara 2007. Güney, Emrullah, Toplum ve Doğa İlişkileri, Çantay Kitabevi, İstanbul 2003. Gürkan, Ülker, “Montesquieu Ve Kanunların Ruhu ”, Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, Vol: 40, Issue:1 (1988) , p. 9-31. Griswold, William J. , “Climate Change: a Possible Factor in the Social Unrest of Seventeenth Century Anatolia”, Humanist and Scholar. Essays inHonor of Andreas Tietze, edit: by Health W. Lowry and Donald Quataert, The ISIS Press, İstanbul 1993. Griswold, William J. , Anadolu’da Büyük İsyan 1591-1611, Trans: Ülkün Tansel , Kırmızı Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. Gönençgil, Barabaros, Güneyi Vural, “Çevre Tarihi Açısından Küçük Buzul Çağı ve Sosyal Etkileri”, TÜCAUM Uluslararası Coğrafya Sempozyumu, 13-14 Ekim 2016 /13-14 October, Ankara 2016 Hubert H. Lamb, Hubert H. , Climate, History and the Modern World, Routldege, London 1997. Hughes J. Donald, Çevre Tarihine Giriş, Trans: M. Fatih Çalışır, İpek Üniversitesi Yayınları, Ankara 2016. İnalcık, Halil, Kırım Hanlığı Tarihi Üzerine Araştırmalar 1441-1700, İş Bankası Yayınları, İstanbul 2017. Kahraman, S. A. ve Dağlı, Y. , Günümüz Türkçesiyle Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, (Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi, Bağdat 304 Numaralı Yazmadan), Yapı Kredi Yayınları, İstanbul 2012. Karademir, Zafer, İmparatorluğun Açlıkla İmtihanı Osmanlı Toplumunda Kıtlıklar (1560 - 1660), Kitap Yayınevi, İstanbul 2014. Kavak, Nuri, Karasu Kazası (1683-1744) Kırım Hanlığı’nda Bir yerleşme Örneği, OnMat Öner Matbaacılık, Bursa 2014. Ladurie, Emmanuel Le Roy, Times of Feast, Times of Famine, Garden City, NY: Doubleday 1971. Lu, Vi An, Ming Hanedanı Döneminde Osmanlı-Çin İlişkileri ve İklim Değişiklikleri, Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, ), Unpublished Master's Thesis, Sakarya 2018. Mamedova, Roiala , Küçük Buzul Çağı’nın Osmanlı’ya Etkisi, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Ankara 2018. 607 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Mantran, Robert, XVI.-XVII. Yüzyıl’da İstanbul’da Gündelik Hayat, Trans: M. Ali Kılıçbay, Eren Yayıncılık, İstanbul 1991. Öztürk, Yücel, “Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Köle Emeğinin Rolü ve Hacmi” Osmanlı Devleti’nde Kölelik:Ticaret, Esaret, Yaşam, Edit. Zübeyde Güneş Yağcı, Fırat Yaşa, Tezkire Yayınları, İstanbul 2017, p. 31-56. Öztürk, Yücel, Osmanlı Hakimiyetinde Kefe (1475-1600) , Bilge Kültür Sanat Yayınları, İstanbul 2014. Peçevi İbrahim Efendi, Peçevi Tarihi II, Haz: Bekir Sıtkı Baykal, Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, Ankara 1999. Russell, Sharman Apt, Hunger An Natural History, Basic Books, New York 2005. Ponting, Clive , Dünyanın Yeşil Tarihi-Çevre ve Büyük Uygarlıkların Çöküşü, Trans: Ayşe Başcı, Sabancı Üniversitesi Yayınları, İstanbul 2008. Ponting, Clive, Yeni Bir Bakış Açısıyla Dünya Tarihi, Trans: Eşref Bengi Özbilen, Alfa Yayınları, İstanbul 2011. Tavernier, Jean-Baptiste, Tavernier Seyahatnamesi, Trans: Teoman Tunçdoğan, Edit: Stefanos Yerasimos, Kitap Yayınevi, İstanbul 2006. Tekeli, İlhan, “Türkiye Çevre Tarihçiliğine Açılırken”, Türkiye'de Çevrenin ve Çevre Korumanın Tarihi Sempozyumu (Bildiri Metinleri), Türkiye Ekonomik ve Toplumsal Tarih Vakfı, İstanbul 2000, p. 1-14. Vatansever, Erim, 67 A 90 Numaralı (On Dokuzuncu Cilt), 1083-1087 (1672-1676) Tarihli Kadıasker Defteri’ne Göre Kırım’da Sosyal Ve Ekonomik Hayat, Eskişehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Eskişehir 2018. Veinstein, Gilles , “Karadeniz'in Kuzeyinde Büyük 1560 kuraklığı: Osmanlı Yetkililerinin Durumu Algılayışı ve Gösterdikleri Tepkiler”, Osmanlı İmparatorluğ’unda Doğal Afetler, Edit: Elizabeth Zachariadou, Trans: Gül Çağalı Güven, Saadet Öztürk, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, İstanbul 2001, p. 297-306. Vural, Güneyi , Fiziki Özellikleri ve Beşeri Etkileriyle: Küçük Buzul Çağı (1300 - 1850), Unpublished Master's Thesis, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, İstanbul 2016. White, Sam, Osmanlı’da İsyan İklimi: Erken ModernDönemde Celâli İsyanları, Trans. Nurettin Elhüseyni, Alfa Yayınları, İstanbul 2013. White, Sam, “Climate Change and Crisis in Ottoman Turkey and the Balkans, 15901710”, Proceedings of the International Conference onClimate Change and Middle East: Past, Present and Future, edit: Y. Ünal, C. Kahya and D. Demirhan Bari, 2006. 608 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Yaşa, Fırat, 67 A 90 numaralı (Dördüncü Cilt), 1061- 1062 Tarihli Kadıasker Defterine Göre Kırım’da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayat, Sakarya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Sakarya 2014. Yavuz, Vural, Naki Akçar, Christian Schlüchter , “The Frozen Bosphorus And İts Paleoclimatic İmplications Based On A Summary Of The Historical Data”, The Black Sea Flood Question, Edit: Valentina Yanko-Hombach, Allan S. Gilbert, Nicolae Panin, Pavel M. Dolukhanov, Publisher Springer, 2007, p.633-649. Periodical Publications Ağarı, Murat, İslam Coğrafyacılarında Yedi İklim Anlayışı, AÜYFD 47, Vol: 2, Ankara 2006, p. 195-214. Aydın, Mehmet Akif, Muhammed Hamîdullah, “Köle”, DİA, Vol: 26 (2002) , p. 237-246. Demirtaş, Mehmet , “XVI. Yüzyılda Meydana Gelen Tabii Afetlerin İstanbul’un Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayatına Etkilerine Dair Bazı Misaller”, Atatürk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Vol: 4, Issue 2 (2004), p. 37-50. DİA , Kırım, DİA, Vol: 25, İstanbul 2002, p. 447-450. Öztürk, Yücel, “Dimitriy İvanoviç Vişnevetskiy ve Faaliyetleri”, Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, Vol:9 (December-2003), p. 95-140. 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Internet Access http://bib.gfz-potsdam.de/pub/wegezurkunst/paintings_as_climate_archives.pdf (Date of access: 19.10.2018) 609 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies https://www.museumoflondon.org.uk/museum-london/event-detail?id=180608 (Date of access: 19.10.2018) https://www.havaforum.com/zemherir-erbain-zemheri-nedir/ 19.10.2018) 610 (Date of Access: CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 611 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 612 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The Cuvash People In The Light Of Archeological Discoveries Gülnara ERGAN*1 The word “Chuvash” was seen for the first time in the written sources of the 15th and 16th centuries. Sigismund von Herberstein, an Austrian diplomat, travels to Russia in 1516-1517 and 1525-1526. He notes down his observations in Russia and, later on, evaluates them based on written Russian sources in his book titled “Retum Moscoviticarum Commentarii”. He mentions to the Chuvashes in a separate chapter2. Later on, in 1524, Chuvashes become a subject matter in the chronicles of Voskresensk3, Patriarch4, Lvovsk5 and Russian annuals6. In 1633-1639, Adam Olearius, a German traveler, travels to Iran through Moscow and provides a broad range of information, and conveys in his book dated 1656 that the Chuvashes live on the both sides of the Volga River, use bow to mastery and believe in their traditional religion7,8. The texts about the Chuvashes start to increase in the 17th and 18th centuries9. Gülnara ERGAN, Erciyes University, PhD Student in General Turkish History,gnergan@outlook.com Sigismund von Herberstein ,Zapiski o Moskovitskih Delah , translated by A.I.Malevina,A.S.Suvorin publication, St. Peterburg,1908.pp.66-67 3 Tüm Rus Yıllıklar Ciltleri (Voskresensk annex),C.8,Eduard Prats publication, St. Petersburg,1859,pp.270 4 Tüm Rus Yıllıklar Ciltleri (PatriarşiveNikononsk annex),C.13,yazıki Russkoy Kulturı Publication, Moscow,2000,pp.44,165, 200, 497. 5 Tüm Rus Yıllıklar Ciltleri (Lvovsk annual) C.20,M.A. Aleksandrov publication, St. Petersburg,1914,pp.20, 420 6 These annuals convey that Vasili III, the knyaz of Vladimir and Moscow, launched an expedition against Kazan, that he sent a great army for this expedition and killed or took prisoner many people. He writes that there were knyazes, mirzas, Tatars, Cheremises and Chuvashes among them. In 1551, Safa Giray (instead of Sahib I Giray) was the person who sat on the throne of Kazan. In May, a committee was sent to Russia on behalf of the people who dwelt in the mountains. This committee went on behalf of knyazes, mirzas, corporals, the Chuvashes, Cheremises and Kazakhs. The Russian knyaz welcomed the arriving committee and bestowed upon them expensive gifts, furs, money, three years exemption from taxes and a stamped paper. In June 1551, a second committee went which consisted of knyazes, mirzas, lieutenants, corporals, the Chuvashes, Cheremises, Mordvins, Mojars and Tarhans. This second committee declared their loyalty to the Russian knyaz and transmitted their willingness to serve him. The Russian knyaz ordered a banquet for them and furnished them with expensive gifts, furs, horses and armors. In 1552, Ivan the Terrible arrived to Sviyazhsk and the population that welcomed him consisted of soldiers and the people that lived in the mountains, that is, the Cheremises and Chuvashes. 7 The traditional religion of the Chuvashes was a monotheistic religion called “Turi”. According to this religion, the God was unborn and eternal. The world was created by the God and He conducted it. As part of their religion, the Chuvashes believed in various spirits (good and evil spirits), earth and water spirits and to life after death. They believed that evil spirits dwelt in forests and mountains. N.I. Aşmarin, A. Salmin, V.P. Vişnevskiy, N.İ. Zolotnitskiy, G. Mészáros carried out comprehensive studies about the beliefs of the Chuvashes. 8 Adam Olearius, Opisaniye Puteşestviya v Moskoviyu, Çerezmoskoviyu v Persiyu i Obratno.translated by. A. M. Lovyagin,A.S.Suvorinyayınevi, St. Peterburg,1908,s.80 9 Johan Georg Gelmin , Puteşestviye Po Sibiri:1733-1743, Alfater yayınevi,St.Petersburg,2009 s.272;G.E.Miller Opisaniye Jivuşih v Kazanskoy Gubernii Yazıçeskih Narodov Çeremis,Çuvaş i Votyakov, İmparator adına İlimler akademisi,St.Petersburg,1791, s.109;P.S.Pallas, PuteşestviyepoRaznımProvintsıyamRossiyskoyİmperii, İmparator Adına İlimler Akademisi,St.Petersburg,1773,s144 * 2 613 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies In the 19th century, the Chuvashes attract the attention of many historians and researchers from various countries to whom they had remained unknown previously. These researchers put forth many theories about the ethnic formation of the Chuvash people for there were many unanswered questions about them. They attempted to associate the roots of the Chuvash people with the Huns, Oghurs, Ughors, Bulgars, Gok Turks, Iranian tribes and Sumers. The Chuvashes were defined as “Bulgars” for the first time by V.N. Tatishev10. V.V. Bartold specifies that the Chuvashes stem from the Huns and also asserts that they appeared on the world stage in the 3rd century B.C. in the history of China11. N.I. Ashmarin and V.F. Kahovsky believe that the roots of the Chuvashes can be tracked down to Siberia while N. Ya. Marr, T.P. Yegorova and D.F. Madurov looked for these roots in Mesopotamia (the Sumers). The Chuvashes are the only successors of the Oghurs in terms of language and they speak Turkish of r-language which clearly associates them with the Bulgars of the Volga River. Linguists believe that there was, most probably, a single dialect which was very similar to the Chuvash language of today spoken from the Western Russia to Asia, that is, the area that covers the Ob and Irtysh Rivers and extends from the Ural Mountains to the Kama, Volga and, further in the southwest, Don Rivers12. Onogurs13, who prevailed in the history due to their location and activities, took place in Siberia circa the year zero and their dominance expanded till the Volga area. They joined the “Migration of Tribes” around the 2nd and 3rd centuries C.E. together with the great mass of the Huns. It can be inferred that the Onogurs most probably were dwelling in the eastern parts of the Northern Black Sea when Attila founded the Hun Empire14. Historians have a consensus that the Oghur tribes were “Ting-Ling” as mentioned in the Chinese sources which lived in the western part of the Great Huns and the southern belt of Siberia, and were also the members of T’ieh-le community of tribes during Gokturk dominance15. It is known that the Bulgars were separated into two groups after the Hun state was extinguished. These two groups were the Utigurs who migrated to the Kuban area and the Kutrigurs who migrated to the western part of the Don River. These two resulted from the separation into “right” and “left” branches of the V.N.Tatişev,Rossiyskaya İstoriya,C.I,SSCBİlimler Akademisi,Moskova.1962,s.252 V.V.Bartold. “Türk halklarınınTarihinin güncel durumu ve sorunları “,PervıyVsesoyuznıyTürkologiçeskiySyezd 26 Şubat- 5 Mart 1926,Nagıl Evi, Bakü,2011,s.29 12 N.N.Poppe,”Çuvaşskiyyazık i ego Otnoşeniye k Mongolskomu i Türskim Yazıkam”,Bulletin de l’Academie des Sciences de Russie,Rusya İlimler Akademisinden Haberler,1924,s289-297 13 Osman Karatay,”Suvarlar: Doğu Avrupanın Esrarengiz Kavmi”,Türk Dünyası İncelemeleri Dergisi, C.X, Sayı1,İzmir 2010,s.99 14 A.N.Kurat, Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri, Murat Kitabevi Yayınları, 3 Baskı, Ankara,1992,s109-110 15 Lazlo Rassonyi, Tarihte Türklük, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü, Ankara,1993.s 88-89 10 11 614 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE same party, and each constituted an establishment of their own. It is claimed that the word “Bulgar”, the common name given two these two groups, originates from the Turkish word for “Bulgamak” which means “to blend”16. The information provided by Priskos about the Oghurs’ expansion towards Eastern Europe touches upon the migration to the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea areas in 463. He conveys that the Oghurs were drifted away from their lands by the Sabirs who, in turn, were displaced by the Avars, and that they then occupied the area around Ili River and Dzungaria (or rather expanded towards Siberia)17. In 467, the Oghurs attacked the Akatir Huns who lived between the Don River and the Upper Dnieper River, and rendered them dependent having gained a victory over them. Later on, they launched raid to the South Caucasus, an area occupied by Sasanians, and overrun Georgia and Armenia. They sent a messenger to the Byzantium Empire and desired to cement good relations with the Romans18. The tribes that sent messengers to the Byzantium Empire were the Saragur, Oghur and Onogur tribes or tribe associations which are believed to be the western branches of T’ieh-les19. Jordanes, a Goth historian, asserts the following about the Bulgars in his work “Getica”:20 To the south dwell the Acatziri, a very brave tribe ignorant of agriculture, who subsist on their flocks and by hunting. Farther away and above the Sea of Pontus are the abodes of the Bulgares, well known from the disasters our neglect has brought upon us. From this region the Huns, like a fruitful root of bravest races, sprouted into two hordes of people. Some of these are called Altziagiri, others Sabiri; and they have different dwelling places. The Altziagiri are near Cherson, where the avaricious traders bring in the goods of Asia. In summer they range the plains, their broad domains, wherever the pasturage for their cattle invites them, and betake themselves in winter beyond the sea Of Pontus. Now the Hunuguri are known to us from the fact that they trade in marten skins…”21 A.N.Kurat, Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri, s.109;Laszlo Rasonyı,TarihteTürklük, s.89 Peter. B.Golden, Türk Halkları Tarihine Giriş, Çev. Osman Karatay, Ötüken, İstanbul.2016,s.105 18 Şeref Baştav,Makaleler 1,Berikan Yayınevi, Ankara,2005,s.19;Ali Ahmetbeyoğlu,Grek Seyyah Priskos(V.Asır)’a Göre Avrupa Hunları, Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı, İstanbul 1995,s.65-66 19 Peter. B.Golden,”Türk Halkları Tarihine Giriş”,s.105 20 , “Getica”- Gotların kökenleri ve Uğraşları hakkında, Çev. E. Skrijevskaya ,VostaçnayaLetiratura, Moskova, 1960, s 72 ; Peter. B.Golden,”Türk Halkları Tarihine Giriş”,s.110. 21 Jordanes meant the Hun tribes that were living on the north-eastern part of the Black Sea as he discoursed upon the Bulgars. Beyond where the Akatzirs dwelt were the Bulgars who lived on all the parts of the northern Black Sea (the Pontus Sea). Procopius also used the word “Hun” and mentioned the Hun tribes of “Utigur” and “Kurtigur” when he conveyed the events of the 6th century, and wrote that they lived in the Primeoty steppes (Azov steppes). Procopius never uses the word “Bulgar” in his books (as is the case with Agathias and Menandros). However, Jordanes talks about Germanaric country, Attila, the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains and Huns when handling the occurrences of the 4th-6th centuries. He writes that the barbarians commit “daily attacks” or “daily raids”. He also transmits that these raids were perpetrated by the Bulgars, Ants and Sklavs. When Jordanes wrote 16 17 615 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies The word “Bulgar” was mentioned for the first time in the Byzantium chronicles in 482, during the reign of Emperor Zeno. The Byzantines played the Urtigurs off against the Kurtigurs and a great struggle arose between the two groups. The Kurtigurs resisted against the Urtigur pressure and ousted them till the Don River22. They regularly appear in the Bulgar, Byzantium and Latin sources of the 5th century23. The Turkic tribes that were living under the Avar dominance commenced a “National Sovereignty” war as of 535 and founded the first khanate with the name “Turk” having defeated the Avars. After the decisive victory against the Avars, Bumin assumed the title of Illig Qaghan and formally established the Gok Turk state. In 556, Bumin Qaghan transferred the administration of the western part of the state to his brother Istami and entitled him as Yabghu. Istami launched comprehensive expeditions to the western part of the state. He started his expeditions from the western side of the Altai Mountains and subordinated the Teles, Utugurs and Onogurs who lived as dispersed on the area that extended towards the Caspian Sea24. The progress from Manchuria to the Crimean archipelago within 25 years is an indicator of the extraordinary and rapid propagation of the Turks25. It should be accepted that the Bulgars were accustomed to live under a state order as they lived under the Gokturk dominance and that they possessed the necessary organization for such26. Two centuries later, the Old Great Bulgaria was established as led by Kubrat with the support of Onogurs and their allies.27. This state is frequently attributed as “the Great Bulgaria”, as the Byzantines called it, as well as the OnogurBulgar state. Patriarch Nikephoros assigned Kubrat as the ruler of Onogurs and called the people of Kubrat as “the Onogur-Bulgars”. The state is called thus also in the Jewish and Islamic the book and mentioned the word “Bulgar”, it was clear that he meant the areas which span between the Azov Sea in the Eastern Europe and the Danube River and where the Hun-Bulgar tribes dwelt. We come to know, as Jordanes, a middle age writer, mentioned that the Bulgars were well-known due to the disasters that were burdened on them due to “our neglect” (“notissimos”). There is a sense of uneasiness felt in Jordanes as a witness to the occurrences of his period. The writer conveys the Bulgar attacks on Illirica and Frankia and also puts forth that Ants and Sklavins also committed raids together with the Bulgars. If we are to make an assumption about these disasters, he mentions that the attacks were made from beyond the Danube River. Procopius also narrates the events that took place in 550-551. The Gepids, who dwelt around Sirmione, helped the Kurtigurs that came from Meotida (the Azov Sea) to pass over the Danube River. Having passed the Danube, the Kurtigurs then scattered to Frankia and Illirica and depredated the region. To summarize “the Gothic War”, Procopius and Jordanes say that “Almost every day, the Huns, Sklavins and Ants depredate Frankia and Illirica and cause many a harm to the people there during the reign of Justinian as the Emperor of Romans.” According to Procopius, there were approximately 200.000 Roman citizens killed or captured during these attacks. Following these attacks, the area was named as “the Scythian desert”. 22 A.N.Kurat, Türk Kavimleri v eDevletleri, s.109; 23 Istvan Zimonyi, “Bulgarlar ve Ogurlar”, Türkler, Yeni Türkiye yayınları,C2,Ankara ,2002 s.1057 24 Ahmet Taşağıl, Gök-Türkler, TTK, Ankara,1995,s31 25 Laszlo Rasonyı, Tarihte Türklük, s.91 26 A.N.Kurat, Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri, s.111 27 Laszlo Rasonyı, TarihteTürklük, s.91 616 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE sources. According to Moravcsik, “Onogur” and “Onogundur” is the name given to the same community. There were three ethnic constituents of the Kubrat state: the Onogundurs, Bulgars and Kutrigurs. The first name on the List of Bulgar Khans is Organa, the uncle of Kubrat. Kubrat had a great influence on his uncle Organa’s baptize in the Byzantium Empire in 618619 and his stay at the Emperor’s palace for a time. According to Patriarch Nikephoros, Kubrat, the nephew of Organa and the governor of the Onogurs, led an alliance with the Byzantium having repelled the Avars, sent messengers to the former and became baptized and was ranked as Patricius.28 Kubrat founded an independent state having made a collaboration with the Byzantine Empire29. It can be inferred that the Utigur-Bulgars did not consent to be subject to Kubrat and resisted. It is also seen that meanwhile the Khazars, who had been once subject to the Gokturks, established a Khanate30. Kubrat’s decease corresponds to this period and is believed to occur between 650 and 655 due to the uncertainties in the chronology of the list of Khanates. It is understood that Kubrat left behind five sons and that the offspring diverged from each other despite the monitions of their father. Bayan, the eldest son remained in the lands of his ancestors; Kotrag, the second eldest son, settled in the Middle Volga region after passing the Don; Asparuh settled around the Danube basin; the fourth son migrated to Pannonia and resigned himself to the hegemony of the Avars; and the fifth settled in the lands of Pentapolis of Ravenna, Italy and became subject to tax to the Byzantium31. It can be seen that the Bulgars arrived to the Volga region as organized due to the fact that Kotrag founded a state in Volga-Kama area within a short time after coming to the Middle Volga area and subdued the Finnish-Ugor and Turkic tribes, the latter of which arrived to the area earlier than the former. The arrival of the Bulgars to the Middle Volga left indelible traces on the people of the Turkic tribes and the Finnish-Ugor population which were present in the İ.S.Çiçurov.Vizantiyskiye İstoriçeskiye Soçineniya: ”Hronologiya” Feofana,” Brevariy” Nikifora,Nauka. Moskva, 1980 s.159 29 IstvanZimonyi, “Bulgarlar ve Ogurlar”,s.1061 30 A.N.Kurat, Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri, s.110 31 Istvan Zimonyi, “Bulgarlar ve Ogurlar”,s.1062 28 617 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Volga-Ural area. This state and its capital were shortly called as “Bulgar” by the Islam-Arab geographers, Russian chronicles32, Western33 travellers and traders34. Considering the information conveyed by the Islamic geographers about the state borders of the Volga Bulgar state, the most detailed information is provided by Istahri35 touching upon the southwestern borders of the state while Averroes, in his book36 “Kitab al-A’lak al-nafisa”37, and Ahmad ibn Fadlan, in his travels38, give only general information about the Bulgar state. In the book “Hudud al-Alam”, it is expressed that the Bulgar state’s borders reached till the Ural (Yaik) River and that the Bulgars were on friendly terms with the Oghuzes39. The borders are claimed to be the same in the subsequent books. Nevertheless, it is not clear whether these books specify the borders of the state or the borders within which the state prevailed both politically and economically. It is also highly possible that these areas were the summer pasture Tüm RusYıllıklar Ciltleri.C1,Lavrentiyev yıllığı ve Suzdal Yıllığı,Vostoçnaya Literatura yayınları, Moskova,1962,s7,84,65,106,107,108,147,207,292,352,353,364,389,390,400,445,451,452,453,459,460,502; Tüm Rus Yıllıklar Ciltleri.CII,İpatyev Yıllığı,Nauka,Moskova,1962,s285; Tüm RusYıllıklarCiltleriC15,Rogojskiy Letopisets,Tverskoy Sbornik,Nauka,Moskova,1965, s.250-251; Tüm Rus Yıllıklar Ciltleri,C.X,Parti arşive Nikonovskaya Yıllıkları,Nauka.Moskova,1965,s.50,83,86,98. 33 A.D.Hvalson,İzvestiya o Hozarah,Burtasah ,Bolgarah, Madyarah, Slavyanah i rusah Abu-Ali Ahmeda Ben Omar İbnDasta,NeizvestnogodoseleArabskogoPisatelyaNaçalaX.vekapoRukopyasyamBritanskogoMuzeya, İmparator ilimler Akademisi,St.Petersburg,1869,s.108-109;S.A.Anninskiy,İzvestiya Vengerskih Missionerov XIII-XIV.vv o Tatarah i Vostoçnoy Evrope,C.III,SSCBİlimler Akademisi,Moskova,1940,s.77,78,80,81 34 A.P.Kovalevskiy,Kniga Ahmeda İbn Fadlana o ego Puteşestviina Volgu v 921-922 (makale,tercümeveyorumlar),HarkovDevlet üniversitesi,Harkov,1956,s 131-142;A.D.Hvalson, İzvestiya o Hozarah, Burtasah, Bolgarah, Madyarah, Slavyanah i rusah Abu-Ali Ahmeda Ben Omar İbnDasta, NeizvestnogodoseleArabskogoPisatelyaNaçala X. vekapoRukopyasyam BritanskogoMuzeya,s.73-169; B.N.Zahoder, Kaspiyskiy Svod Svedeniy o Vostoçnoyevrope, C.II,Nauka, Moskova, 1967,s.37; A.Y.Garkavi,Skazaniya Musulmanskih Pisateley o Slavyanah i Russkih,İmparator İlimler Akademisi,St.Petersburg,1871,s34-35 35 B.N.Zahoder,KaspiyskiySvodSvedeniy o Vostoçnoy evrope,s.37;T.M.Kalinina,”Dreniye Gosudarstvanateretorii SSSR(SvedeniyaİbnHavkalya o PohodahRusiVremyenSvyatoslava)”,Nauka ,Moskova,1976,s.94 36 The Bulgars dwelt near the Volga River that disembogues to the Caspian Sea. There were marshes and dense forests in the Bulgar state. 37 A.D.Hvalson,İzvestiya o Hozarah,Burtasah,Bolgarah,Madyarah,Slavyanah i rusah Abu-Ali Ahmeda Ben Omar İbnDasta,NeizvestnogodoseleArabskogoPisatelyaNaçalaX.vekapoRukopyasyam Britanskogo Muzeya,s.85;Müslüman Coğrafyacıların Gözüyle Ortaçağda Türkler,DerveÇev.,Yusuf ZiyaYörükhan,İstanbul,Gelenek yayınevi,2004,s.295 38 A.P.Kovalevskiy, Kniga Ahmeda İbn Fadlana o ego PuteşestviinaVolgu v 921-922 (makale, tercümeveyorumlar),s131-135 39 Müslüman Coğrafyacıların Gözüyle Ortaçağda Türkler, S.201;R.Şeşen, İslam Coğrafyacılarına Göre Türkler ve Türk Ülkeleri, TTK yayınları, Ankara,2001,s.60 32 618 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE of semi-nomadic people40. Ibn-Hawqal41, Al-Mesudi42 and Abu Sa’id Gardezi43 convey that the Western borders of the Bulgar state took part on the east of Slav settlements but it is probable that these borders in question belong to the region where the political and economic influence of the state was felt. It is quite peculiar that Mahmud al-Kashgari44, a significant 11th century writer, probably based his thoughts on previously written but unclear information about the Bulgars and placed the two prominent cities of the Volga Bulgars, Bulgar and Suvar, in the vicinity of the Caspian Sea. This idea of his may have originated from the sources which indicate that the Bulgars lived in crowded communities in the cities of Volga and Saqsin, the former being the capital the Khazaria. Another example is that semi-nomadic Bulgars who became the inhabitants of the area after the Khazars dispersed in 965 continued their existence as scattered around Europe (later on, they meld with the Cuman-Kipchaks who were to arrive at a further date). Even though these masses were in contact with the Bulgars of the Middle Volga, they did not form a part of the state45. The gorodishches46, villages, graveyards and the other archaeological findings revealed during more than 2000 excavation works in the Middle Volga region propounded the dynamics of the state’s borders between the 10th and 13th centuries. According to these excavations, the center of the Volga Bulgar State was limited to the south of the Kama River, left part of the Volga River and the Shoshma River in the east. This area between the two rivers was quite a strategic point for the Bulgars in terms of trade and it had a unique steppe appearance due to its green and smooth fields. The Western Kama and beyond have trees with wide leaves and extend F.Ş.Huzin,Voljskaya Bulgariya v Domongolskoye Vremya(X-XIII.v),Fest,Kazan,1997,s41 T.M.Kalinina,Dreniye Gosudarstvanateretorii SSSR(SvedeniyaİbnHavkalya o PohodahRusiVremyenSvyatoslava),s.91-94 42 A.Y.Garkavi,Skazaniya Musulmanskih Pisateley o Slavyanah i Russkih, S.34-35; B.N.Zahoder,KaspiyskiySvodSvedeniy o Vostoçnoy evrope,S.26; A.D.Hvalson,İzvestiya o Hozarah,Burtasah,Bolgarah,Madyarah,Slavyanah i rusah Abu-Ali Ahmeda Ben Omar İbnDasta,NeizvestnogodoseleArabskogoPisatelyaNaçalaX.vekapoRukopyasyamBritanskogoMuzeya, s.163 43 A.Ya.Garkavi,Skazaniya Musulmanskih Pisateley o Slavyanah i Russkih (s PoloviniVII.v do KontsaX.b),İmparatoradınaİlimler Akademisi,St.Petersburg,1870,s.191 44 Kaşgarlı Mahmud,DivanüLülati’t Türk,T.C.KültürBakanlığı Yayınları, Ankara,1990 45 F.Ş.Huzin,VoljskayaBulgariya v DomongolskoyeVremya(X-XIII.v),s.42 46 These were settlement areas reinforced with soil or ditches without and were built as non-easily accessible and on the elevations of soil on the banks of rivers or streams being secluded from eyes between the Neolithic Period and the Middle Age. Gorodishches were built on the banks of rivers on soil elevations and were reinforced by clustering tree parts or, at later periods, by putting up stone walls on the outer side. The “gorodishches” which were situated on marshes did not leave cultural remains much. The reinforcements of some of the “gorodishches” were made in few rows and such settlements were called as “Fortress-gorodishches”. Generally, they were not wide and were built on approximately 500-2000 m2 area. 40 41 619 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies to broad settlement areas since the region is practically a forest-steppe area. The region is also enriched with a diverse variety of plateau-forest type herbs. Besides, the most considerable natural richness is its fertile lands (65-70% of the arable soil is chernozem), and the soil of the deep forestry area contains high degrees of humus. The Bulgars were able to cultivate various grains such as barley, wheat, corn, chickpea and flax on such quality and fertile soils. Most of the archaeological remains of the Bulgars are in the western part of the Kama River. The area covers the most important cities of the Bulgar state such as Bulgar, Suvar, Bryahimov and Dzeketau. According to archaeological findings, the northernmost area to which the Bulgars reached was the region around Kazanka River. The southernmost border falls on around the Samara River while the eastern border reaches up to Yaik and Belaya (the White Volga) Rivers according to the written sources. The right banks of the Volga corresponds to the southeastern region of Chuvashia, which is a neighbor, and the area surrounding the Sviyaga River hosts 40 settlements belonging to the Bulgar culture. According to some Chuvash archaeologists, this number of settlements is about 70 and they reach up to the Sura River with the western border of the Volga Bulgar state47. The Finnish-Ugor tribes, which were indigenous dwellers of the Middle Volga region, and their structure were influenced by the cultures that arrived here from the East or the South until the 6th-7th century C.E. We know that this structure spread to the majority of the right and left parts of Chuvashia and even to Saratov region. Taking into consideration the migration of tribes (the Shipov cairns in Saratov region are believed to belong to the Huns)48 and, after that, the migrations of the Avars (which are not researched archaeologically), we should take heed that the indigenous tribes of the Middle Volga region were definitely affected by these events49. The archaeological excavations strengthen the four great migrations of Oghurs to the Middle Volga region. The culture that the Bulgars had when they arrived here was SaltovoMayatsk culture. We can observe the best examples of Saltovo-Mayatsk culture of the Middle Volga region in Bolshe-Tarhan (figure 1), Kaybelsk and Tankeevsk (figure 2) settlements50. F.Ş.Huzin, Voljskaya Bulgariya v Domongolskoye Vremya(X-XIII. v), s.44-45;İstoriya Tatrskoy ASSR, Tatknigoizdat yayınları,Kazan,1973,s,14-15 48 İ.P.Zasetskaya,O Hronologii Pogrebeniy “Epohi Pereseleniya Narodov”Nijnego Povoljya, Sovetskaya Arheologiya,Nauka,Moskva.1968,s.52; İ.P.Zasetskaya,Kulturakoçevnikov Yujnorusskih Stepey v Gunskuyu Epohu (Konets IV-V.vv),Ellips LTD yayınları,St.Petersburg,1994,s.224 49 A.P.Smirnov, Arheologiçeskiye Pamyatniki Çuvaşii i Probleme Etnogeneza Çuvaşskogo Naroda, O Proishojdenii Çuvaşskogo Naroda,Çuvaşistan Devlet Yayınları,Çeboksarı,1957,s.20 50 S.A.Pletneva,Sltovo-Mayatskayakultura,Stepi Yevraazii v Epohu Srednevekovya, SSCB İlimler Akademisi,Moskova,1981,s62-75 S.A.Pletneva, Otkoçeviy k Gorodam, s.4-7 47 620 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE The archaeological Saltovo-Mayatsk culture is the name given to the culture that was formed between the 8th and 10th centuries. The name is derived from the Mayatsk “Gorodishche” with a grave opened in Upper Saltovo village. The course of this culture and the area where it had prevailed was studied by M.I. Artomonov51. The most active ethnic groups, among the others who lived under Saltovo-Mayatsk culture in the Khanate of Khazar, were the Khazars, Bulgars and Alans52. All these groups spoke Turkish and used runic alphabet densely53. After the arrival of the Bulgars to the Middle Volga region in the 8th - 9th centuries, Saltovo-Mayatsk culture became synthesized with the local culture to form Bulgar culture.54. According to archaeological excavations and discoveries, the remains of Bulgar culture generally are found on the southern and southeastern parts of Chuvashia. Therefore, it can be inferred that the central settlement of the Volga Bulgar state was founded on the dense trade routes. Let’s have a look at some of the remains discovered in certain settlements of the north of Chuvashia and which, why and to what degree these remains belong to the Bulgar culture: Bolshoye.Yangildinskoye settlement is situated near the Ryksha River and is 15 kilometers to Cheboksary. The archaeologists who made researches here revealed a great number of ceramics after 4 years of excavation works.. Among these ceramics, the Bulgar ceramics are not great in number. There are two types of these ceramics: the first is the enameled and fired ceramics while the second is the hand-shaped, dark gray or yellow ceramics that contain gravel, crumbed seashells, pot clay and a little bit of dresva.55 The fired pots generally feature gravel while the hand-made pots contain mostly pot clays. The bowl pots were made as splaying on top with a groove on the inner-top and triangular pattern on the front-top area. None of these pots contain enamel which was traditionally applied to the Bulgar ceramics. B.Yangildinskoye area excavations revealed very few well-fired or well-enameled, yellow-red, red and yellow-brown pot parts with fine sand content that can be attributed to the Bulgars. The ceramics that were found generally belong to the Mongol period of the first half of the 18th and the 19th century. Of the 3363 fragments unearthed, only 150 of them, that is, 4,54%, were wellfired quality Bulgar ceramics with fine particle content that belong to the early pre-Mongolian M.İ.Artomonov,İstoriya Hazar,Lane yayınevi,St.Petersburg,2001,s391-431 A.P.Novoseltsev,Hazarskoye Gosudarstvo i ego Rol v İstoriiVostoçnoyYevropı i Kavkaza, Nauka, Moskova, 1990,s.105 53 S.A.Pletneva,OtKoçeviy k Gorodam:SltovoMayatskaya Kultura, Nauka,Moskova,1967,s.185 54 Çuvaş Ansiklopedisi elektronik versiyonu,Bolgar Arkeolojik Kültür; http://enc.cap.ru/?t=publ&lnk=704 55 Dresva is coarse sand or fined aggregate to be added later to pot paste. Chamotte (pot clay) is a fined material that is fired under high temperatures in order to add to pot paste. 51 52 621 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies period56. However, there are 176 parts, in total, which can be called as the Bulgar ceramics (figure 3) which adds up to 5,23% of all the ceramics revealed. Yandashevo I-II settlement areas take place on the left distributary of the Bolshoy Tsivil River. There are many pot parts unearthed from the lower layers in Yandashevo I settlement that belong to the Bronze age while the parts revealed from the upper layers distinctly resemble B.Yangildinskoye ceramics. The excavations carried out here discovered a blue spherical bead belonging to the 18th century Mongols, a white spherical bead of 12-13 mm belonging to the 16th-17th centuries, a wide knife of the 16th-17th centuries, and a well-enameled ceramic made in the 19th century. Only a single enameled piece was found as a Bulgar ceramic which was yellowish and red with fine sand content. Yandashevo II settlement: Here were found 8 pieces of Russian ceramics of the 16th-17th centuries, small yellow and gray ceramic parts reinforced with sand, and a yellowish red ceramic mixed with fine sand. Nemichkasy village: The ceramics found in this village were yellow or dark-colored, not well-fired, patternless and hand-made ones beside the fine-walled, quality, well-fired red ceramics. These ceramics, in general, were similar to those found in B.Toyab and Tigashevo settlements. It is clear that the ceramics found in the village were brought to the place from without. Generally, in the pre-Mongol period, local production and on-site use were common in the Bulgar state. Tautovskoye settlement: The Bulgar ceramics found in Tautovskoye settlement make up for 3,34% of all the ceramics found, that is, only 28 fragments among 837 belong the Bulgars. The pot pastes were well-sieved and blended with fine sand. These were brown, yellow or red pieces with dashes or wavy patterns of which some were non-enameled. The firing density and shapes make us assume that these were made in the 13th century. It is believed that the cast boiler found here by Trubnikova belongs almost to the same century. Yanmurzinsk “Palahu” settlement: The total number of ceramics unearthed here was 604. These generally resemble B.Yangildinsk and Tautovsk ceramics. The Bulgar ceramics found in the northern parts of Chuvashia was greater in number compared to the other places (13,4%)57. The total number of these pieces adds up to 81. The fragments of this settlement are yellowish red, red, brown and light gray and are fired with fine sand content. All the Bulgar T.A.Hlebnikova, Proishojdeniye Mariyskogo Naroda (Materyalı Nauçnoy Sesii”,Arheologiçeskiye Pamyatniki XIII-XV.yy v Gornomariyskom Rayone Mariyskoy ASSR, Yoşkar-Ola,1967,s.85-92 57 R.G.Fahruddinov,”O Stepeni Zaselennosti Bulgarami Territorii Sovremennoy Çuvaşskoy ASSR”,Voprosı Etnogeneza Türkoyazıçnıh Narodov Srednego Povoljya, SSCB İlimler Akademisi,Kazan,1971, s182-187 56 622 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ceramics are enameled and bear 4-5 lines of wavy patterns which indicate that they are ceramics belonging to the late Bulgar period (figure 4). Chelkasy settlement, which is 3 kilometers to Palahu in the south, gave less Bulgar ceramics than had been expected. The greater part of the ceramics found here belong to the Volga Finnish tribes (and are blended with chamotte and dresva). In 1980 and 1981, B.V. Kahovsky searched 1266 m2 area in Ubeev settlement and revealed 1720 fragments. Of these, 1190 (69.2%) were hand-made while 530 (30.8%) were made in potter’s wheel. 10% of the fragments shaped in potter’s wheel were black or dark gray while only a small part was yellow but was reinforced with chamotte or dresva. The percentage of the Bulgar ceramics is very low among these.58 Furthermore, the settlements gave out pig bones in consequence of the osteological researches although it is known that nomadic Turkish tribes did not consume pork even before they accepted Islam. The bones excavated during the archaeological studies in Chuvashia are determining factors for the ethnic structure of the area. Thus it can be concluded that the Chuvashes came to the northern parts of Chuvashia circa 13th century.59 Most of the Bulgar settlements (the remains of the Bulgar culture) of Chuvashia are found to be established in the east and the southeastern parts of the region. The Bulgar settlements are quite close to the other communal settlements. As it can be seen on the map, the settlements revealed during the archaeological excavations in Chuvashia can be listed as follows: See Map No:1 Middle Volga Expedition Findings 1. BolshetayabinskoyeGorodishche 2. TigashevskoyeGorodishche 3. BolsheyalchikskoyeGorodishche 4. BayteryakovskoyeGorodishche 5. NovobaybatyrevskoyeGorodishche 6. Arabosiyskoye Settlement 7. Kryashenskoye Gorodishche Chuvash Expedition Findings 8. Bolshetayabinskoye Graveyard B.V.Kahovskiy,”İtogi Arheologiçeskih Rabot 1979-1980 v Çuvaşskoy ASSR” ,Aktualnıye Problemı Arheologii i Etnografii Çuvaşskoy ASSR”,İlimler akademisi,Çeboksarı,1982, s15 59 Y.A.Krasnov, Problema Proishojdeniya Çuvaşskogo Naroda v Svete Arheologiçeskih Dannıh, SA yayınevi, No:3,1974,s.112-124 58 623 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 9. Imenkovskoye Settlement 10. Tigashevskoye I Gorodishche 11. Tigashevskoye II Gorodishche 12. Staro-YanashevskoyeGorodishche 13. Novo-Ahpendinskoye Settlement 14. Toisi area findings 15. Norvashi region findings 16. Urmary region findings Tatar Archaeological Expedition Findings 17. AlmenevskoyeGorodishche 18. Almenevsky treasure and coins 19. Tigashevskoye III Settlement 20. Yanshihovskoye I Settlement 21. Yanshihovskoye II Settlement 22. Novochurinskoye Settlement 23. Yalchikskoye Settlement 24. Syurbeyevo (Novo Chelninskoye) Settlement 25. Yablonskoye I Settlement 26. Yablonskoye II Settlement 27. Yanashevskoye Findings 28. Bayteryakovskoye Findings 29. Novochurinskoye Findings 30. Syurbeyevo (Novo Chelninskoye) Findings 31. Syurbeyevo I (Chelninskoye) Findings 32. Stepno-Shihazanskoye II Findings 33. Chkalovskoye I Findings 34. Chkalovskoye II Findings 35. Turunovskoye Findings 36. Nikishenskoye Findings The places which were found earlier: 37. Baygrychenskoye Tombstone 38. Bayteryakovskoye Grave 39. The Tombstone of PolevyyeBikshiki Village 624 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 40. Indyrchinsk Findings The excavation works performed in Chuvashia uncovered that the majority of the Bulgar settlements (34 settlements) were located in the southeast of Chuvashia (31 settlements) while the others were scattered around the Bula River (3 settlements), in the east (3 settlements) and northeast of Chuvashia (3 settlements)60. See Map No:2 It should be reminded of that, according to the written sources, the Bulgars arrived to the Middle Volga region in the 5th century for the first time, or, rather, during the “Migration of Tribes” with the Huns61. The Bulgars, who were subdued by the Gokturks in the 6th century, founded the Old Great Bulgaria in the 7th century62. The grave in Bolshe Tarhansk of the late 8th-early 9th century proves a second wave of migration to the Middle Volga63. It is already known that this migration was caused by the Arab-Khazar wars, the Mervan defeat of the Khanate of Khazar in 737 and, consequently, the acceptance of Islam by the Khazars 64. The third wave of migration resulted out of the strong attacks of the Pechenegs during the second half of the 9th century and lasted until the early 10th century65. The Volga Vulgar state completed its formation until the late 10th century, at the latest. The Volga River proved its significance in the economic, political and historical development of the Volga-Ural area. This great river disembogued to the Caspian Sea and, therefore, allowed contact with the Central Asia, and even China, since it was on the great caravan route of trade which came from Turkistan-Khwarezm as well as the Middle Volga area and the Urals were connected with the Caucasus and Iran (through the Kama River). The Kama River, which is the biggest distributary of the Volga, was a very prominent way of transportation and established connection between the Middle Volga and the Western Siberia. Besides, there were also many rivers of miscellaneous dimensions other than these two rivers. Of these; the Belaya, Vyatka, Ik, Zey, Sheshma rivers flowed into the Kama River while Bolshoy Cheremshan, Sviyaga and Sura flowed towards the Volga. The fertile soil and the rivers with a great reservoir of fish sustained the life in the region while the areas with deep R.G.Fahruddinov,”O Stepeni Zaselennosti Bulgarami Territorii Sovremennoy Çuvaşskoy ASSR”,s.188 A.S.Pletneva, Drevniye Bolgarı v Vostoçnoyevropeyskih Stepyah, Tatarskaya Arheologiya,No:1,Tataristan İlimler Akademisi, Kazan,1997,s.40-45 62 A.S.Pletneva,Oçerki Hazarskoy Arheologii, Geşarim, Jerusalim, 1999,s.210 63 V.F.Gening,A.H.Halikov,Ranniyebolgarına Volge(BolşeTarhanskiyMogilnik),Nauka,Moskova,1964,s.201 64 M.İ. Artomonov,İstoriyaHazar, s.281-322 65 A.S.Pletneva, DrevniyeBolgarı v Vostoçnoyevropeyskih Stepyah,s.49 60 61 625 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies forests hosted precious animals. Besides, the trade that had commenced between the Scandinavians and the Sasanians as of the 6th century developed positively during the following periods. After the Vareg-Rus entered into trade, the Bulgar state became one of the most important centers of international economic activity66. We can see that agriculture, trade, hunting, husbandry, apiculture and artisanship came all together in the area. In this sense, the Bulgars occupied a significant place among the Turkic and non-Turkic tribes of their era. The harsh and cold weather of the Middle Volga compared to the milder southern weather conditions from where the Bulgars came forced them to stable wooden houses instead of their tent homes. The houses were made within a short time by placing thick trees one on another according to the conditions of the climate. The roofs were covered either by timber or straw. The roofs were made perpendicularly in order to abstain from rain and snow. The houses contained few or more rooms according to the wealth of the householders. They were generally built near rivers or forests67. The inhabitants were trying to keep pace with the climate and geographical conditions and were establishing big cities having adopted a sedentary life.68 The historians have a consensus on the absence of a Bulgar culture in Chuvashia until the 10th century. The most important reason for such absence is the geographical location and vegetation69 of Chuvashia. Chuvashia is almost completely covered with forests; however, only the southeastern part of it, that is, the area between the Kubnya River and the Karla River, is covered with chernozem soil (black earth)70. It is like a follow-up of the Middle Sviyaga River (Buinsk Forests). These forests consisted of oak, linden, maple and pine trees. Later on, during the late periods, a part of the forests were cut and agricultural fields replaced them. As a result, the agricultural area corresponded to 31% of the total area. The vicinity of the Sura River, that is, Chuvashia beyond the Volga River, is surrounded with marshes at some points. The rate of plateaus around the Sura and Tsivil rivers is only 3,6%71. F.Ş.Huzin, İssledovaniyapo Bulgaro-Tatarskoy Arheologii ,s.35 A..Kurat, Türk KavimleriveDevletleri, s.115 68 F.Ş.Huzin,İssledovaniyapoBulgaro-TatarskoyArheologii,Tataristanİlimler Akademisi,Kazan,2011,s.35 69 Vegetation: The flora formed by plant community (forest, steppe or meadow etc.) in an area. 70 Chernozem: Also known as black earth. This type of soil is the most fertile earth of the world. It is known to be very efficient for agriculture. It is generally seen below the mountainous prairies in the semi-humid areas of the middle zone of the world. The reason for its rich humus is that this type of earth is not washed and the plants do not decompose fast due to low temperature. The rich humus content turns it into black color. Therefore, it is also known as black earth. 71 N.İ.Vorobyev, A.N.Lvova, N.R.Romanov, A.R.Simonov,Çuvaşi: Etnografiçeskoye İssledovaniye, Çuvaşistan devlet Yayınları, Çeboksarı,1956,s.67 66 67 626 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE See Map.No.3 The fields of Chuvashia were completely covered with forests in the 9th-10thcentuies; however, the dense “valezhnik”72 on the virgin soils was not attractive neither for nomads nor farmers. Furthermore, according to the traditional beliefs of the Chuvashes, evil spirits lived in dark places, that is, in forests or mountains. In the 9th-10th centuries, there were many untouched steppe and semi-steppe areas alternatively which were available for settlement in the Middle Volga region. The habitation by the Bulgars in the right part of the Volga region started in the 10th century at the earliest while the middle parts of Chuvashia were inhabited during the Khanate of Kazan. The collective habitation of the forest areas by the Chuvash people took place following some political occurrences. These political events restrained the Chuvashes socio-economically, and they did not attempt to establish a state although they had a settled life and were farmers73. The arrival of the Volga Bulgars to the region corresponds to the 10th century since the Volga Bulgars gathered densely around the trade routes, adopted a sedentary life due to the increasing population and search for fertile lands having left nomadic wandering, and since the lands of Chuvashia, the western border of the Volga Bulgar state, was covered with dense forests. The Chuvash name, as an ethnicity, was denominated after the Mongol invasion. A part of the people in the Bulgar state who did not accept Islam and spoke the Oghur language migrated to the Finnish region, which was also a part of the Bulgar state, after the fall of the Golden Horde state while the remaining others followed them at a further date. Both joined the local people there and formed the Chuvash people74. ‘Valezhnik’ is the fallen trees or tree branches which become rotten due to rain or snow during seasonal changes. They help the resulting layer to host various types of microorganisms. These rotten trees create a layer in time and are covered by moss. 73 N.İ.Vorobyev, A.N.Lvova,N.R.Romanov,A.R.Simonov,Çuvaşi:Etnografiçeskoye İssledovaniye,s.72 74 Peter. B.Golden, Türk Halkları Tarihine Giriş, s.406 72 627 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Figure.1 Figure.2 628 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Figure.3 Figure .3: BolsheYangildinsk Settlement, Late Bulgar Ceramic Figures 1 and 2: Tautov Settlement, Findings of Late Bulgar Ceramics Figures 3 and 4: Yanmurzinsk Settlement, Findings of Late Bulgar Ceramics 629 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Map.No:1 630 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDINGS OF THE RIGHT SIDE OF THE VOLGA RIVER 1.Pre-Mongolian Gorodishches 2.Gorodishches of the Golden Horde Period 3. Archaeological Findings of the Pre-Mongolian - Golden Horde Transition Periods 4. BulgarGorodishches (uncertain historical period) 5.Pre-Mongolian settlement areas 6.Golden Horde period settlement areas 7.Settlement Areas of the Pre-Mongolian - Golden Horde Transition Periods 8.Bulgar settlement areas 9.Pre-Mongolian graves 10.Graves of the Golden Horde Period 11.Graves of the Golden Horde - the Khanate of Kazan Periods 12.Bulgar Graves 13.Single gravestones of the Golden Horde Period 14.Single gravestones of the Golden Horde and the Khanate of Kazan Periods 15.The graves with the stones of the Golden Horde Period 16. 15.The graves with the stones of the Khanate of Kazan - the Golden Horde Periods 17.Coins and treasures of the Golden Horde Period 18.Single findings of the pre-Mongolian Period 19. 18.Single findings of the Golden Horde Period 20.Single findings of the Pre-Mongolian - Golden Horde Transition Periods 21.Single findings of the Golden Horde - the Khanate of Kazan Periods 18.Single findings of the Bulgar Period 23. Pre-Mongolian ceramic findings 24.Ceramic findings of the Golden Horde Period 25.Ceramic findings belonging to the Bulgars 26.Artificial soil elevations 27.The borders of the Republic of Tatarstan (SSCB era) 631 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Map No:2 632 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Map No:3 633 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies BIBLIOGRAPHY AHMETBEYOĞLU, Ali,Grek Seyyah Priskos(V.Asır)’a Göre Avrupa Hunları, Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı, İstanbul, 1995 ANNİNSKİY, S.A,İzvestiya Vengerskih Missionerov XIII-XIV. vv o Tatarah i VostoçnoyEvrope,C.III,SSCBİlimler Akademisi,Moskova,1940 ARTOMONOV, M.İ,İstoriya Hazar, Lani yayınevi, St. Petersburg, 2001 BARTOLD, V.V. “Türk halklarının Tarihinin güncel durumu ve sorunları “,Pervıy Vsesoyuznıy Türkologiçeskiy Syezd 26 Şubat- 5 Mart 1926,Nagıl Evi, Bakü,2011 BAŞTAV,Şeref,Makaleler 1,Berikan Yayınevi, Ankara,2005 ÇİÇUROV,İ.S.Vizantiyskiye İstoriçeskiye Soçineniya: ”Hronologiya” Feofana,” Brevariy” Nikifora,Nauka. 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Osman Karatay, Ötüken, İstanbul, 2016 HERBERSTEİN Sigismund, Zapiski o Moskovitskih Delah ,çev.A.İ.Malevina, A.S.Suvorinyayınevi, St. Peterburg,1908 HLEBNİKOVA, T.A,Proishojdeniye Mariyskogo Naroda (Materyalı Nauçnoy Sesii”,Arheologiçeskiye Pamyatniki XIII-XV. yy v Gornomariyskom Rayone Mariyskoy ASSR, Yoşkar-Ola,1967 HUZİN, F.Ş, İssledovaniyapo Bulgaro-Tatarskoy Arheologii,Tataristan İlimler Akademisi, Kazan, 2011 HUZİN,F.Ş,Voljskaya Bulgariya v Domongolskoye Vremya(X-XIII.v),Fest,Kazan,1997 HVALSON ,A.D.,İzvestiya o Hozarah,Burtasah,Bolgarah,Madyarah,Slavyanah i rusah Abu-Ali Ahmeda Ben Omar İbn Dasta, 634 Neizvestnogodosele Arabskogo CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE PisatelyaNaçalaX.vekapo Rukopyasyam Britanskogo Muzeya, İmparator ilimler Akademisi, St.Petersburg,1869 İORDAN, “Getica”- Gotların kökenleri ve Uğraşları hakkında, Çev. E. Skrijevskaya ,Vostaçnaya Letiratura, Moskova, 1960 İSTORİYA Tatrskoy ASSR, Tatknigoizdat yayınları, Kazan,1973 KAHOVSKİY,B.V,”İtogi Arheologiçeskih Rabot 1979-1980 v Çuvaşskoy ASSR” ,Aktualnıye ProblemıA rheologii i Etnografii Çuvaşskoy ASSR”,İlimler akademisi, Çeboksarı,1982 KALİNİNA, T.M,Dreniye Gosudarstvanateretorii SSSR (SvedeniyaİbnHavkalya o PohodahRusi VremyenSvyatoslava),Nauka, Moskova,1976, KARATAY, Osman,”Suvarlar: DoğuAvrupanın Esrarengiz Kavmi”,Türk Dünyası İncelemeleri Dergisi, C.X, Sayı1, İzmir 2010 KAŞGARLI, Mahmud, Divanü Lülati’t Türk, T.C.Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, Anakara,1990 KRASNOV, Y.A, Problema Proishojdeniya Çuvaşskogo Naroda v Svete Arheologiçeskih Dannıh, SA, No:3,1974 KURAT, A.N, Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri, Murat Kitabevi Yayınları, 3 Baskı, Ankara,1992 MİLLER, G.E. Opisaniye Jivuşih v Kazanskoy Gubernii Yazıçeskih Narodov Çeremis, Çuvaş i Votyakov, İmparatoradınaİlimler akademisi,St.Petersburg,1791 NOVOSELTSEV, A.P,Hazarskoye Gosudarstvo i ego Rol v İstorii Vostoçnoy Yevropı i Kavkaza, Nauka, Moskova, 1990 OLEARİUS, Adam, Opisaniye Puteşestviya v Moskoviyu, Çerezmoskoviyu v Persiyu i Obratno.çev. A. M. Lovyagin,A.S.Suvorinyayınevi, St. Peterburg,1908 PALLAS, P.S, Puteşestviyepo Raznım Provintsıyam Rossiyskoy İmperii, İmparator Adına İlimler Akademisi, St. Petersburg,1773 PLETNEVA, A.S.Oçerki Hazarskoy Arheologii,Geşarim,Jerusalim,1999 PLETNEVA,A.S., Drevniye Bolgarı v Vostoçnoyevropeyskih Stepyah, Tatarskaya Arheologiya,No:1,Tataristan İlimler Akademisi,Kazan,1997 PLETNEVA, S.A,”Sltovo-Mayatskayakultura”, StepiYevraazii v EpohuS rednevekovya, SSCB İlimler Akademisi, Moskova,1981 PLETNEVA, S.A,OtKoçeviy k Gorodam:Sltovo Mayatskaya Kultura, Nauka, Moskova,1967 635 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies POPPE, N.N,”Çuvaşskiyyazık i ego Otnoşeniye k Mongolskomu i TürskimYazıkam”, Bulletin de l’Academie des Sciences de Russie,Rusya İlimler Akademisinden Haberler,1924 RASSONYİ, Lazlo, Tarihte Türklük, Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü, Ankara,1993 SMİRNOV, A.P, Arheologiçeskiye Pamyatniki Çuvaşii i Probleme Etnogeneza Çuvaşskogo O Naroda, Çuvaşskogo Proishojdenii Naroda, Çuvaşistan Devlet Yayınları,Çeboksarı,1957 ŞEŞEN, Ramazan, İslam Coğrafyacılarına Göre Türkler ve Türk Ülkeleri, TTK yayınları, Ankara,2001 TAŞAĞIL, Ahmet, Gök-Türkler, TTK, Ankara,1995 TATİŞEV,V.N.,Rossiyskaya İstoriya,C.I,SSCB İlimler Akademisi,Moskova.1962 VOROBYEV, N.İ, LVOVA, A.N, ROMANOV, N.R, SİMONOV,A.R,Çuvaşi: Etnografiçeskoye İssledovaniye, Çuvaşistan devlet Yayınları,Çeboksarı,1956 ZAHODER,B.N, Kaspiyskiy Svod Svedeniy o Vostoçnoyevrope, C.II,Nauka, Moskova, 1967 ZASETSKAYA ,İ.P, “O Hronologii Pogrebeniy “Epohi Pereseleniya Narodov Nijnego Povoljya”,Sovetskaya Arheologiya,Nauka,Moskva.1968 ZASETSKAYA,İ.P.,Kulturakoçevnikov Yujnorusskih Stepey v Gunskuyu Epohu (Konets IV-V.vv),Ellips LTD yayınları,St.Petersburg,1994 ZİMONYİ, Istvan, “Bulgarlar ve Ogurlar”, Türkler, C.2, Yeni Türkiye yayınları, Ankara,2002 Tüm Rus Yıllıklar Ciltleri (Lvovsk yıllıkğı) C.20, M.A. Aleksandrov publication, St. Petersburg,1914 Tüm RusYıllıklar Ciltleri (PatriarşiveNikononskeki),C.13,Yazıki Russkoy KulturıYayınları, Moskova,2000 Tüm Rus Yıllıklar Ciltleri (Voskresenskeki),C.8,Eduard Prats yayınevi, St. Petersburg,1859 Tüm Rus Yıllıklar Ciltleri, PartiarşiveNikonovskayaYıllıkları, C.10,Nauka.Moskova,1965 Tüm Rus Yıllıklar Ciltleri, Rogojski yLetopisets,TverskoySbornik, C.15,Nauka,Moskova,1965 Tüm RusYıllıklar Ciltleri.,İpatyev Yıllığı, C.2 ,Nauka,Moskova,1962 Tüm RusYıllıklar Ciltleri.,Lavrentiyevyıllığı ve Suzdal Yıllığı, C1,Vostoçnaya Literatura yayınları, Moskova,1962 636 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Müslüman Coğrafyacıların Gözüyle Ortaçağda Türkler,Der ve Çev.,Yusuf ZiyaYörükhan , İstanbul ,Gelenekyayınevi ,2004 Çuvaş Ansiklopedisi elektronik versiyonu http://enc.cap.ru/?t=publ&lnk=704 637 ,Bolgar Arkeolojik Kültür; Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies 638 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Relations between Ukraine and Quadrupole Alliance on the Course of First Peace Agreement of World War I Ender KORKMAZ Introduction First World War was an historical event with devastating consequences such as mass destruction of both infrastructure and people. The war that was called by Ottoman people of the era as “Harb-i Umumi” which means “the general war” in English, had caused death of more than eight and half million people. The war which was sustained unrecoverable casualties for the nations of the era also changed the borders of Eastern Europe dramatically. Ukraine, which was an important agricultural heaven in the eyes of fighting sides also emerged as an independent nation by breaking the chains of Tzardom and the Bolsheviks. Russian Revolution of 1917 was resulted with the opportunities for the nations living under the dome of Tzardom, which granted them a chance to decide their own fate. Albeit Bolsheviks who emerged as a dominant power from the chaos, had used their capabilities which they have taken from Tzardom in order to pressurize borning countries such as Ukraine, Crimea and Azerbaijan, for annexing them into the Soviet reign. Ukraine had a significant importance in the WWI era because of being a country with agricultural surplus where the other countries of the continent were in danger of famine due to the war efforts. Because of this situation, Ukraine was important for both of the Quadripule Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary Empire, Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria) and Bolsheviks. Especially Soviets, whose chain of production was heavily disrupted by the ongoing revolution and war efforts, was in need of Ukrainian grain desperately in order to feed the soldiers of Red Army. Most important step of Ukrainian independency process was the diplomatical victory gained in Brest-Litovsk talks by the Ukrainian delegation. The delegation sent by Ukraine had used the strategical advantages of the country in order to guarantee being recognized as an independent state. Ukrainian delegation had participated in Brest Litovsk talks as an independent delegation and they have acquired international legitimacy of independent Ukraine by the treaty signed on 9 February 1918. 639 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Independency Process of Ukraine and Brest Litovsk Negotiations Events happened in 1917’s lands of Tzardom have changed the fate of the people living in the territory. Meanwhile, Ukraine had claimed an autonomy and Russian Federation who were struggling against the chaos of therestoration and reformation of creating a new regime, had to recognize Ukraine’s new status. Afterwards, Ukraine’s “Centralna Rada” published a declaration which was also the declaration of the process of being an independent state on 20 November 1917. Although the ties with the Russian Federation were not completely broken with this declaration but it was announced that the elections would start on the 9th of January and on the 22th of January the new Rada will be held1. In the elections, the “National Liberals” won 75 per cent of the parliamentary seats, while the Bolsheviks won only 10 per cent2. Germans who were struggling by heavy fighting in two wide fronts and Bolsheviks who were out of the power and resources for maintaining the fight against Germany due to the turmoil of the civil war, launched negotiations in order to maintain a lasting peace3. Ongoing negotiations resulted with a ceasefire which was going to start on the 15th of December. The cease-fire that was signed by the both sides came into effect on the 17th of December4. With the start of negotiations between the Quadripule Alliance and the Bolsheviks, the Ukrainian side had decided to make their own move by sending a delegation to negotiations in order to participate in the talks. The Ukrainian delegation, which includes Levitsky, Liobensky and Servuk, was participated in Brest Litovsk negotiations and aimed to obtain Ruthenian sides of Galicia and Bukovina as Ukrainian land also abandonment of Cholm sector by Austria and Hungary Empire and international recognizing of Ukraine5. With the proclamation of the ceasefire, the peace negotiations were starting and the delegations of the countries were shapening. The first sitting on the peace treaty took place on 22 December 1917. Minister of Foreign Affairs of Germany, Richard von Kühlmann, also the head of the German delegation, elected as the chairperson of the talks. During the session which was begun with the speech of Prince Leopold of Bavaria; Austria-Hungary delegation was presided by Ottokar Von Czernin also the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austrian Government, 1 Declaration made bu Volodymyr Vynnychenko (Prime Minister of Ukraine) on 20 November 1917, Source Records of the Great War (SGW), Vol. VI, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923, ABD 1923, p.19. 2 John W. Wheeler-Bennett, Brest-Litovsk The Forgotten Peace March 1918, McMillian and Co. Limited, London 1938, p.154. 3 "Mütareke", Tanin, 5 December 1917, no.3227, p.1. 4 Judah L. Magnes, Russia and Germany at Brest Litovsk, The Rand School of Social Science, New York 1919, p.47., "Russia", New York Tribune, Review Eki, 16 December 1917, No:25963, p.1. "Müzakere İmza Edildi Karadeniz'de Serbesti-i Seyr-ü Sefer Başladı", Tanin, 17 December 1917, No. 3238, p.1. 5 Wheeler-Bennet, ibid, p.154. 640 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Bolsheviks were presided by Adolf Joffe, Bulgaria was presided by Popov also the Minister of Justice of Bulgarian Government and Ottoman delegation was presided by Ottoman Minister of Foreign Affairs-Ahmet Nesimi Bey. The heads of the delegations of Turkish and Bulgarian sides were going to be changed in the following days. Turkish delegation was going to be presided by Grand Vizier Talat Pasha, on the 8th of December. And Bulgarian delegation was going to be presided by Prime Minister Vasil Radoslavov. Adolph Joffe was going to be replaced by Leon Trotsky, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolsheviks Government6. On the other hand, the contacts between the Turkish side and the Ukrainians started as soon as the ceasefire was declared. As it’s understood by the telegram sent to Ottoman Minister of War Enver Pasha by Zeki Pasha who was Military representative of Ottoman delegation in Brest Litovsk, two Ukrainian military officers contacted to Zeki Pasha in order to share knowledge about current situation of Ukraine and the future plans of the Ukrainians7. At the beginning of the negotiations in Brest-Litovsk, on the 19th of December, the Bolsheviks gave a 48 hour long ultimatum to Ukraine who sent a delegation to negotiations in order to being recognized as an independent state. As this ultimatum had not been accepted by Ukraine, state of war began between two8. Red Army forces began to besiege Kiev as Rada did not step back in the face of the ultimatum. By besieging Kyiv, Bolsheviks were aiming to put pressure on Ukraine, which had made strong attempts towards the independence9. The Quadruple Alliance delegation contacted the Ukrainian delegation as official first contact on 6 January 1918 after some unofficial meetings. Czernin, the head of the AustrianHungarian delegation says in his memories that The Ukrainian delegation was less revolutionary than the Bolshevik delegation and the members of the delegation was caring for their homeland rather than the socialist paradigm10. In his memoirs, Trotsky speaks differently about the Ukrainian delegation. Trotsky asserts that the Ukrainian delegation sitting on the table in Brest-Litovsk, was defending the idea of breaking away from Russia under the influence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, who wants to Balkanize Russian territory11. 6 Ottokar von Czernin, Ottokar Czernin, In the World War, Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York, 1920, p.232. 7 Harbiye Nazırı Enver Paşa tarafından Hariciye Nezareti’ne gönderilen 18 December 1917 tarihli tahrirat, Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (Bundan sonra BOA), HR. SYS, 2294/11-72, p.193. BOA, Osmanlı Belgelerinde Birinci Dünya Harbi, c.2., Seçil Ofset, İstanbul 2013, p.193. 8 "Ukrayna'ya Ültimatom", Tanin, 21 December 1917, No.3242, p.1, 2. Magnes, a.g.e, p.28. 9 Bolşeviklerin Kiev kuşatması hakkında daha ayrıntılı bilgi için bkz. Cafer Seydahmet Kırımer, Bazı Hatıralar, Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı, İstanbul 1993, p.291-297. 10 Czernin, ibid, p.231-232. 11 Leon Trotzky, From October to Brest Litovsk, The Socialist Publication Society, New York 1919, p.87. 641 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies In the first sessions, The Ukrainian delegation had explicitly stated to the representatives of the Quadripule Alliance that they would not settle for the less than the recognition of Ukraine as an independent state in the international community12. On the other hand, the representatives of the Quadruple Alliance, who sensed the maneuvers of the Bolshevik delegation, decided to continue the talks as an ultimatum against Bolshevik side13. Meanwhile in Kyiv, Ukrainian Prime Minister declared to the delegation of Quadripule Alliance that Bolsheviks weren’t representing Russia as a whole, also there wasn’t such an authority to represent all Russia as a whole and there wasn’t going to be such a government near future. So he declared that due to the all conditions above, Ukraine was representing herself by the delegation which was sent by Ukrainian Rada14. On the other hand, Czernin was worrying about the danger of famine which was emerged in January. According to Czernin, if the danger of famine in Austria could not be eliminated, this could lead to a disturbance in the society and a revolt that would strengthen the hands of the Bolsheviks. Even though Czernin had applied to Germany for preventing from the danger of famine in Vienna, he was aware of that the Ukrainian grain was the only possible solution in order to feed both people and soldiers. Yet the Germans had clearly stated that they could not be sending any food to Austria in a short period of time after Czernin’s application. By the current situation Ukrainian question became even a more pressing matter for the members of Quadripule Alliance. In fact, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had had reservations about Ukraine's vision of territorial integrity. In particular, they weren’t approving Ukraine’s demands for territories from the regions controlled by the Austro-Hungarian Empire. As a result of oncoming danger of famine with the possible civil commotion because of the hunger, Ukrainian question had become even a more pressing matter15. As mentioned above, the danger of famine and a following social unrest had become one of the urgent agendas of the Austrian government. An intense communication traffic between Vienna and Czernin had begun for solving the problem. Prime Minister of Austria, Siedler, supported Czernin’s idea about accepting demands of Ukraine in order to sign a peace agreement as soon as possible. Albeit the abandonment of the Cholm region would have been opposed by the Poles under the rule of the Empire. But for Siedler, any delay in the signing of peace would be even more dangerous. However, Hungarian Prime Minister Wekerle was also 12 Czernin, ibid, p.235. Czernin, ibid, p.234. 14 Volodymyr Vynnychenko tarafından gönderilen 10 January 1918 tarihli çağrı metni, SGW, p.25, 26. 15 Bennet, ibid, p.168, 169. 13 642 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE opposing against the demands of Ukraine. Czernin had declared that if Hungary would have sent enough grain and corn to Austria, he would gladly reject the demands of Ukraine. Of course, Hungary wasn’t even near to send grain to Austria by the mean of their own scarcity of agricultural productions. Czernin, who found himself in a difficult position, sought the support of Emperor Karl for signing the peace with Ukraine. As Czernin would have hoped, Emperor Karl had fully supported him16. On the other hand Trotsky, who had left for Petrograd after the recent events, had been returned with a new plan. He had brought so called Ukraine delegation with him consisted of Medvjedev, Satarisky and Scahray. Those people were representatives of the so called Bolshevik Ukrainian Government17. Bolsheviks were in a strong belief that there will be a chain of revolutions all around the World, so they would gain advantage of these revolutions if they could postpone the peace agreement. Trotsky was aiming to gain time until these hoped revolutions occur18. These circumstances had forced Czernin to go to Vienna by himself and to take the Ukrainian question to the highest level of imperial administration. The Ukrainian question had been discussed in a committee headed by the emperor’s himself. Czernin's views were widely accepted by the other members of the committee. It was appreciated that in order to overcome danger of famine, Austria’s only chance was to reach an agreement with Ukraine who had a large agricultural surplus. Of course; to cede East Galicia to Ukraine wasn’t consented willingly, but the danger of famine was tying hands of Imperial authorities. As it is already mentioned there was a large agricultural surplus in Ukraine and Austria wasn’t to receive any food granted by Germany or Hungary19. Following days, the fate of Ukraine had swiftly become even a more important question at Brest-Litovsk. The preliminary talks, which started on the 30th of January, were opened under the presidency of Ottoman Grand Vizier Talat Pasha. The Russian delegation consisted of Trotsky, Joffe, Bizenko, and Karelin. The Soviet delegation was including two more people from the Bolshevik Ukrainians, the so-called Ukrainian government in Kharkiv. One of them was Head of Executive Committee in Kharkiv, Medvjedev and the other was General Secretary of State Military Affairs, General Scahray. 16 Bennet, ibid, p.201-203. Bennet, ibid, p.208. 18 Czernin, ibid, p.245. 19 Czernin, ibid, p.240-244. 17 643 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Trotsky, as the spokesperson of the Soviet delegation, said that “Ukrainian Soviets are decisively fighting against Rada forces”. According to him; Donetsk, Yekaterinslav and Kharkiv regions were already under the control of the Soviets. He was claiming that Soviet forces were being increased as Rada forces were being decreased. Therefore, any treaty signed with Rada would not be a treaty signed with Ukraine. Liobensky, spokesperson of Ukrainian delegation, had declared that Ukrainian side would not take a position before the other members of the Ukrainian delegation returns from Kyiv. Thereafter, the head of the German delegation, Kühlmann, had proposed that the talks be postponed until the return of the Ukrainian delegation to Brest Litovsk. Czernin supported this proposal, but advised the representatives to work on the land issue in order not to waste time. Trotsky also supported this proposal. After then Talat Pasha had finished the session20. In order to settle Ukrainian issue, on the following day, 1st of February, a final session had been held where Rada and Bolshevik delegations were ready. Severjuk, who was the spokesman of the Ukrainian delegation in this session, stated that the manifesto announced by Rada on November 20, 1917, revealed the international identity of Ukraine and was also recognized by the Council of People's Commissars (Bolshevik Council of Ministers). During the same period of time, this manifesto was also recognized by the members of the Quadripule Alliance. Therefore, the Ukrainian delegation had proposed that Ukraine be recognized as an independent state. After this declaration, Medvjedev who was bearing the title of the representative of the so called Kharkiv Executive Committee, claimed that a significant part of Ukraine was under Soviet control, therefore Rada couldn’t present the entire Ukraine. And he had stated that as “legal representative of Ukraine” his opinion was in line with the views of the Soviet delegation and claimed that the Ukrainian people would not recognize any agreement signed by the Rada delegation. After Medvjedev, Trotsky said that Ukraine was also represented as a part of Russia in the 3rd Soviet Congress in Petrograd, after Ukrainian Rada refused to join the Russian Federation. He claimed that in the past, the post-revolutionary Russian authority recognized Rada as the legitimate representative of Ukraine but this situation changed after the 3rd Soviet Congress. Therefore, the Ukrainian question would be considered the internal affair of Russia. On the other hand, he also claimed, even though representatives of Rada had not been rejected by the Soviet delegation, the representatives of Quadripule Alliance must accept that as Magnes, ibid, 105. “Brest Litovsk Müzakeratı”, Tanin, 2 February 1918, n.3285, p.1, 2. “Brest-Litovsk Müzakeratı”, Vakit, 1 February 1918, n.3284, p.4. “Ukrayna’yı Kim Temsil Edecek?”, Vakit, 2 February 1918, n.104, p.1. “Sulh Müzakeratı”, Tesvir-i Efkar, 2 February 1918, n.236, p.1. 20 644 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE representatives of Ukrainian Bolsheviks had already arrived to Brest-Litovsk, any agreement between the Alliance and Rada delegation would be null and void unless it’s also accepted by Ukrainian Bolsheviks. Speaking on behalf of the Ukrainian delegation, Liobensky had replied that Ukraine was recognized by the international powers as an independent state, therefore the Ukrainian issue could not be regarded as the internal affair of Russia. Then he had protested Trotsky and his arguments. Liobensky also argued that Soviet approach to Ukrainian issue had also proved that Soviet’s claim about paying respect to peoples’ choice of their own fate is totally disingenuous. In his opinion, the Soviet delegation had tried to discredit the Ukrainian delegation by adding new elements from Kharkiv to the Soviet delegation while other members of Ukrainian delegation were away in Kyiv. He had also stated that the so called the Bolshevik Ukrainian representatives were not legitimate. Because in the Ukrainian elections the Bolsheviks had only 10 percent of the votes and this proves how Petrograd is far from Ukrainian people. Moreover, on 3 December 1917, 2000 delegates representing the Ukrainian peasants and soldiers gathered in Kyiv and they declared confidence to Rada and President Hrushevsky except 80 Bolsheviks amongst 2000 delegates. Those 80 delegates who had not accepted legitimacy of Rada and the president fled to Kharkiv and declared a new government. According to Liobensky; this government, which is certainly to be massacred by the people of Kharkiv if it is not protected by some of the irregular troops of the Red Army, does not even represent Kharkiv. After the statements of sides Czernin had closed the session by stating that as it is understood by the statements of both sides, it becomes clear that Ukraine is an independent state which could sign treaties by her own and the delegation sent by Ukrainian Rada is legitimate representatives of Ukraine21. Czernin had used Ukrainians as a trump against Bolsheviks by gathering both sides in a session. According to him, the arguments of the Ukrainian delegation had put Trotsky in a difficult position. Thus, Trotsky's claim to represent all the former lands of Tzardom, including Ukraine, was greatly damaged in front of the Allies22. The Ukrainian issue had been shaped in the eyes of the Quadruple Alliance. On the 4th of February Von Kühlmann and Czernin left Brest-Litovsk for Berlin. On the 5th of February, Grand Vizier Talat Pasha and Prime Minister Radoslavov had joined them23. The Ukrainian 21 Magnes, ibid, 108-112. “Sulh Müzakeratında Ukrayna Davası”, Vakit, 5 February 1918, no.107, p.1. “Vaziyette Ukrayna Lehine İnkişaf”, Vakit, 6 February 1918, no.108, p.1. 22 Czernin, ibid, p.246. 23 Magnes, ibid, 115. 645 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies issue should have been handled as soon as possible. Because the Bolsheviks had begun to send the Ukrainian crops to inside of Russia24. The Quadripule Alliance, especially Austria-Hungary Empire must have been hindered the intentions of Bolsheviks on the Ukraine whatever the cost. Otherwise, the possible famine would have caused serious problems in Vienna in a short period of time. If this happens it would lead to a dissolution amongst the troops in Balkan and Italian fronts. During this period, Bolshevik pressure on Kyiv had been even increased as the siege was tightening around the city25. On the other hand, another remarkable city of Ukraine and most important Ukrainian port to Black Sea, Odessa had fallen to the hands of Bolsheviks 26. The strategic position of the Bolsheviks in Ukraine was getting stronger day by day. Czernin and Kühlmann returned from Berlin on 6 February 1918. The Next day, the "Political and Boundary Issues Committee" was gathered27. The Quadripule Alliance was accelerating the peace process. But on 8 February 1918, Red Army completely seized Kyiv and pushed Ukrainian Rada out of the city28. On the same day, negotiations were held between the delegations of the Quadruple Alliance and Rada. During the day, they had come to a conclusion by writing a final text for signing. The negotiations lasted until the first hours of the 9 th of February. Finally, on February 9 at 02.20 the agreement was signed by both of the parties 29. During the signing of the Treaty, the Grand Vizier Talat Pasha, Ibrahim Pasha, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ahmet Nesimi Bey, Former Minister of War and Deputy Ahmet İzzet Pasha were present on behalf of Ottoman Empire. Germany was presented by Kühlmann and AustriaHungary Empire was presented by Czernin. The Bulgarian delegation was a bit wider. Bulgarian delegation led by Prime Minister Radoslavov and was including Andre Atashof, Ivan Shetoyanevich, Colonel Petrganchev and Teodor Anasthasof30. Czernin had taken most important step for preventing famine in Austria by crops grown in vast fields of Ukraine. Even the most of the Eastern Ukraine had been occupied by the Bolsheviks, there was still vast agricultural resources in the Western Ukraine which was under control of Rada. After the signing of the agreement Czernin stated; “Gentlemen: None of you will be able to close his eyes to the historical significance of this hour at which representatives of the four Allied [Central] Powers are met in this hall with “Ukrayna’dan Buğday Sevki”, Vakit, 8 February 1918, n.110, p.1. “Kiev’e Doğru”, Vakit, 8 February 1918, n.110, p.1. 26 “Odesa Bolşeviklerin Elinde”, İkdam, 6 February 1918, n.7540, p.1. 27 Magnes, ibid, 118-120. 28 Bennet, ibid, p.312. 29 Magnes, ibid, p.120, 121. 30 Meclis-i Mebusan, ibid, p.6,7. 24 25 646 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE representatives of the Ukrainian Peoples' Republic to sign the first peace to be attained in this world war. That this peace is signed with a young State which has emerged from the storms of the Great War gives special satisfaction to the representatives of the Allied [Central] Delegations. May this peace be the first of a series of blessed conclusions of peace, blessed both for the Allied [Central] Powers and for the Ukrainian Peoples' Republic, for the future of which we all cherish the best wishes. The President of the Ukrainian Delegation replied: We state with joy that from this day peace begins between the Quadruple Alliance and the Ukraine. It is true that we came here in the hope that we should be able to achieve a general peace and make an end of the fratricidal war. The political position, however, is such that not all the powers are met together here to sign a general peace treaty. Inspired with the most ardent love of our people and recognizing that this long war has exhausted the cultural and national power”31. Conclusion The nations those forms the Quadripule Alliance were first to recognize Ukraine as an independent state. There is no doubt that Germany and Austria-Hungary Empire were in the intention of covering their agricultural deficit by obtaining the crops of Ukraine. Even though, they’ve not accepted Ukraine’s territorial integrity not before Red Army stormed into Kyiv on the 8th of February. However Ottoman Empire must be considered as an exception amongst the members of the Alliance. It’s understood by the telegram sent by Grand Vizier Talat Pasha to Ottoman Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ottoman side have decided to recognize Ukraine and her territorial integrity not later than the 20th of January32. By the agreement of the 9th of February, Ukraine was recognized as an independent state and her territorial integrity was guaranteed by the might of Quadripule Alliance. In the beginning, Bolsheviks refused to recognize Ukraine and they had not ceased their offensive actions against Rada and Ukrainian troops and people. However, as they have withdrawn from the table by not recognizing peace agreement between the Alliance and Ukraine, Germany had launched a military offensive against them. German offensive resulted as a heavy defeat for 31 Magnes, ibid, p.121. Selami Kılıç, Türk-Sovyet İlişkilerinin Doğuşu – Brest Litovsk Barışı ve Müzakereleri (22 December 1917 – 3 March 1918), Dergah Yayınları, İstanbul 1998, p.75, 212. 32 647 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Bolsheviks who were forced to recognize the peace that was signed between Allies and Ukraine33. BIBLIOGRAPHY PRESS Ottoman Press İkdam Tanin Tesvir-i Efkâr Vakit Foreign Press New York Tribune BOOKS CZERNIN, Ottokar, In the World War, New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1920. KILIÇ, Selami, Türk-Sovyet İlişkilerinin Doğuşu – Brest Litovsk Barışı ve Müzakereleri (22 Aralık 1917 – 3 Mart 1918), İstanbul: Dergah Yayınları, 1998. KIRIMER, Cafer Seydahmet, Bazı Hatıralar, İstanbul: Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı, 1993. L. MAGNES, Judah, Russia and Germany at Brest Litovsk, New York: The Rand School of Social Science, 1919. , Meclis-i Mebusan, Hükümet-i Osmaniye ve Müttefikleri İle Ukrayna Arasında Hal-i Sulhun İadesi Hakkındaki Muahedatın İmza ve Teatisiyle Mezuniyeti Mutazammın Kanun ve Esbab-ı Mucibe Layihalarıyla Hariciye Encümeni Mazbatası, İstanbul: Meclis-i Mebusan Matbaası, 1334. , Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VI, ed. Charles F. Horne, USA: National Alumni 1923, 1923. TROTZKY, Leon, From October to Brest Litovsk, New York: The Socialist Publication Society, 1919. WHEELER-BENNETT, John W., Brest-Litovsk The Forgotten Peace March 1918, London: McMillian and Co. Limited, 1938. 33 For more information about this matter pls. check. Selamil Kılıç, ibid. 648 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE ARTICLES KURAN, Ercüment, “Birinci Dünya Savaşı”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopesi, c.6, İstanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, 1992, s.196-200. 649 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies CONTRIBUTORS Prof. Dr. Alla CYRIDON State Scientific Institution “Encyclopedic Publishing House”/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Artem PAPAKIN Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Behçet Kemal YEŞİLBURSA Uludağ University/TURKEY Prof. Dr. Elena BACHYNSKA Odessa I.I.Mechnikov National University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Ferhad TURANLY National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Ferruh AĞCA Eskişehir Osmangazi University/TURKEY Prof. Dr. Ivan PATRYLAK Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. İbrahim ŞAHİN Eskişehir Osmangazi University/TURKEY Prof. Dr. İbrahim TELLİOĞLU Ondokuzmayıs University/TURKEY Prof. Dr. Kapeliushnyi Valeriy PETROVYCH Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Leonid MOHYLNYI Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Lilia IVANITSKA Kyiv Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Mehmet İNBAŞI Erciyes University/TURKEY Prof. Dr. Mualla UYDU YÜCEL Istanbul University/TURKEY 650 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Muhammet Beşir AŞAN Fırat University/TURKEY Prof. Dr. Mustafa ÖZTÜRK Izmir Democracy University/ TURKEY Prof. Dr. Nataliya GORODNIA Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Nuri KAVAK Eskişehir Osmangazi University/TURKEY Prof. Dr. Oleh BUBENOK A. Krymsky Institute of Oriental Studies of theNAS/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Orhan KILIÇ Fırat University/TURKEY Prof. Dr. Oleh MASHEVSKYI Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University/ UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Olga BORYSOVA Luhansk National Agrarian University/ UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Orlova TETIANA Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Peter CYRIDON V.G. Korolenko Poltava National Pedagogical University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Serhiy TROYAN National Aviation University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Şefaettin SEVERCAN Erciyes University/TURKEY Prof. Dr. Viacheslav MORDVINTSEV Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Viktor KRUKOV Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Vitalii SHCERBAK Borys Grinchenko Kyiv University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Volodymyr KOMAR Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University/UKRAINE 651 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Prof. Dr. Yaroslav KALAKURA Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Yuri KOCHUBEY A. Krymsky Institute of Oriental Studies of the NAS/UKRAINE Prof. Dr. Yücel ÖZTÜRK Sakarya University/ TURKEY Prof. Dr. Zinaida SVIASCHENKO Uman State Pavlo Tychyna Pedagogical University/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Adem KOÇ Eskişehir Osmangazi University/TURKEY Assoc. Prof. Alisa LUKASHENKO Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Beata VARGA University of Szeged/HUNGARY Assoc. Prof. Danuta CHMILEOWSKA Warsav University/POLAND Assoc. Prof. Hacer TOPAKTAŞ ÜSTÜNER Istanbul University/TURKEY Assoc. Prof. Halyna KLYNOVA-DATSIUK, Viktor GRAM National University for Water Management and Nature Utilisation/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. İbrahim Etem ÇAKIR Atatürk University/TURKEY Assoc. Prof. Maria TORTIKA Kharkiv State Academy of Culture/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Muhittin KAPANŞAHİN Erciyes University/TURKEY Assoc. Prof. Musa SEZER Erzurum Technical University/TURKEY Assoc. Prof. Mustafa SARI Sakarya University/TURKEY Assoc. Prof. Nadiya STENGACH Khmelnytsky University/UKRAINE 652 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Oleh KUPCHYK Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Oleksii ANTONIUK Kyiv Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Svetlana MOTRUK Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Svitlana KAIUK Dnipro Oles Honchar National University/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Tetiana GRYGORIEVA Kyiv National University-Mohyla Academy/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Tetiana HOSHKO Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE Assoc. Prof. Viacheslav TSIVATYI Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University/UKRAINE Asst. Prof. Ahmet ÜSTÜNER İstanbul University/TURKEY Asst. Prof. Ayşe Gül HÜSEYNİKLİOĞLU Fırat University/TURKEY Asst. Prof. Cihan YEMİŞCİ Bilecik Şeyh Edebali University/TURKEY Asst. Prof. Inna MOROZ Kyiv Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE Asst. Prof. Joanna MAJ University of Łódz/POLAND Asst. Prof. Murat ÖZTÜRK İnönü University/TURKEY Asst. Prof. Olcay SALTIK Anadolu University/ TURKEY Asst. Prof. Selçuk DEMİR Atatürk University/ TURKEY Asst. Prof. Sevda OZKAYA SOFU Kastamonu University/TURKEY 653 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Dr. Larysa PRITSAK Associate Member USA UVAN /USA Res. Asst. Chubata Marina VALERIIVNA Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv/UKRAINE Res. Asst. Emrah GAZNEVİ İstanbul University/TURKEY Res. Asst. Gökhan CİVELEK Atatürk University/TURKEY Res. Asst. Mehmet Enver ERBiL Istanbul University/TURKEY Res. Asst. Nebil KARADUMAN Erciyes University/TURKEY Res. Asst. Rahman ŞAHİN Erciyes University/TURKEY PhD. Adriana PELESHKO Institute of History of Ukraine of the National Academy of Sciences/UKRAINE PhD. Andriy KOVAL Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University/UKRAINE PhD. Elena PETASYUK Kyiv Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE PhD. Emel KILIÇ Manuscripts Institution Presidency/TURKEY PhD. Ender KORKMAZ Director of Yunus Emre Institute in Kyiv/UKRAINE PhD. Entela MUCO Chairwoman of the Association”/ALBANIA “Albanian-Azerbaijan Friendship, PhD. Gülnara ERGAN Phd Student of Erciyes University, Crimean Citizen/CRIMEAN PhD. Ireneusz Piotr MAJ Academy of Humanities and Economics/POLAND 654 Scientific and Cultural CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE PhD. Natalia ZUB Krymsky Institute of Oriental Studies of the NAS/UKRAINE PhD. Oksana VASYLYUK Krymsky Institute of Oriental Studies of the NAS/UKRAINE PhD. Sema AKTAŞ SARI Sakarya University/TURKEY PhD. Taras PSHENYCHNYY Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE PhD. Viacheslav STANISLAVSKYI Institute of History of Ukraine of the National Academy of Sciences/UKRAINE PhD. Vlad IVANYTSKY City of Mariupol/UKRAINE Lect. Maciej MIELNIK Istanbul University/TURKEY Lect. Tahsin HAZIRBULAN Munzur University/TURKEY Specialist. Aytaç YÜRÜKÇÜ Turkish Historical Association/TURKEY Battal YILMAZ Bilecik Şeyh Edebali University/TURKEY Mehmet KERİM Sakarya University/TURKEY Olga ZBROZHKO Head of the Scientific and Educational Department of the National Museum/UKRAINE Oleksandr OKHRIMENKO Kyiv Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE Olena SKRYPNYK Uman State Pavlo Tychyna Pedagogical University/UKRAINE Natalia DROBKOVA Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University/UKRAINE Stanislav VOLOSHCHENKO The Old Ukrainian Book Museum, Borys Voznytskyi National Art Gallery of Lviv/UKRAINE 655 Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies Vasyl OSTAPENKO Dragomanov University/UKRAINE Vesile TANINMIŞ Sakarya University/TURKEY Vladyslav GAVRYLOV Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University/UKRAINE 656 CIEES 2018, KIEV-UKRAINE 657