A na z a p t a :
T he com i ng of t he fi ft h horsem a n
Prepared by Dr. Ewen McLean and Dr. Jean-Yves Mevel
Links to web pages do not in any cases represent the opinion of the writers
Copyright-1999, unless referenced to other web pages
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Plagues, a word derived from the Latin plaga, meaning a blow, stroke or
wound, have infested Europe throughout history. The first plagues were, by all
accounts, devastating in human terms and the high mortalities associated with
early plagues resulted due to the “first contact” effect. That is, the European
population had not been infected with the diseases before. Another reason why
early outbreaks of plague were so consuming, in human terms, was due to their
length of stay, generally lasting many months and even recurring over decades.
The first great European plague, sometimes called the Antoine plague,
after the ruling Caesar of Rome, devastated the Roman Empire between AD 165
and 180.
A contemporary coin bust of Caesar Marcus Aurelius
Antoninus Augustus (AD 161-180) the Roman Emperor
who holds the questionable distinction of having his
name associated with the first great plague (AD 165-180)
to devastate Europe.
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It is believed that the disease reached the Mediterranean via troops
returning from the Parthian campaigns in Mesopotamia (AD 161-166). This
plague is presumed to represent the first case of smallpox in Europe. It killed
The first smallpox epidemic took the European
population totally unawares with devastating effects on
the human population. Smallpox, introduced to Mexico
by the Spanish erased the population from an estimated
25 million in 1518 to around 3 million in 1568. The virus
was also used by the British against American Indians.
They deliberately contaminated blankets which were
traded to the tribes.
around half the people in infected regions, leaving towns empty, fields untended
and estates deserted. Smallpox has also been credited with having led to the
general decline in the Mediterranean population that continued for several
hundred years.
AD 251-266 bore witness to the second plague to hit the Roman Empire.
At its height it murdered over 5000 people per day in Rome alone. This
pestilence likely represented the first outbreak of measles in Europe. And, as
with the earlier smallpox epidemic, infected populations were without
resistance. The consequences, in human numbers, were also appalling, but
these and earlier plagues were merely practice runs for the “gold standard” of
pandemics – the Black Death.
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While the word plague may be associated with a number of different
disease outbreaks, and indeed, throughout history has been, today, it has
become synonymous with the disease caused by the bacteria Yersinia (formerly
Pasturella) pestis. Fundamentally Y. pestis is a disease of the Rodentia - a
diverse and abundant group of gnawing animals typified by the rat - and their
fleas (Siphonoptera); specifically Xenopsylla cheopis.
M odified from the Black plague, City College of N ew York
http://www.humanities.ccny.cuny.edu/history/plague/
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Some rodents (e.g., the Norwegian rat and Siberian marmot) although
afflicted with the disease are able to move about, thereby transmitting the
infection to others. Typically fleas spread the disease within rodent colonies
during feeding. But it is now clear that Y. pestis is able to survive for several
months in fleas that do not feed, awaiting new victims. The bacterium is also
able to survive in decaying carcasses for many days; while in frozen cadavers
the Black Death lingers for many months or
even years.
While far from clear, the origins of the
plague are thought to have been the Himalayan
regions between India and China. The disease
is transmitted to humans coincidentally: when
an infected rat dies and its attendant fleas only
have humans as a refuge. The flea serves as an
excellent incubator for Yersinia since it
expresses a curve in its proventriculus (part of
the stomach) which provides a collection and
pooling point for coagulating blood: the perfect
Yersinia culture medium.
The Flea
Photo: http://communityhigh.org/
~katelevy/plague/index.html
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The Black Death is thought to be ancient and has likely infested man for
millennia. However, it was not until the 14th Century that it became known by
its popular name which is derived from the discoloration of the skin
surrounding the infected area. Once bitten by an infected flea, cells in the
Plague victims exhibit a number of external
symptoms the most characteristic of which
are blisters which may be of varying sizes. A
feature of plague infection, from which the
name bubonic plague is derived, are the socalled buboes or swellings of lymph nodes.
Photo courtesy of US Armed Forces Institute
of Pathology
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wounded area die quickly creating a blackening necrotic pustule or blister. The
lymphatic system drains debris and bacilli from the pustule to the regional
lymph nodes located in the inguinal, axillary or cervical regions. However, the
spread of the bacteria is so rapid that infection can not be contained. This
results in the formation of acute regional lymphadenopathy or buboes which
may be the size of a goose’s egg. From flea bite to bubo only 4-6 days pass.
During this period, the victim experiences high fever, excruciating headache,
vomiting of blood, and delirium sometimes associated with a ‘death dance’. By
day 10, 60% of those infected will have died - more than twice the rate of death
for many other virulent diseases. The bubos, of course, are the derivation of the
name "bubonic" plague, although, in rapid infections, they do not always appear.
Sometimes, and specifically during winter months, the disease infects the lungs
and becomes airborne and even more infective. Septicaemic plague occurs
when Y. pestis invades and multiplies in the blood. This form of the disease can
occur secondarily to bubonic plague or can occur without formation of buboes.
Complications of septicaemic plague include septic shock (sic) consumptive
coagulopathy, meningitis and ultimately coma prior to death.
The importance of the Black Death to society in general are reiterated to
this day in children’s nursery rhymes:
Ring around the rosies
A pocketful of posies
Atishoo atishoo
We all fall down
The rosies were descriptors for the blackish rash which developed
following infection although other historians have suggested that it simply refers
to rosary beads used to seek the guidance of God. A posy referred to a short
motto or a line or verse of poetry which people used to ward off evil in general.
The atishoo referred to another sign of the pestilence-the onset of cold and flulike symptoms that preceded death.
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Outbreaks of diseases that are lethal and without cure, generally results in
attempts being made to determine the causes of the catastrophe. While limited
information is available with
respect to how people regarded
2500
the causes of the first plague
cycle, a number of treatise on
2000
the subject were written during
1500
the Medieval outbreaks. Most
often, it was seen as a sign of
1000
God’s wrath, where sinners
500
were taken for not adhering to
the Ten Commandments.
0
83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93
year
Global occurrence of plague (1983-1993). The
Americas recorded lowest numbers of people
infected (orange line) followed by Asia (yellow
line), with greatest numbers being recorded in
Africa (blue line). The red string represents the
summed total of plague occurences. Of greater
concern is the trend (black line) which indicates
increasing prevelance.
Source: WHO
Plague
was
also
viewed as a cure to social
fragmentation
and
sin.
Indeed, many Christians of
the time viewed the plague
with respect to Revelation
and the coming of the horses
of the apocalypse: war,
famine pestilence and death. Others sought to explain the disaster as a sign of
the imminence of the coming of Christ, whereas others still placed the blame
firmly on the shoulders of prostitutes and Jews. The Paris Consilium a treatise
put together by the best medical minds of the University of Paris, on behalf of
King Philip IV stated categorically that the plague resulted due to the
conjunction of Saturn, Jupiter and Mars under Aquarius. While such a
conclusion might seem strange given that it was constructed by some of the
finest minds of Europe, it is not too surprising given that medicine at that time
stressed the importance of astrological links.
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While most people in Europe consider plague to be a risk for developing
nations, it is important to note that outbreaks are still recorded on a regular basis
in industrialised countries. For example, in the United States, the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention 1 noted that between 1970-1995 there was 341
cases of plague. Of these, 222 patients were infected following flea bites some
20% were infected by direct contact with plague-carrying animals and a further
7 after inhalation of droplets from infected animals; five of which were exposed
to pet cats. Clearly, cases of plague only occur where the host vector is present
such that the risks associated with becoming infected largely depend upon the
availability of good places for rodents to nest together with adequate food
supplies. Greatest risk of becoming infected generally occurs in the summer
months with high risk groups being hikers and campers.
Vaccination & alternatives2
Formalin killed bacteria have been used in plague vaccines since late last
century. In general, bacteria are present at concentrations of around 2x109 cells
per mL. While live (attenuated) vaccines have also been tested, these are not
commercially available. Indeed, even the formalin killed vaccine preparation 3
has not undergone extensive testing although data derived from American
troops, who were at high exposure risk during the Vietnam war, appear to
support efficacy. Plague vaccines are administered as three doses with the first
being of 1 mL volume, followed by a booster 1-3 months post first injection
and a further boost at 6 months post-primary inoculation. Both of the last doses
should be at around 0.2 mL vaccine. Additional boosters of 1.0 mL should be
administered to those in high risk environments at yearly intervals. However,
CDC recommends that, irrespective of whether a person has been vaccinated or
not, exposed persons should be provided with a seven day course of antibiotic
1
2
3
http://www.cdc.gov/
http://www.909shot.com/
http://www.brown.edu/Courses/Bio_160/
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therapy. Effective antimicrobials include tetracycline,
trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole.
doxycycline,
or
Clearly by eliminating food supplies and nesting areas for rodents reduces
the risk of coming into contact with the disease’s vectors. This might include
modifying the architecture of houses to reduce the risk of rodent access.
Regular treatment of domestic animals with pesticides also reduces risk of
infection via fleas. Other preventative measures include avoiding contact with
very sick or dead rodents and cats.
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Diseases often occur at regular intervals over time, and Europe has
experienced the ravages of the Black Death at three clear periods in history. The
first plague in the cycle escaped from Asia following periods of drought and
famine and other catastrophes, including earthquakes. Travelling westwards,
people of the Middle East, North Africa, the Roman Empire and Western
Europe were taken before the plague eventually ran its course. This is not to say
that the disease disappeared from the face of the earth however. In the Great
Crusades of 1190, famine, plague, and desertions reduced the army of 100,000
men that set out to the Holy Lands to 5,000. The percentage that succumbed to
plague remains an enigma but it is likely that the disease took its fair share.
Clearly, small pockets of plague infested vectors remained in the Middle East.
During the second half of the 14th century, the bubonic plague made at
least four appointments with Mediterranean cities, recurring in Europe every
generation for the next three centuries. Often these rendezvous were associated
with Arabian invasions. Indeed, the plague likely played a significant role in
reducing the Islamic armies and thereby provided a protective shield around
Europe: not allowing anyone in and forbidding excursions too. From 1347-1722
plague visited Western Europe on a regular basis, recurring in 1361-63, 136971, 1390, and 1400. This was followed by the Great Plague of the 1660s. In
London the 1665 plague killed 17,440. A fire that burned most of the city ended
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the outbreak and brought with it architectural and engineering changes in urban
planning which further reduced the risk of future epidemics.
The last cyclical event commenced with a plague in Marseille in 1720,
during which over half of the city population of 93000 succumbed. Sporadic
plague outbreaks were recorded throughout the 1700 and 1800s, generally being
associated with conflicts and natural disasters. The famine-associated plague of
1890 in Manchuria had its effects felt in London, with a Financial Times article
mentioning reduced income from the protectorate and an overall decline in
productivity being directly related. The Manchurian plague had holidays in San
Francisco in 1900 and parts of Western Europe too. By the time the plague had
begun to die out, it had killed 12,597,789 people primarily in India and Asia.
Throughout this century, there have been several occurrences of the plague,
mainly in regions in which the disease is endemic. The most recent scare was in
1995, when India was rocked. This event caused massive emigration from the
infected city to other centres, underlying the dangers inherent in not only
regional but global travel.
JJU
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It is important to note that plagues don’t just happen. As with most
disease outbreaks, the classical host-pathogen-environment triumvirate must
take up their positions before
onset. During the years
heading up to the first yersinia
epidemic,
there
existed
increased civil unrest. This
environment
ultimately resulted in the fall
of the Roman imperial
government and transition to a
disease
military
despotism.
This
pathogen
host
change in government style
As with other disease outbreaks, the plague
required that a certain set of conditions were
met and interacted before its onslaught
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stabilised the Empire until the death of Diocletian (AD 285-305), whereupon the
Empire once again fell into civil war which was ultimately repressed by
Constantine the Great (AD 306-337). Constantine transferred the Empire’s
capital from Rome to Byzantium, with an associated name change to one
befitting the egotist: Constantinople. By AD 395, the Roman Empire was split
into two, one being administered from Rome and the other from Constantinople.
Justinian (AD 527-565) ruled the latter, or Greek component which enjoyed
military and religious adventure as well as stability and prosperity. Justinian’s
main objective was to reunite the Empire. Accordingly his armies undertook
campaigns into the western Mediterranean, North Africa and parts of Italy and
Spain. By 542, Justinian’s aim appeared in sight when another plague was to
strike the Empire.
The cause of this, the second plague, is not in doubt and it was clearly
the first exposure of Europe to the bubonic type. We know this to be a fact
because contemporary writers, including that of the Byzantine Procopius of
Caesarea made several accounts. The disease was characterised by large
swellings of the lymph nodes under the armpits and around groin. This plague,
which lasted between AD 542-543, signified the first of a cycle that continued
until the mid-800s. Procopius further stated that the plague had its origins in
Egypt. Rufas of Ephesus wrote of a similar plague that struck Libya and Egypt
in the third century.
It is interesting to note that it was during this time that trade commenced
between India and Egypt. The homeland of Rattus rattus being India, it is highly
likely that the plague was ship-borne because rats are good climbers and could
board ships by their docking lines. Thus, plague-infected rats would have
dispersed from their origin along the shores of the Indian Ocean up the Red
Sea, to Egypt, the Mediterranean and thence to Europe. It is also likely that the
Indian rats also infected their European counterparts, thereby spreading the
disease even more rapidly.
At its height Justinian's plague was killing 10,000 people each day and it
was due to this mass slaughter, with consequent reduction in army size, that
A contemporary coin bust of the Emperor Justinian (AD 527565) whose plans to reunite one of the greatest Empires ever
known to mankind were thwarted by the first epidemic of
Yersinia pestis. The effects of this plague were to be felt
throughout the coming centuries.
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Justinian's aim of reuniting the Roman Empire had to be halted. The plague
reached southern France and stretched north to Britain by 544, returning later
in the first cycle during 664 as recorded by the Venerable Bede (AD 673-735),
one of the greatest scholars of the Early Middle Ages. Observers of the time
placed mortality at 100 million people although this may be an over-estimate.
Nevertheless, the political, economic and social outfall brought by the plague
were felt over several centuries.
One consequence of the weakened Roman and Persian armies was the
expansion of Islamic military might, beginning AD 634. Furthermore, the preeminence of the Mediterranean nations as centres of European civilisation
waned and allowed more northerly states to develop (McNiell, 1976).
Concomitantly, Justinian’s plague was precursor to the Dark Ages.
Following the ravages of the first bubonic plague were significant
reductions in city populations which had the effect of lessening trade and
enhancing barter economies. As the importance of cities declined, Feudalism
spread, religions were modified and Europe became inward looking.
Furthermore, the continent was effectively barricaded by Islamic imperialism,
which included outposts on the Iberian peninsula. Trade routes between
Europe and Asia were thus eradicated with the possible benefit of reducing the
risk of re-exposure. Christian sources last mention the plague in 767; something
that was to last for a period of over half a millenium.
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The mother of all plagues. The scythe of Death tickled every part of
Europe. In some parts of the continent, including Denmark, the death toll was
upwards of 70% of the population. In many regions complete towns were quite
literally wiped off the face of the earth – some never to reappear, others being
dwarfed. Long before the Black Death reached the borders of Europe however,
stories were told of pestilence, famine and death that had laid waste India and
China. In China a cycle of prolonged and numerous disasters preceded the
pestilence. For example, in 1333 sustained drought brought on wide spread
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famine. This was followed by flash flooding and written accounts indicate
earthquake and locust swarms before the onset of plague. In one province more
than 5 million people were believed to have died. By 1346 stories reached the
major European seaports of a plague wreaking havoc throughout the Far and
Mid East. India was depopulated through to Syria and the dead blanketed
Armenia.
Like the plague of Justinian’s time, the disease triumvirate was also at
play. Between AD 700 and 1250 the population of Europe had grown from 25
to 75 million. This explosion in human numbers strained in the agricultural
systems of the time and led to the clearance of forests, the drainage of lands
and cultivation of mountain slopes to increase production. In doing this,
livestock was displaced from the land with a concomitant reduction in
manuring. This led to a decrease in overall soil fertility and production and
hence ever-wider hunger. At about the same time, the climate became colder,
with the Baltic being frozen on more than one occasion. Moreover, Viking
settlements in Greenland became ice-locked with the people ultimately dying
from starvation. Crops failed throughout the first half of the 14th century and
resulted in widespread starvation. One effect of this hunger was the eating of
dogs and cats and even cannibalism. The significance of the two former foods
upon later events is obvious. Several long hot summers and short winters
followed this “Little Ice Age”. This encouraged increased cropping which
further increased the population and hunger. The arrival of the plague in 1348
saw a continent that has been likened to drought-ridden food-insecure
populations of today. During the 1330s the changing climate also impacted
rodent life on the steppes of Mongolia, with the warm dry winds driving them
out of the desert and into trade caravans. Fleas loaded with Yersinia may then
have ridden on the backs of Mongol caravans as they travelled across Asia to
Europe.
A visa for Europe
While still debated, the origin of Europe’s Black Death was likely invading
Tartar armies of Kipchak Khan Janibeg. Backed by the Venicians, a competitor
of the Genoese, Tartars besieged the Genoese trade city of Kaffa (Feodosiya).
One contemporary writer, Gabriele de’Mussi, in his book Istoria de morbo sive
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mortalitate que fuit de 1348, related that as the siege army succumbed to the
plague they decided to leave. However, before doing so, the corpses of their
dead were catapulted into the city. Though the Greek historian Thucydides had
accused the Spartans of deliberate biological warfare by poisoning the wells of
Athens in 430 BC, the actions of the Tartars possibly represented the first
example of biological warfare in the modern sense and it left Kaffa with
thousands dead. The Genoese merchant survivors, however, left the city by
boats and unwittingly brought the plague to European shores. At the same time
of the Kaffa siege, a Muslim traveller, Ibn-Bãtuta (the traveller) remarked that in
Persia, Damascus, Cairo and on to West Africa plague was rife, particularly
along Muslim trade routes.
T he slaughter
Estimates of the total kill of the Black Death vary depending upon source.
A general figure has been proposed as 20% of the Eurasian population, which
was estimated at 100 million at the time. Other estimates suggest that around 30
million had died by the time the plague ebbed in 1351. Body counters for Pope
Clement VI figured that between 1348 and 1351 the plague killed 23,840,000
people - 31% of the total population of Europe. In densely populated nations,
such as France, the plague emptied half the country. England recorded around a
million plague dead, while in Eastern Europe, which was less densely populated,
fewer than 15% of the population is believed to have died. Perhaps the most
accurate accounts of the death rates however are seen for specific cities. The
city of Smolensk boasted a mere 5 survivors. Orvieto, a city of 12000, counted
over 10000 dead. Venice lost three-quarters of its population, Pisa seven tenths.
London lost 35000 of its original 60000 inhabitants. After 8 major epidemics,
Florence, which boasted a population of 120000 in 1330, counted no more than
37000 in 1427. One chronicler of the time noted that following the plague of
1348, 96000 people died between March and October. A Florentine, born in
1349, Marchione di Coppo Stefani, wrote that bodies were so numerous that
they were thrown into newly dug graves en masse before being hurriedly
buried. Soaring death rates everywhere prevented normal burial practice. Some
of the mass graves of Sienna, a city which lost 80000 of its population over
seven months, contained 1500 bodies.
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T he impact
Many eyewitness accounts describe mounds of rotting cadavers and the
inability of collecting, much less burying, the bodies. Obviously, those who
were in greater physical contact with plague victims were also at higher risk.
For example, the number of doctors declined rapidly, with many ultimately
refusing to treat sick patients for fear of their own and family’s lives. Lawyers
too refused to meet with their clients such that considerable havoc resulted in
that the Wills of the dead remained unread, with obvious social and economic
turmoil. In Montpellier only 7 of 140 Dominican friars survived the plague and
in Marseilles a monastery of 150 Franciscans was silenced. In Germany a third
of the clergy perished and in England half of the 17500 clerics died. The death
of so many clergy demanded that they were replaced somehow. This often led
to the hiring of replacement clerics who could not speak either Latin or French,
the religious and academic languages of the time. This had the effect of
promoting use of the common language at universities, schools and colleges
with the concomitant translation of many texts from the Latin. This scenario
was repeated in Parliaments across the continent with the impact that a much
greater number of people could understand the intricacies of government.
Another problem surrounding the plague years was that many clerics refused to
assist the dead and dying such that the population started to distrust the church.
This in turn led to decreased church power both politically and socially. Plague
also spawned Lutheran thought with respect to religion. Poets and other writers
of the time, including Chaucer and Boccaccio parodied the church unyieldingly.
T he benefits
The great die-offs that accompanied the plagues also produced great
change and benefit for the peasant. The reduction in the European population
effectively ended the subsistence-level living of many people. Indeed, the
population of the 13th century was not to be reattained until the 16th century.
The mass die-offs rid Europe of its chronic underemployment that
characterised the 13th century. To retain semblance of order, landowners were
forced to increase wages and to break up their estates or leave their land
unproductive. In combination, the pressures brought about by post-plague
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labour markets and the lord’s need to break up large estates led to a break in the
traditional bonds of respect between peasant and landowner leading to the end
of Feudalism as a form of government. A major post-plague consequence was
that many harvests were left rotting in the fields and animals were left to roam
the countryside unattended. Forests also gained time to rebound from their
over-exploitation. By 1200 Europeans had more or less eradicated the continent
of large forests due to the increasing pressure to produce more food for a
growing population. With few exceptions, Europe’s great forests date from the
late Middle Ages.
Following on the heels of the plague, people came to the realisation that
too many mouths meant hunger, followed by disease. This led to great social
changes particularly regarding family size and marriage. While freed of the
shackles of landowners, peasants were now more responsible for their own and
family’s well-being. Accordingly, the peasantry had fewer offspring. This was
generally accomplished by marrying at a later stage than usual. Thus, in France,
some farmers did not marry until their early 20s. On a global basis, 90% of
females bore children by the age of 14 but after the plague, only 65% of
European women bore children by 14.
Bureaucracy
While not unique to the Black Death, one outcome of massive disease
outbreaks was an enhanced reliance upon spies. Thus, merchant cities, in order
to gain insight into how competing trade centres were fairing, would send out
agents to evaluate deaths and spy on other city-states. These spies were often
under the employ of newly established Health Boards, which were also
responsible for issuing “health passports” to certify plague-free status of
citizens who wished to travel between states. It was under the auspices of a
Health Board that in 1377, Ragusa (Dubrovnik), developed and introduced a
quarantine of 30 days for all ships entering the harbour. The decline in people
meant that businessmen faced a shortage of customers at home. This forced
traders to travel further afield to Africa, Asia and the New World in search of
new markets. The plague thereby facilitated the expansion of Western European
empires on a global basis. The Black Death also brought with it "merchant's
time" as workers demanded shorter working hours. This spawned our
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dependence upon the clock and timetables. In total, the plague introduced a new
meaning to the term bureaucratic state.
Fewer peasants to tend the land also resulted in increased numbers of
livestock. Indeed, in England, the sheer abundance of sheep following the
plagues gave birth to a powerful wool industry which ultimately gave impetus to
the industrial revolution. Recurrent plague also damaged the demographic and
economic well-being of Muslim societies and it is likewise possible that their
diminishing numbers reduced the chances of plague reaching the West.
Nevertheless Europeans continued to expect the plague to return and stepped up
quarantine measures and isolation efforts. It was not until the plague of the late
19th century which hit Manchuria and thence Hong Kong, that Alexandre
Yersin isolated the causal agent of the plague, the genus of which now bears his
name. 1
Clearly, serious pandemics, such as the plague, can have significant and
far reaching consequences to society. Today more than at any time in history,
devastating pandemics are high on the menu of possibilities with the
introduction of genetic engineering and increased understanding of the genetic
basis of virulence, it has become relatively simple to produce “super bugs”
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Bioweaponry: the costs
Biotechnology provides the means by which the genome of almost any
organism can be manipulated for benefit, whether this is agriculturally desirable
or strategically so, as illustrated by biological weapons. To many people and
government consternation, the methods required to produce genetically
modified organisms are, in nature, relatively elementary and most graduates in
biotechnology, and related subjects, are generally equipped with the necessary
skills and techniques to support a bioweapons project. The technology and
1
http://www.sciencenet.org.uk/teletext/disease/dansinfections.html
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infrastructure needed to initiate a bioweapons programme 1 are not only widely
available in the civil sector (e.g., pharmaceutical companies, vaccine
manufactures etc.) they are also relatively inexpensive. Consequently,
bioweapons are appealing not only to certain countries, but also to other groups.
Terrorists in particular regard bioweapons as extremely attractive due to the
fact that they are easy to conceal and thus represent the perfect weapon for
covert attacks that can cripple even the wealthiest of nations. Furthermore, they
are highly lethal and exert significant psychological impact upon societies.
Bioweapons are also cheap. 2
Conveyance
Warhead
Casualties
Scud missile
30 kg anthrax spores
30,000-100,000
A-bomb
12.5 kilotonnes TNT equivalent
20,000-80,000
H-bomb
1 megatonne TNT equivalent
550,000-2,000,000
Aircraft spraying
100 kg anthrax spores
420,000-1,400,000
In a report drawn up by the Office of Technology Assessment (1993), it
was calculated that to "affect" 1 km2 of a battlefield (or city), with artillery and
conventional weapons it would
cost around $2000. Expenses
incurred by a nuclear weapon
would amount to about $800 for
the same task, whereas chemical
weapons would be only slightly
cheaper at $600. A biological
weapon would do the same task
for precisely $1. According to
the North Atlantic Assembly
(1998), building the capacity to
Halabja after the attack
1
2
2
http://www.konformist.com/1998/cleansing.htm
http://www.sandia.gov/media/disease.htm
17
develop bioweapons 1 “would cost less than $100,000, require five biologists,
and take just a few weeks using equipment that is readily available”.
Bioweaponry: the possibilities
In 1960 A US Army general estimated that two aircraft, each carrying
4,500 kg of biological agent across the US could kill or incapacitate around 60
million people (Livingstone, 1982). While such figures are extraordinarily
frightening, they are not beyond the realms of possibility. When examining
toxicity of various agents, such as type-A botulism 2 , which has been described
as “the most lethal substance known” (Kupperman and Smith, 1993),
calculations, while varying, indicate that around 250 g could kill every living
animal on the planet (Mullins, 1992). Other authors put the amount of botulinin
toxin required to kill 60 million people at 25 g (Jenkins and Rubin, 1978), while
Livingstone (1982), suggests that around 14 g, “properly dispersed, could kill
every man, woman, and child in North America". Other bioactive agents, such
as anthrax 3 , are considered even more lethal and according to Kupperman and
Smith (1993), it would require less than a gram of material, to eradicate a third
of the population of America, provided that the anthrax was distributed
appropriately.
Irrespective of the theoretical magnitude of deaths that could occur
following purposeful and well planned dissemination of a bioweapon 4 , it is
however, very unlikely that such scenarios could be enacted in “real life”, due
to both biological and technical reasons. Clark (1980) has covered a more
realistic scenario. Citing a report undertaken by the US Law Enforcement
Assistance Administration in March 1977, it was estimated that delivery of
approximately 25 g of anthrax spores into an air-conditioning system at an
enclosed sports stadium could infect 70-80,000 spectators within an hour. An
1
2
3
4
http://www.heise.de/tp/english/inhalt/co/2292/1.html
http://www.vdh.state.va.us/epi/botuf.htm, http://iaith.simplenet.com/botulism/
http://hlunix.hl.state.ut.us/els/epidemiology/epifacts/anthrax.html,
http://www.sciencenet.org.uk/teletext/disease/anthraxteletext.html
http://www.mayohealth.org/mayo/9802/htm/anthrax.htm
18
accidental explosion of an anthrax weapon in Sverdlovsk during 1979 is
believed to have caused the deaths of up to 1,200 civilian and other personnel
(Flood, 1991).
It has been calculated that single application of 100 kg of anthrax spores
over Washington DC, would, on a clear, calm night, kill between 1 and 3 million
citizens. One should remember the recent incident of a small airplane landing on
the lawn of the White House to underline the ease of such undertakings. 1
1
1
http://www.newscientist.com/nsplus/insight/bioterrorism/allfall.html
19
Bioweaponry: the commodities & their uses
In essence, bioweapons fall into two categories and include microbes,
such as the plague and viruses, and toxins derived from bacteria, as exemplified
by botulinum. Bioweapons have several potential uses, including application to
opposing forces (military and civilian), against animal and plant crops, potable
water and irrigation supplies. They may be deployed locally, regionally and/or
internationally and may be used to kill or cripple individuals or entire
populations. Organisms and their toxins can be delivered using simple (small
arms fire, umbrella tips{!}, flasks, etc.) through to technically complex
mechanisms (sprays, bombs, missiles, etc.).
From a military perspective, a primary reason for employing agents of
biological warfare relates not to the losses that they can impose in the arena of
battle, but also because they can incapacitate the civilian population. Nonmilitary personnel are essential to the war machine, as illustrated by Justinian’s
failed attempt to reunite the Roman Empire. Civilians are responsible for the
manufacture of munitions, supply and production of food and general support
of all armed services. Disruption of these activities would create havoc for
military operations. Moreover, deployment of comparatively few devices could
disperse crippling diseases among livestock and crops that would be impossible
to imitate using conventional resources.
20
Examples of functional organisms that could be deployed in a theatre of war as
biological weapons
Disease
Effects
Anthrax
2-6 days
Lethal 95%+
Plague
2-6 days
95-100%
Venezuelan equine
encephalitis
3-6 days
Incapacitating
1-2
weeks
Highly infectious
Brucellosis
7-60 days Incapacitating
Several
weeks
May last 1 yr. No
vaccine available
Yellow fever
3-6 days
1-2
weeks
Potentially
uncontrollable in new
host reservoir
Tularemia
2-10 days 30-40% lethal 4 weeks Hardy bacteria that can
in 4-6 weeks
survive in soil
Q fever Coxiella
spp.
15-18
days
40-100%
lethal
Incapacitating
Duration
Military considerts
Incubation
period
4-5 days Contamination of
ground, rapid decay rate
1-3 days Potentially
uncontrollable
1-2
weeks
Highly infectious, easily
cultured
Non-conventional uses
Use of bioweaponry outside of normal conflicts has also been
contemplated, if not applied, in efforts to gain control or to subvert the
economies of opposing nations. For example, a political adversary’s critical
plant and animal crops could be annihilated almost over night - think of the
21
impact of the recent BSE 1
crisis upon the British
economy. Such actions could
destabilize
not
only
a
country’s
economy
but
perhaps the political system
too. 2
Another benefit of
economic warfare would be
that a country with an
abraded economy would not
be able to afford to enter into
a traditional conflict. A
Position of various m utations im portant for prion
possible example of such a
disease developm ent in hum ans m odelled on the
scenario was seen in Cuba.
ham ster structure PrPc
2
Over several months this
island nation suffered from
the cumulative effects of several diseases that hit the nation in sequence. The
civilian population suffered from an outbreak of dengue fever 3 . Then, swine
fever 4 wiped out pig production, while blue mold
disease destroyed the valuable tobacco crop and cane
smut attacked and undermined the sugarcane crop.
President Castro, of course, accused the CIA, of
causing these outbreaks. As recently as May 1997,
the US State Department was accused of biological
aggression following the outbreak of thrips palmi
infestations of potatoes.
proboscis of an A edes
aegyptifeeding 3
1
2
3
4
http://www.airtime.co.uk/bse/ , http://www.who.int/emc/diseases/bse/
Photo:http://www-micro.msb.le.ac.uk/335/Prions.html
Photo:http://www.cdc.gov/ncidod/dvbid/dhspot97.htm
http://www.ohsu.edu/cliniweb/C22/C22.905.html
22
Bioweaponry: refinements
The previous examples of biowarfare, illustrate not only the degree of
planning that must be undertaken in mounting a biological cold war, but also
that use of only a few agents can have devastating economic and social
impacts. During battlefield aggression, another aspect to take into account in the
selection of a bioweapon is that the disease or toxin should not be lethal, but
only debilitating. This is because incapacitation occupies strategic personnel
who might otherwise be useful during battlefield operations (doctors, nurses,
pharmacists etc.). The ideal biological weapon, therefore, should be:
• easy to produce
• effective at low doses
• stable under storage and during transportation
• technologically accessible to a range of delivery systems
• infallible with regard to its incubation and intended impact
• deployed against previously unexposed targets
• untreatable by the enemy
• controllable post-delivery
Obviously, the exploiting nation should have access to total protection for
its military and civilian population. It is because of the above provisions that
biological weapons have rarely been used in the battlefield situation.
Nevertheless, military researchers have examined the feasibility of using
bioweapons throughout history, both ancient and modern. One can only admire
the ingenuity of contaminating water supplies with the carcasses of dead
animals two thousand years ago and the inventiveness of Tartar commanders in
catapulting plague victims into a besieged city a thousand years later. More
recent developments however, are generally viewed as being repugnant.
23
B
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In contemporary terms, bio-, rather than chemical warfare programmes,
likely commenced with the establishment of Unit 731 by the Japanese in 1918.
Unit 731 1 operated in the remote northern regions of the Japanese Puppet State
of Manchuria, China. The Unit consisted of eight divisions, three of which
considered bacteriological research, warfare research and field experimentation,
and the mass production and storage of bacteria respectively. Unit 731
examined the impact of various biological agents, including bubonic plague,
anthrax, botulins, smallpox and their vectors upon humans. During their
experiments, the Japanese murdered at least 3000 Chinese who were considered
to be dissidents. The Unit designed several delivery systems for bacteria, as
exemplified by porcelain bombs and steel containers holding anthrax pellets and
tetanus emulsion. They also contrived to produce chocolate bars infected with
anthrax. During the Chekiang campaign of 1942, the Japanese purposefully
infected rivers and reservoirs with anthrax, dysentery, plague and tetanus. This
resulted in the deaths of incalculable numbers of Chinese and some 10000
Japanese troops who unwittingly entered a contaminated region. Perhaps even
more repugnant than the use of bioweapons was that at the end of WWII the
US gave immunity to all those Japanese scientists involved in the bioweapons
programme of Unit 731 in order to gain their accumulated knowledge; a
scenario re-enacted with German rocket scientists.
Historically, the British have also examined the feasibility of using agents
for bioactive warfare. Perhaps the most well known episode in their history has
been the gifts of smallpox infected blankets from a smallpox hospital to Native
American Indians during the French campaigns. During the Second World War
British scientists turned their attention to anthrax. The notorious Scottish isle of
Gruinard was used for testing. It was not deemed fit for habitation until 1987.
Since the early 1970s the number of countries suspected of producing
biological weapons has increased from four to ten. According to the CIA, both
toxins and live organism biowarfare agents have been developed and tested
specifically in countries that, in the eyes of the west, are oppressive. Even
1
http://aiipowmia.com/731study.html
24
though prohibited by international treaty, several countries, including Israel,
Syria, Russia, together with their former states and Iraq are known to have
stockpiled such weapons. Other countries that are believed to retain biowarfare
capabilities include China, Iran, Japan, Libya, North Korea, South Africa and
Taiwan. While to the cynic, the CIA is generally regarded as a scaremonger
recent reports derived from independent United Nations weapons inspectors in
Iraq and the investigations of the Dutch Government of the downed Israeli El-Al
freight 747 appear to support their conclusions regarding both bio- and
chemical weapons.
Unscom and Iraq
According to a document delivered to the Secretary General of the UN,
that considered monitoring and verification of Iraq’s compliance with part C of
the Security Council’s resolution 687 (03.04.91; Cease-fire and establishment
and mandate of UNSCOM), the threat of weapons of mass destruction included
lethal agents and incapacitating agents. The scope of biological warfare agents
worked on by Iraq encompassed both anti-personal and anti-plant weapons.
The agents under consideration included anthrax (~8500 litres), botulinum
(~20000 litres) and ricin toxin, aflatoxin (~2200 litres), mycotoxins 1 ,
haemorrhagic conjunctivitis virus and rotavirus. Moreover, several of these
agents were found to be loaded in tactical and strategic weapons. While these
figures are frightening, perhaps even more alarming was the fact that Iraq
claims that its biological weapons operation was only conceived in 1985. The
accomplishments of the Iraqis, over a 6 year period (the point at which Kuwait
was invaded), therefore, was nothing short of extraordinary and serves as a
global warning as to the ease that such projects can be completed.
Bioterrorism
Because it is extraordinarily difficult to control the development,
manufacture and delivery of biological weapons it is not surprising to find that
certain terrorist groups have examined their potential applications. Moreover,
bioweapons in particular, or as President Rafsanjani, and others have termed
1
http://www.ansci.cornell.edu/plants/toxicagents/mycotoxin.html
25
them: “the poor man’s bomb”, can be manufactured quite easily and rapidly
without the hazards inherent in the production of a nuclear device. They also
express a high degree of reliability and are less likely to be detected, are difficult
to defend against, lack the so-called “signature” which may incriminate the user
and hence may be employed anonymously. A recent example of terrorist
application of weapons of mass destruction has been with the use of sarin 1
nerve gas by the Japanese Aum Shinri Kyo sect. On March 20 th 1995, small
packets of lunch-box dimensions were placed on five trains running on three
major lines of the Tokyo subway. Following the release of the gas, 12 died and
5,550 were injured, with many of the latter being hospitalized. According to
McGeorge (1994), there have been over 200 bio-, or chemoweapon incidents2
occurring in at least 26 countries, of these over 50 were terrorist incidents3 .
B
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In today’s world, it is comparatively easy to access pathogenic
microorganisms either through supply houses (as was the case for Iraq’s
biowarfare programme), or directly via isolation. Recombinant DNA technology
has brought with it an increased risk of organisations, large and small, being
able to manipulate the genome of highly pathogenic organisms with comparative
ease and in quantities large enough to be of military significance. Again the tools
required for such undertakings, fermenters, media, freeze-driers, filtration and
containment equipment, harvesting and concentrating apparatus, aerosol
generators etc., are freely accessible either directly in developed nations, or may
be accessed using second and third parties (many of Iraq’s programmes were
supported through third-party purchases). Moreover, the skill base needed for
the production of genetically modified organisms (isolation, purification,
cloning, amplification, insertion, expression etc) spreads daily without regard of
the possible consequences.
1
2
3
http://www.osha-slc.gov/ChemSamp_data/CH_266495.html
http://www.outbreak.org/cgi-unreg/dynaserve.exe/index.html
http://www.csis-scrs.gc.ca/eng/miscdocs/tabintre.html#toc
26
Biotechnology also provides the means by which agents can be produced
wherein they provide a consistent effect, are more contagious and effective at
low doses and express multi-resistance to, for example, a broad range of
antibiotics. Another advantage of employing engineered versus natural
bioweapons relates to the military significant factor that many of these highly
purified products are generally less able to disseminate after release and thus
their persistency is limited. Biotechnology too, provides the means to massproduce vaccines and antibiotics for battlefield and civilian protection. At
present, vaccines are available for Botulinum A, B-G, Q fever, diphtheria,
cholera, plague, anthrax, tularemia, salmonellosis and tetanus. Many vaccines
were employed during the Gulf War. Unfortunately, many of these appear to
have had unforeseen consequences 1. Besides this, it is doubtful that, following a
major bioweapon attack that any nation would have adequate stockpiles of
vaccines, antibiotics etc. with which to treat or protect non-essential
personnel 2 . Accordingly, one of the methods by which technically developed
nations attempt to restrict proliferation of biological capability 3 is through
restricting or controlling the purchase of appropriate equipment and there are
US and EU regulations regarding this. Restrictions are also in place with respect
to the export control of biological agents including human viruses (e.g., dengue,
ebola, lassa, yellow fever, Machupo, Marburg and Hantaan virus), rickettsiae
(e.g., Coxiella, R. prowazeki, R. rickettsii) and bacteria (e.g., Bacillus
anthracis, Brucella abortus, Chlamydia psittaci, Salmonella typhi, Vibrio
cholerae, Yersinia pestis, Shigella dysenteriae, etc.) and their toxins and plant
and animal viruses, bacteria and fungi.
Other problems surrounding biological weapons and biotechnology relate
to the increased potential for developing married chemo/bioweapons and the
possibilities that fused-cell methods offer. Both are already possible in the
laboratory environment. At a recent symposium, it was suggested that the
enhanced understanding derived from the human genome project may provide
the key to developing ethnic bioweapons - agents directed specifically at one
group of humans (Dando, 1997).
1
2
3
http://www.gulfweb.org/doc_show.cfm?ID=233
http://www.darpa.mil/DSO/rd/Abmt/Bwd.html
http://www.brad.ac.uk/acad/sbtwc/other/disease.htm
27
R
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The following references provide interesting insights into a variety of issues
covered in the present page. However, they represent only a small sample of a
wide range of studies which cover the fields of plague, biological warfare and
bioterrorism. The following, therefore, does not represent a suggested reading
list.
Benedict, C. (1996). Bubonic plague in nineteenth-Century China. Stanford.
Brookesmith, P. (1997). Future plagues. biohazard, disease and pestilence.
mankind's battle for survival. Blandford Press, UK.
Carmichael, A.G. (1986). Plague and the poor in Renaissance Florence. CUP,
Cambridge, UK
Carmichael, A.G. (1997). Bubonic plague: the black death. pp. 60-67, In:
Plague, pox and pestilence (K.F. Kipple, editor). Weidenfeld and Nicolson
London, UK.
Clark, R.C. (1980). Technological terrorism. Old Greenwich, CT: Devin-Adair.
Dando, M.R. (1997). Discriminating bio-weapons could target ethnic groups.
International Defense Review (special issue: Chemical and Biological Warfare),
30, 77-78.
Flood, S. (ed.) (1991). International terrorism: Policy implications. Chicago:
Office of International Criminal Justice, University of Illinois at Chicago.
Gottfried, R.S. (1983). The Black Death: natural
Medieval Europe. The Free Press, New York.
and human disaster in
Horrox, R. (editor)(1994). The Black Death. manchester and NY.
Jenkins, B.M. and Rubin, A.P. (1978). New vulnerabilities and the acquisition of
new weapons by non-government groups, pp. 221-276, in: Legal aspects of
28
international terrorism. A.E. Evans and J.F. Murphy (editors). Lexington, MA:
Lexington Books.
Kipple, K. (1997). The plague of Justinian: an early lesson in the black death.
pp. 26-31, In: Plague, pox and pestilence (K.F. Kipple, editor). Weidenfeld and
Nicolson London, UK.
Kupperman, R.H. and Smith, D.M. (1993). Coping with biological terrorism,
pp. 35-46, in: Biological weapons: weapons of the future? Roberts, B. (editor).
Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Kupperman, R.H. and Trent, D.M. (1979). Terrorism: Threat, reality, response.
Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press.
Livingstone, N.C. (1982). The war against terrorism. Lexington Books,
Toronto, Ontario, Canada.
McGeorge, H.J. (1994). Chemical and biological terrorism: analyzing the
problem. ASA [Applied Science and Analysis, Inc.] Newsletter 94-3 (Issue
No.42), 16 June, pp. 1 and 12-13.
McGrew, R.E. (1985). Encyclopedia of medical history. NY
McNiell, W.H. (1976) Plagues and people. Garden City, New York.
Mullins, W.C. (1992). An overview and analysis of nuclear, biological, and
chemical terrorism: The weapons, strategies and solutions to a growing
problem. American Journal of Criminal Justice, 16, 95-119.
Nikiforuk, A. (1991). The fourth horseman. A short history of epidemics,
plagues and other scourges. Fourth Estate, London, UK.
Nohl, J. (1956). The Black Death. Unwin Books, London, UK.
North Atlantic Assembly (1998). Chemical and biological weapons: the poor
man’s bomb. Draft General Report.
Office of Technology Assessment (1993). Proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction: Assessing the risks. OTA-ISC-559. Congress of the United States,
Washington DC
Slack, P. (1985). The plague in Tudor and Stuart England. London.
Ziegler, P. (1982). The Black Death. Penguin Books, Markham, UK.
29
C
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Convention on the prohibition of the development, production
and stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons
and on their destruction
Signed at Washington, London, and Moscow April 10,1972
Ratification advised by U.S. Senate December 16, 1974
Ratified by U.S. President January 22, 1975
U.S. ratification deposited at Washington, London, and Moscow March 26,
1975
Proclaimed by U.S. President March 26, 1975
Entered into force March 26, 1975
The States Parties to this Convention,
Determined to act with a view to achieving effective progress towards general
and complete disarmament, including the prohibition and elimination of all types
of weapons of mass destruction, and convinced that the prohibition of the
development, production and stockpiling of chemical and bacteriological
(biological) weapons and their elimination, through effective measures, will
facilitate the achievement of general and complete disarmament under strict and
effective international control,
Recognizing the important significance of the Protocol for the Prohibition of the
Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological
Methods of Warfare, signed at Geneva on June 17, 1925, and conscious also of
the contribution which the said Protocol has already made, and continues to
make, to mitigating the horrors of war,
30
Reaffirming their adherence to the principles and objectives of that Protocol and
calling upon all States to comply strictly with them,
Recalling that the General Assembly of the United Nations has repeatedly
condemned all actions contrary to the principles and objectives of the Geneva
Protocol of June 17, 1925,
Desiring to contribute to the strengthening of confidence between peoples and
the general improvement of the international atmosphere,
Desiring also to contribute to the realization of the purposes and principles of
the Charter of the United Nations,
Convinced of the importance and urgency of eliminating from the arsenals of
States, through effective measures, such dangerous weapons of mass
destruction as those using chemical or bacteriological (biological) agents,
Recognizing that an agreement on the prohibition of bacteriological (biological)
and toxin weapons represents a first possible step towards the achievement of
agreement on effective measures also for the prohibition of the development,
production and stockpiling of chemical weapons, and determined to continue
negotiations to that end,
Determined, for the sake of all mankind, to exclude completely the possibility of
bacteriological (biological) agents and toxins being used as weapons,
Convinced that such use would be repugnant to the conscience of mankind and
that no effort should be spared to minimize this risk,
Have agreed as follows:
Article i
Each State Party to this Convention undertakes never in any
circumstances to develop, produce, stockpile or otherwise acquire or retain:
31
(1) Microbial or other biological agents, or toxins whatever their origin
or method of production, of types and in quantities that have no justification for
prophylactic, protective or other peaceful purposes;
(2) Weapons, equipment or means of delivery designed to use such
agents or toxins for hostile purposes or in armed conflict.
Article ii
Each State Party to this Convention undertakes to destroy, or to divert to
peaceful purposes, as soon as possible but not later than nine months after the
entry into force of the Convention, all agents, toxins, weapons, equipment and
means of delivery specified in article I of the Convention, which are in its
possession or under its jurisdiction or control. In implementing the provisions of
this article all necessary safety precautions shall be observed to protect
populations and the environment.
Article iii
Each State Party to this Convention undertakes not to transfer to any
recipient whatsoever, directly or indirectly, and not in any way to assist,
encourage, or induce any State, group of States or international organizations to
manufacture or otherwise acquire any of the agents, toxins, weapons,
equipment or means of delivery specified in article I of the Convention.
Article iv
Each State Party to this Convention shall, in accordance with its
constitutional processes, take any necessary measures to prohibit and prevent
the development, production, stockpiling, acquisition, or retention of the agents,
toxins, weapons, equipment and means of delivery specified in article I of the
Convention, within the territory of such State, under its jurisdiction or under its
control anywhere.
32
Article v
The States Parties to this Convention undertake to consult one another
and to cooperate in solving any problems which may arise in relation to the
objective of, or in the application of the provisions of, the Convention.
Consultation and cooperation pursuant to this article may also be undertaken
through appropriate international procedures within the framework of the United
Nations and in accordance with its Charter.
Article vi
(1) Any State Party to this Convention which finds that any other State
Party is acting in breach of obligations deriving from the provisions of the
Convention may lodge a complaint with the Security Council of the United
Nations. Such a complaint should include all possible evidence confirming its
validity, as well as a request for its consideration by the Security Council.
(2) Each State Party to this Convention undertakes to cooperate in
carrying out any investigation which the Security Council may initiate, in
accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, on the
basis of the complaint received by the Council. The Security Council shall
inform the States Parties to the Convention of the results of the investigation.
Article vii
Each State Party to this Convention undertakes to provide or support
assistance, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, to any Party to the
Convention which so requests, if the Security Council decides that such Party
has been exposed to danger as a result of violation of the Convention.
Article viii
Nothing in this Convention shall be interpreted as in any way limiting or
detracting from the obligations assumed by any State under the Protocol for the
Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and
of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare, signed at Geneva on June 17, 1925.
33
Article ix
Each State Party to this Convention affirms the recognized objective of
effective prohibition of chemical weapons and, to this end, undertakes to
continue negotiations in good faith with a view to reaching early agreement on
effective measures for the prohibition of their development, production and
stockpiling and for their destruction, and on appropriate measures concerning
equipment and means of delivery specifically designed for the production or use
of chemical agents for weapons purposes.
Article x
(1) The States Parties to this Convention undertake to facilitate, and have
the right to participate in, the fullest possible exchange of equipment, materials
and scientific and technological information for the use of bacteriological
(biological) agents and toxins for peaceful purposes. Parties to the Convention
in a position to do so shall also cooperate in contributing individually or together
with other States or international organizations to the further development and
application of scientific discoveries in the field of bacteriology (biology) for
prevention of disease, or for other peaceful purposes.
(2) This Convention shall be implemented in a manner designed to avoid
hampering the economic or technological development of States Parties to the
Convention or international cooperation in the field of peaceful bacteriological
(biological) activities, including the international exchange of bacteriological
(biological) agents and toxins and equipment for the processing, use or
production of bacteriological (biological) agents and toxins for peaceful
purposes in accordance with the provisions of the Convention.
Article xi
Any State Party may propose amendments to this Convention.
Amendments shall enter into force for each State Party accepting the
amendments upon their acceptance by a majority of the States Parties to the
Convention and thereafter for each remaining State Party on the date of
acceptance by it.
34
Article xii
Five years after the entry into force of this Convention, or earlier if it is
requested by a majority of Parties to the Convention by submitting a proposal to
this effect to the Depositary Governments, a conference of States Parties to the
Convention shall be held at Geneva, Switzerland, to review the operation of the
Convention, with a view to assuring that the purposes of the preamble and the
provisions of the Convention, including the provisions concerning negotiations
on chemical weapons, are being realized. Such review shall take into account
any new scientific and technological developments relevant to the Convention.
Article xiii
(1) This Convention shall be of unlimited duration.
(2) Each State Party to this Convention shall in exercising its national
sovereignty have the right to withdraw from the Convention if it decides that
extraordinary events, related to the subject matter of the Convention, have
jeopardized the supreme interests of its country. It shall give notice of such
withdrawal to all other States Parties to the Convention and to the United
Nations Security Council three months in advance. Such notice shall include a
statement of the extraordinary events it regards as having jeopardized its
supreme interests.
Article xiv
(1) This Convention shall be open to all States for signature. Any State
which does not sign the Convention before its entry into force in accordance
with paragraph (3) of this Article may accede to it at any time.
(2) This Convention shall be subject to ratification by signatory States.
Instruments of ratification and instruments of accession shall be deposited with
the Governments of the United States of America, the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which
are hereby designated the Depositary Governments.
35
(3) This Convention shall enter into force after the deposit of
instruments of ratification by twenty-two Governments, including the
Governments designated as Depositaries of the Convention.
(4) For States whose instruments of ratification or accession are
deposited subsequent to the entry into force of this Convention, it shall enter
into force on the date of the deposit of their instruments of ratification or
accession.
(5) The Depositary Governments shall promptly inform all signatory and
acceding States of the date of each signature, the date of deposit of each
instrument of ratification or of accession and the date of the entry into force of
this Convention, and of the receipt of other notices.
(6) This Convention shall be registered by the Depositary Governments
pursuant to Article 102 of the Charter of the United Nations.
Article xv
This Convention, the English, Russian, French, Spanish and Chinese texts
of which are equally authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the
Depositary Governments. Duly certified copies of the Convention shall be
transmitted by the Depositary Governments to the Governments of the
signatory and acceding states.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF the undersigned, duly authorized, have signed
this Convention.
DONE in triplicate, at the cities of Washington, London and Moscow,
this tenth day of April, one thousand nine hundred and seventy-two.
36
Ratifications and accessions in chronological order
Czech Republic acceded 05-04-93
Afghanistan signed 10-04-72, ratified 26-03-75
Albania acceded 03-06-92
Argentina signed 01-08-72, ratified 27-11-79
Armenia acceded 07-06-94
Australia signed 10-04-72, ratified 05-10-77
Austria signed 10-04-72,ratified 10-08-73
Bahamas acceded 26-11-86
Bahrain acceded 28-10-88
Bangladesh acceded11-03-85
Barbados signed 16-02-73, ratified 16-02-73
Belarus signed 10-04-72, ratified 26-03-75
Belgium signed 10-04-72, ratified 15-03-79
Belize acceded 20-10-86
Benin signed 10-04-72, ratified 25-04-75
Bhutan acceded 08-06-78
Bolivia signed 10-04-72, ratified 30-10-75
Bosnia, Herzegovina acceded 15-08-94
Botswana signed 10-04-72, ratified 05-02-92
Brazil signed 10-04-72, ratified 27-02-73
Brunei acceded 31-01-91
Bulgaria signed 10-04-72, ratified 02-08-72
Burkina Faso acceded 17-04-91
Burundi signed 10-04-72
Cambodia signed 10-04-72, ratified 09-03-83
Canada signed 10-04-72, ratified 18-09-72
Cape Verde acceded 20-10-77
Central African Republic signed 10-04-72
Chile signed 10-04-72, ratified 22-04-80
China acceded 15-11-84
Colombia signed 10-04-72, ratified 19-12-83
Congo (Brazzaville) acceded 23-10-78
Congo (Democratic Republic of, formerly Zaire)
signed 10-04-72, ratified 16-09-75
Costa Rica signed 10-04-72, ratified 17-12-73
Côte d'Ivoire signed 23-05-72
Croatia acceded 28-04-93
Cuba signed 10-04-72, ratified 21-04-76
Cyprus signed 10-04-72, ratified 06-11-73
Denmark signed 10-04-72, ratified 01-03-73
Dominica acceded 08-11-78
Dominican Republic signed 10-04-72, ratified 23-0273
Ecuador signed 14-06-72, ratified 21-03-75
Egypt signed 10-04-72
El Salvador signed 10-04-72, ratified 31-12-91
Equatorial Guinea acceded 16-01-89
Estonia acceded 21-06-93
Ethiopia signed 10-04-72, ratified 26-05-75
Fiji signed 22-02-73, ratified 04-09-73
Finland, signed 10-04-72, ratified 04-02-74
France acceded 27-09-84
Gabon signed 10-04-72
Gambia signed 02-06-72, ratified 21-11-91
Georgia acceded 22-05-96
Germany* signed 10-04-72, ratified 28-11-72
Ghana signed 10-04-72, ratified 06-06-75
Greece signed 10-04-72, ratified 10-12-75
Grenada acceded 22-10-86
Guatemala signed 09-05-72, ratified 19-09-73
Guinea-Bissau acceded 20-08-76
Guyana signed 03-01-73
Haiti signed 10-04-72
Honduras signed 10-04-72, ratified 14-03-79
37
Hungary signed 10-04-72, ratified 27-12-72
Iceland, signed 10-04-72, ratified 15-02-73
India* signed 15-01-73, ratified 15-07-74
Indonesia signed 20-06-72, ratified 19-02-92
Iran signed 10-04-72, ratified 22-08-73
Iraq signed 11-05-72, ratified 19-06-91
Ireland, * signed 10-04-72, ratified 27-10-72
Italy signed 10-04-72, ratified 30-05-75
Mauritius signed 10-04-72, ratified 07-08-72
Mexico* signed 10-04-72, ratified 08-04-74
Mongolia signed 10-04-72, ratified 05-09-72
Morocco signed 02-05-72
Myanmar (Burma) signed 10-04-72
Nepal signed 10-04-72
Netherlands signed 10-04-72, ratified 22-06-81
New Zeal, signed 10-04-72, ratified 13-12-72
Nicaragua signed 10-04-72, ratified 07-08-75
Niger signed 21-04-72, ratified 23-06-72
Nigeria signed 03-07-72, ratified 03-07-73
Norway signed 10-04-72, ratified 01-08-73
Jamaica acceded 13-08-75
Japan signed 10-04-72, ratified 08-06-82
Jordan signed 10-04-72, ratified 30-05-75
Oman acceded 31-03-92
Kenya acceded 07-01-76
Korea, Democratic People's Republic of (North
Korea) acceded 13-03-87
Korea, Republic of (South Korea) signed 10-04-72,
ratified 25-06-87
Kuwait signed 14-04-72, ratified 18-07-72
Laos signed 10-04-72, ratified 20-03-73
Latvia signed, ratified
Lebanon signed 10-04-72, ratified 26-03-75
Lesotho signed 10-04-72, ratified 06-09-77
Liberia signed 10-04-72
Libya acceded 19-01-82
Liechtenstein acceded 30-05-91
Lithuania acceded 10-02-98
Luxembourg signed 10-04-72, ratified 23-03-76
Macedonia (Former Yugoslav Republic of) acceded
24-12-96
Madagascar signed 13-10-72
Malawi signed 10-04-72
Malaysia signed 10-04-72, ratified 06-09-91
Maldives acceded 02-08-93
Mali signed 10-04-72
Malta signed 11-09-72, ratified 07-04-75
Pakistan signed 10-04-72, ratified 25-09-74
Panama signed 02-05-72, ratified 20-03-74
Papua New Guinea acceded 27-10-80
Paraguay acceded 09-06-76
Peru signed 10-04-72, ratified 05-06-85
Philippines signed 10-04-72, ratified 21-05-73
Poland, signed 10-04-72, ratified 25-01-73
Portugal signed 29-06-72, ratified 15-05-75
Qatar signed 14-11-72, ratified 17-04-75
Romania signed 10-04-72, ratified 25-07-79
Russian Federation signed 10-04-72, ratified 26-0375
Rwanda signed 10-04-72, ratified 20-05-75
38
Saint Kitts (Christopher), Nevis acceded 02-04-91
Saint Lucia acceded 26-11-86
San Marino signed 12-09-72, ratified 11-03-75
Sao Tome, Principe acceded 24-08-79
Saudi Arabia signed 12-04-72, ratified 24-05-72
Senegal signed 10-04-72, ratified 26-03-75
Serbia, Montenegro signed 10-04-72, ratified 25-1073
Seychelles acceded 11-10-79
Sierra Leone signed 07-11-72, ratified 29-06-76
Singapore signed 19-06-72, ratified 02-12-75
Slovakia acceded 17-05-93
Slovenia acceded 07-04-92
Solomon Islands acceded 17-06-81
Somalia signed 03-07-72
South Africa signed 10-04-72, ratified 03-11-75
Spain signed 10-04-72, ratified 20-06-79
Sri Lanka signed 10-04-72, ratified 18-11-86
Suriname acceded 06-01-93
Swaziland, acceded 18-06-91
Sweden signed 27-02-75, ratified 05-02-76
Switzerland, signed 10-04-72, ratified 04-05-76
Syria signed 14-04-72
Uganda acceded 12-05-92
Ukraine signed 10-04-72, ratified 26-03-75
United Arab Emirates signed 28-09-72
UK of Great Britain, Northern Ireland, signed 10-0472, ratified 26-03-75
United States of America signed 10-04-72, ratified
26-03-75
Uruguay acceded 06-04-81
Uzbekistan acceded 11-01-96
Taiwan signed 10-04-72, ratified 09-02-73
Tanzania signed 16-08-72
Thailand, signed 17-01-73, ratified 28-05-75
Togo signed 10-04-72, ratified 10-11-76
Tonga acceded 28-09-76
Tunisia 10-04-72, ratified 18-05-73
Turkey 10-04-72, ratified 25-10-74
Turkmenistan acceded11-01-96
Yemen signed 26-04-72, ratified 01-06-79
Vanuatu acceded 12-10-90
Venezuela signed 10-04-72, ratified 18-10-78
Viet Nam acceded 20-06-80
Zimbabwe acceded 05-11-90
39
Non signaturie
Algeria
Andorra
Angola
Antigua, Barbuda
Azerbaijan
Marshall Islands
Mauritania
Micronesia (Federal States of)
Moldova (Republic of)
Monaco
Mozambique
Cameroon
Chad
Comoros
Cook Islands
Namibia
Nauru
Niue
Djibouti
Palau
Eritrea
St. Vincent & the Grenadines
Sudan
Guinea
Tajikistan
Trinidad, Tobago
Tuvalu
Holy See
Western Samoa
Israel
Zambia
Kazakhstan
Kiribati
Kyrgyzstan
40