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Ukrainian Weekly, January 30, 2011 - The Ukrainian Weekly

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Inside:<br />

• Mykola Riabchuk on selective justice in Ukraine – page 6.<br />

• Metropolitan Constantine Bohachevsky, 1884-1961 – page 8.<br />

• An artist to watch: pianist Anna Shelest – page 13.<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />

Published by the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association<br />

Vol. LXXIX No. 5 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

$1/$2 in Ukraine<br />

Ukraine’s Unity Day holiday manifests divisions in society<br />

Olena Harasovska/UNIAN<br />

Participants of the Unity Day human chain that stretched across Kyiv’s Paton<br />

Bridge to symbolically unite Ukraine on <strong>January</strong> 22. Unity Day, or “Den<br />

Sobornosty” in <strong>Ukrainian</strong>, has been a national holiday in Ukraine since 1999,<br />

when so designated by a presidential decree.<br />

by Zenon Zawada<br />

Kyiv Press Bureau<br />

KYIV – <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s were disunited as<br />

ever on Unity Day, holding three separate<br />

rallies in Kyiv on <strong>January</strong> 22, the day commemorating<br />

the unification of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

National Republic (of central and eastern<br />

Ukraine) and the Western <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

National Republic in 1919.<br />

<strong>The</strong> administration of President Viktor<br />

Yanukovych organized a rally on<br />

Independence Square. Supporters of former<br />

Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko took to<br />

St. Sophia Square, the site of the historic<br />

declaration, while Arseniy Yatsenyuk gathered<br />

those opposed to both leaders at<br />

Kontraktova Square.<br />

<strong>The</strong> commemoration offered evidence<br />

that <strong>Ukrainian</strong> politics has retained its tripolar<br />

structure of those supporting Mr.<br />

Yanukovych, those supporting Ms.<br />

Tymoshenko and those actively opposed to<br />

both. <strong>The</strong> division within the opposition<br />

benefits the current authoritarian government,<br />

observers said.<br />

“<strong>The</strong> government is interested in supporting<br />

the emergence of other opposition forces,”<br />

said Volodymyr Fesenko, board chairman<br />

of the Penta Center for Applied<br />

Political Research in Kyiv. He added, “<strong>The</strong><br />

government can play off the antagonism<br />

between different opposition currents.”<br />

Those organizing the rally on St. Sophia<br />

Square – where the Act of Union was<br />

declared on <strong>January</strong> 22, 1919 – lobbed<br />

sharp criticism against former Verkhovna<br />

Rada Chair Yatsenyuk of the Front of<br />

Change party and his allies for splitting the<br />

pro-Western opposition.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y shouted “Shame!” at Lilia<br />

Hrynevych of the Front of Change party<br />

when she addressed the crowd on St. Sophia<br />

Square.<br />

<strong>The</strong> famous “liubi druzi” (dear friends)<br />

who formed the financial backbone of former<br />

President Viktor Yushchenko’s political<br />

campaign – confectionary magnate Petro<br />

Poroshenko and natural gas trader Mykola<br />

Martynenko – were also on Kontraktova<br />

Square.<br />

Soviet-era dissident Bohdan Horyn<br />

accused the Yatsenyuk crowd of fulfilling<br />

commands from the Yanukovych administration<br />

to divide the opposition.<br />

“Perhaps Arseniy Yatsenyuk hasn’t<br />

matured to the realization that unity doesn’t<br />

mean separated national-democratic forces,<br />

but their unity for the sake of a grand goal –<br />

saving Ukraine at a time of great danger?”<br />

he wrote in a column published on the<br />

Ukrayinska Pravda website on <strong>January</strong> 25.<br />

Meanwhile, those who joined the St.<br />

Sophia Square event included opposition<br />

leader Ms. Tymoshenko, former Defense<br />

Minister Anatoliy Grytsenko, former<br />

Foreign Affairs Minister Borys Tarasyuk,<br />

nationalist orator Iryna Farion of the<br />

Svoboda party, Mykola Katerynchuk of the<br />

European Party of Ukraine and Mykola<br />

Kokhanivskyi of the Congress of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Nationalists.<br />

<strong>The</strong> event was organized by the<br />

Committee to Defend Ukraine, which<br />

includes the Batkivshchyna party led by Ms.<br />

Tymoshenko, the People’s Rukh of Ukraine<br />

led by Mr. Tarasyuk, the Svoboda party led<br />

by Oleh Tiahnybok, the Congress of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Nationalists led by Stepan<br />

Bratsiun and the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> World<br />

Coordinating Council led by Dmytro<br />

Pavlychko.<br />

Patriarch Filaret of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Orthodox Church–Kyiv Patriatch (UOC–<br />

KP), whose church is under persecution by<br />

the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Orthodox Church–Moscow<br />

Patriarchate (UOC–MP), led the Orthodox<br />

moleben initiating the event.<br />

It was interrupted by Ms. Tymoshenko<br />

and her entourage, who arrived late. She<br />

Volodymyr Musyak<br />

Thousands of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s gathered on St. Sophia Square to commemorate Unity<br />

Day on <strong>January</strong> 22, 92 years after the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Republic and the<br />

Western <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Republic declared their unification.<br />

drew the crowd’s attention and applause,<br />

which grew loud enough to interfere with<br />

the prayer and visibly irritate Patriarch<br />

Filaret, who kept his distance from the<br />

opposition leader for the remainder of the<br />

evening.<br />

Svoboda nationalists officially endorsed<br />

and supported the commemoration on St.<br />

Sophia Square, but its activists also attended<br />

the Kontraktova Square event, distributing<br />

the party’s newspaper and observing the<br />

vertep (Nativity Play) being performed there<br />

by Bohdan Beniuk, a regarded actor and<br />

Svoboda party member.<br />

“We sent our people to distribute our<br />

Human Rights Watch slams West<br />

for ‘cowardice’ on rights issues<br />

RFE/RL<br />

An international rights group has<br />

accused Western powers of not doing<br />

enough to pressure abusive regimes to<br />

protect basic human rights.<br />

<strong>The</strong> 648-page Human Rights Watch<br />

(HRW) report, a compendium of human<br />

rights abuses reported around the world<br />

in the past year, criticizes the democracies<br />

for their “soft reaction” to repressive<br />

regimes.<br />

<strong>The</strong> report singles out the United<br />

States, the European Union and the<br />

United Nations for failing to put enough<br />

pressure on abusive governments, highlighting<br />

what it called a “near-universal<br />

cowardice in confronting China’s deepening<br />

crackdown on basic liberties.”<br />

party newspaper,” said Yurii Sytoriuk, the<br />

party spokesman. “Why no go there and<br />

advertise Svoboda? We used it as party propaganda.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> For Ukraine party, a national-democratic<br />

force committed to Euro-Atlantic<br />

integration, took a similar approach, dispatching<br />

its leader Viacheslav Kyrylenko to<br />

the event on St. Sophia Square. He declined<br />

an offer to address the crowd, instead mingling<br />

with participants afterwards.<br />

<strong>The</strong> For Ukraine party officially<br />

endorsed the Kontraktova event, which Mr.<br />

(Continued on page 11)<br />

HRW also charged Western leaders,<br />

particularly U.N. Secretary-General Ban<br />

Ki-moon, European Union foreign policy<br />

chief Catherine Ashton, and U.S.<br />

President Barack Obama with focusing<br />

too much on dialogue and not enough on<br />

confronting abuses.<br />

It condemns as soft the EU’s response<br />

to authoritarian regimes in Uzbekistan<br />

and Turkmenistan, denouncing what it<br />

calls the bloc’s “obsequious approach”<br />

toward both countries and arguing that<br />

leaders of authoritarian governments<br />

welcome an emphasis on dialogue<br />

because it is likely to “remove the spotlight<br />

from human rights discussions.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> report coincides with a rare visit<br />

(Continued on page 11)


2<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

ANALYSIS<br />

Russian Black Sea Fleet<br />

strengthens presence in Ukraine<br />

by Vladimir Socor<br />

Eurasia Daily Monitor<br />

<strong>The</strong> Russian navy plans to increase its<br />

presence on <strong>Ukrainian</strong> territory by adding<br />

urban infrastructure and civilian manpower<br />

to its naval assets in Sevastopol. <strong>The</strong> command<br />

of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet intends to<br />

build a housing estate (“mikrorayon”) for<br />

20,000 personnel of the fleet, their dependents<br />

and civilian service providers to the<br />

Russian fleet in that city.<br />

<strong>The</strong> housing estate and associated service<br />

infrastructure is planned to occupy both<br />

sides of Kazachya Bay, alongside the base of<br />

a Russian “marine infantry” (amphibious<br />

landing troops) regiment.<br />

<strong>The</strong> government of Russia will finance<br />

this program from a fund dedicated to the<br />

socio-economic development of Sevastopol.<br />

That fund currently stems from the 2010<br />

arrangements to subsidize Ukraine’s consumption<br />

of Russian gas. <strong>The</strong> socio-economic<br />

fund’s value is deducted from the<br />

value of that subsidy. This portion, consequently,<br />

helps to consolidate Russia’s military<br />

foothold on <strong>Ukrainian</strong> territory.<br />

<strong>The</strong> head of the Sevastopol city administration<br />

(by law a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> government<br />

appointee), Valery Saratov, has expressed<br />

gratitude in announcing this Russian building<br />

program (Interfax-Ukraine, <strong>January</strong> 16).<br />

On April 21, 2010, Presidents Viktor<br />

Yanukovych and Dmitry Medvedev signed<br />

the agreement to prolong the Russian fleet’s<br />

basing rights in Ukraine beyond the 2017<br />

expiration date by another 25 years, with a<br />

further five-year extension option to 2047. In<br />

return, Russia agreed to grant a <strong>30</strong> percent<br />

discount on the price of Russian natural gas<br />

to Ukraine, if that price exceeds $336 per<br />

1,000 cubic meters (tcm).<br />

It now turns out, however, that an implementation<br />

mechanism and even a common<br />

understanding of that arrangement are lacking.<br />

On April 18, 2010, in Moscow, the<br />

Russian and <strong>Ukrainian</strong> finance ministers,<br />

by Claire Bigg<br />

and Yelena Polyakovskaya<br />

RFE/RL<br />

As Russia mourns the 35 victims of the<br />

bombing attack at Moscow’s Domodedovo<br />

airport, theater lovers are sparing a special<br />

thought for Anna Yablonska, a young<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> poet and playwright killed in the<br />

blast.<br />

Ms. Yablonska, a native of Odesa, had<br />

arrived in the Russian capital to pick up a<br />

literary prize when a presumed suicide<br />

bomber detonated explosives at the airport’s<br />

crowded arrivals terminal, sparking scenes<br />

of carnage. She was 29 years old.<br />

Ms. Yablonska was due to receive a prize<br />

from Cinema Art magazine at a ceremony in<br />

Moscow just hours after her plane landed at<br />

Domodedovo.<br />

<strong>The</strong> editor of Cinema Art, Daniil<br />

Dondurei, said she had been in high spirits<br />

that day.<br />

“She called at 4 p.m. after landing. She<br />

was worried about not making it for 6:<strong>30</strong><br />

p.m.,” Mr. Dondurei said. “<strong>The</strong> head of our<br />

selection board spoke to her. She was cheerful.<br />

She died 20 minutes later.”<br />

Charmed the jury<br />

Her colleagues describe Ms. Yablonska,<br />

Aleksei Kudrin and Fedir Yaroshenko,<br />

respectively, started negotiations on implementing<br />

the April 21, 2010, agreements. <strong>The</strong><br />

Russian side seems more interested in quibbling<br />

and stalling, than in delivering.<br />

Mr. Kudrin insisted that “a new agreement”<br />

must be negotiated to define “concrete<br />

terms and parameters, on which implementation<br />

would depend.” For his part, Mr.<br />

Yaroshenko seemed to plead for overcoming<br />

a deadlock: “For us it is important to reach a<br />

common interpretation, define a common<br />

methodology for implementing this agreement<br />

in real life” (Interfax-Ukraine, <strong>January</strong><br />

18).<br />

While Kyiv sounds anxious about<br />

Moscow delivering “in real life,” Moscow<br />

may well turn its side of the bargain into a<br />

dead letter. <strong>The</strong> price of gas seems unlikely<br />

to stay above $<strong>30</strong>0 per tcm (unless Moscow<br />

decides to practice overt extortion and by the<br />

same token subsidize its own extortion of<br />

Ukraine). Below that price level, Russia can<br />

still pressure Ukraine into further concessions,<br />

in return for further discounts on the<br />

gas price. This would probably be the “new<br />

agreement” to which Mr. Kudrin is alluding.<br />

Moscow is well-placed to implement the<br />

naval base extension agreement while bargaining<br />

over implementation of the gas price<br />

agreement. <strong>The</strong> April 2010 arrangements are<br />

asymmetrical in that the naval base agreement<br />

is self-enforcing while the gas agreement<br />

is not. Ukraine lacks the power to withhold<br />

implementation of the former, while<br />

Russia has ample means to set conditions for<br />

implementing the latter.<br />

Since those agreements were signed,<br />

Moscow has announced plans to replace old<br />

warships of its Black Sea Fleet with new<br />

ones, increase that fleet’s tonnage in net<br />

terms, and upgrade the fleet’s weaponry.<br />

Modernization plans as announced during<br />

2010 envisage adding one cruiser, several<br />

frigates and several submarines by 2015. In<br />

(Continued on page 22)<br />

Friends mourn <strong>Ukrainian</strong> playwright<br />

killed in Moscow airport bombing<br />

whose real name was Anna Mashutina, as<br />

an up-and-coming playwright whose plays<br />

had won numerous literary awards and were<br />

staged in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus.<br />

Mr. Dondurei said her latest play, “<strong>The</strong><br />

Pagans,” had charmed the jury, and she had<br />

won the competition hands down.<br />

<strong>The</strong>ater producer Mikhail Ugarov, who<br />

knew Ms. Yablonska well and attended the<br />

<strong>January</strong> 24 award ceremony, says organizers<br />

became concerned after she failed to turn up<br />

at the ceremony and stopped answering her<br />

phone.<br />

“Panic erupted at the ceremony,” Mr.<br />

Ugarov said. “<strong>The</strong>y waited for her until the<br />

last moment and ended up awarding her the<br />

prize in absentia. At that time, she was<br />

already dead.”<br />

Ms. Yablonska’s husband called her colleagues<br />

and friends later that evening to<br />

inform them she had been killed in the<br />

attack at Domodedovo.<br />

Mr. Ugarov says she will be sorely<br />

missed in Russia. “She was a very talented,<br />

bright person. She combined a very high<br />

emotionality with an extremely sharp, sober<br />

intellect,” he noted. “<strong>The</strong> professional community<br />

is deeply shocked because everyone<br />

liked her. She was friendly. She liked shar-<br />

(Continued on page 22)<br />

Yanukovych reacts to Moscow bombing<br />

KYIV – <strong>Ukrainian</strong> President Viktor<br />

Yanukovych in a phone conversation<br />

with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev<br />

condemned acts of terrorism and conveyed<br />

his condolences over a bomb<br />

attack at Moscow’s Domodedovo<br />

Airport. Mr., Yanukovych ordered<br />

Ukraine’s diplomatic missions and special<br />

services to reinforce measures to protect<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> citizens abroad, the presidential<br />

press service reported on <strong>January</strong><br />

25. <strong>The</strong> president also sent his condolences<br />

to the family of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> playwright<br />

Hanna Mashutina (who wrote under the<br />

pseudonym Yablonska), who was killed<br />

in the Moscow airport blast. In addition,<br />

the he ordered the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Foreign<br />

Affairs Ministry to render any required<br />

aid to relatives of any <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s killed<br />

in the blast. (Interfax-Ukraine)<br />

Security enhanced at Boryspil airport<br />

KYIV – Enhanced security measures<br />

were instituted at Kyiv’s Boryspil international<br />

airport due to the terrorist act<br />

that occurred at Moscow’s Domodedovo<br />

airport on <strong>January</strong> 24. <strong>The</strong> measures are<br />

aimed at preventing large gatherings of<br />

people at airport complexes and on airport<br />

property. Additional units of the<br />

Internal Affairs Ministry are working, as<br />

are Berkut forces and the canine service<br />

of the airport’s aviation security complex.<br />

At the same time, Boryspil representatives<br />

underscored on <strong>January</strong> 26 that the<br />

airport’s terminals are working in regular<br />

operation mode, and planes are departing<br />

and arriving on schedule. (Ukrinform)<br />

5,000 form human chain in Lviv<br />

LVIV – About 5,000 people have<br />

formed a human chain between the monuments<br />

to Taras Shevchenko and Stepan<br />

Bandera in Lviv on <strong>January</strong> 22 to celebrate<br />

Unity Day in Ukraine. Participating<br />

in the event were representatives of the<br />

Svoboda Party, the Party of Regions,<br />

activists of public organizations and local<br />

residents. <strong>The</strong> participants held national<br />

flags, and some people had painted<br />

national flags on their faces. (Interfax-<br />

Ukraine)<br />

NEWSBRIEFS<br />

Thousands denounce Ukraine’s president<br />

KYIV – Thousands of supporters of<br />

Ukraine’s former Prime Minister Yulia<br />

Tymoshenko massed in downtown Kyiv<br />

on <strong>January</strong> 22 to denounce her archrival,<br />

President Viktor Yanukovych, accusing<br />

him of being a Russian stooge. Some<br />

6,000 protesters gathered in St. Sophia<br />

square, answering a call by several opposition<br />

parties to mark the 92nd anniversary<br />

of the reunification of eastern and<br />

western Ukraine. Many carried banners<br />

calling for the dismissal of both President<br />

Yanukovych and Prime Minister Mykola<br />

Azarov. Ms. Tymoshenko asked the<br />

crowds: “Are you ready to take to the<br />

streets?” To which the resounding answer<br />

was “Yes.” Dmytro Pavlychko told the<br />

crowd: “Those who are in power take<br />

their orders from the Kremlin.” (Focus<br />

Information agency, Agence France-<br />

Presse)<br />

Day of Unity celebrated in Moscow<br />

MOSCOW – Events at the Library of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature in Moscow became<br />

the central event of celebrations of<br />

Ukraine’s Day of Unity held by diplomats<br />

of the Embassy of Ukraine in<br />

Russia. <strong>The</strong> Embassy press service<br />

reported that, during a meeting with representatives<br />

of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community,<br />

Ukraine’s Ambassador to Russia<br />

Volodymyr Yelchenko “confirmed the<br />

special importance attached by our state<br />

to the continuation of unhindered activities<br />

of the library as an important center<br />

of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> culture in the capital of<br />

Russia.” Also on <strong>January</strong> 22, on the territory<br />

of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Embassy in Russia,<br />

a ceremonial raising of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> flag<br />

took place. Ukraine’s ambassador and<br />

Embassy diplomats also participated in<br />

laying flowers at the monument to<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> poet Taras Shevchenko in<br />

Moscow. Earlier, the director of the<br />

Information Policy Department of the<br />

Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs<br />

(MFA), Oleh Voloshyn, stated that for the<br />

ministry the satisfaction of the culturaleducational<br />

rights of more than 2 million<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> community members in Russia<br />

(Continued on page 14)<br />

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<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>, <strong>January</strong> <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong>, No. 5, Vol. LXXIX<br />

Copyright © <strong>2011</strong> <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />

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No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

3<br />

WINDOW ON EURASIA<br />

Moscow moves to close down <strong>Ukrainian</strong> institutions in Russia<br />

by Paul Goble<br />

Apparently confident that now it can do<br />

so without objections from the Yanukovych<br />

administration in Kyiv, Moscow has disbanded<br />

the Federal National-Cultural<br />

Autonomy of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s of Russia and is<br />

Paul Goble is a long-time specialist<br />

on ethnic and religious questions in<br />

Eurasia who has served in various<br />

capacities in the U.S. State Department,<br />

the Central Intelligence Agency and the<br />

International Broadcasting Bureau, as<br />

well as at the Voice of America and<br />

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and<br />

t h e C a r n e g i e E n d o w m e n t f o r<br />

International Peace. Mr. Goble writes a<br />

blog called “Window on Eurasia”<br />

(http://windowoneurasia.blogspot.com/).<br />

This article above is reprinted with permission.<br />

setting the stage for closing the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

library in the Russian capital by continuing<br />

its seizures of “extremist” literature there.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Russian government, like its Soviet<br />

predecessor, has never been supportive of<br />

the more than 5 million ethnic <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />

living there, refusing to open any <strong>Ukrainian</strong>language<br />

state schools even as it has complained<br />

about closure of some of the many<br />

Russian-language schools operating in<br />

Ukraine.<br />

But in recent weeks, Moscow has moved<br />

against even the few <strong>Ukrainian</strong> institutions<br />

that do exist inside the Russian Federation.<br />

On the basis of a March 2010 appeal by the<br />

Russian Justice Ministry, the Russian<br />

Supreme Court on November 24, 2010, “liquidated”<br />

the Federal National-Cultural<br />

Autonomy of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s of Russia” as a<br />

legal entity.<br />

According to Vladimir Semenenko, the<br />

former head of that institution, the Justice<br />

Herman: No violations<br />

of rights in Ukraine<br />

Interfax-Ukraine<br />

KYIV – <strong>The</strong> new government of Ukraine<br />

does not infringe on the rights and freedoms<br />

of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> citizens, but there are some<br />

rumors that affect the president and the government<br />

in general, said the deputy head of<br />

the Presidential Administration, Hanna<br />

Herman.<br />

“I absolutely refute these statements [on<br />

pressure being applied to writers and journalists],<br />

[and] I would like to speak here<br />

only about several particular cases,” she said<br />

on Channel 5 on Sunday evening, <strong>January</strong><br />

23.<br />

In particular, Ms. Herman actions by the<br />

police in relation to writer Maria Matios “a<br />

lot of nonsense.”<br />

“Our police are as they are… it’s a<br />

pity, but we don’t have other police officers<br />

for our writers. But they [the police<br />

officers] should be educated, trained,<br />

[improved]. And I believe that it was a<br />

huge mistake [to search the writer’s<br />

apartment],” she commented.<br />

Ms. Herman said that the opposition had<br />

taken advantage of this situation.<br />

“I understand that the police have their<br />

own work to do, but apart from their work<br />

the police must have a head. And if the<br />

police do not have a head and brains, then<br />

they will do great harm to the president,”<br />

she noted.<br />

Ms. Herman also said she was sure that<br />

such cases would not happen in Ukraine in<br />

the future.<br />

In addition, the deputy head of the<br />

Presidential Administration said that the<br />

position of Freedom House, the U.S. nongovernmental<br />

organization that lowered<br />

Ukraine’s rating to the category of partly<br />

free countries, was biased.<br />

“I believe that Freedom House was biased<br />

against Ukraine… For us the greatest pledge<br />

of freedom is the economic freedom of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s… Freedom House also got some<br />

one-sided information,” Ms. Herman said.<br />

Activists charge Education Ministry<br />

“concept” will lead to Russification<br />

Interfax-Ukraine<br />

KYIV – <strong>The</strong> concept for language education<br />

proposed by the Ukraine’s Ministry of<br />

Education, Science, Youth and Sports will<br />

lead <strong>Ukrainian</strong> education toward<br />

Russification, the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> public organization<br />

Ne Bud Baiduzhym! (Don’t Be<br />

Indifferent!) has said.<br />

“This concept is a new method of<br />

Russification of Ukraine. I guess this concept<br />

will be adopted quickly, so that the<br />

public will not be able to oppose it. This is a<br />

new, invisible method of Russification of<br />

Ukraine,” a representative of the organization,<br />

Olena Podobed-Frankivska, said during<br />

a press conference hosted on <strong>January</strong> 19<br />

by the Interfax-Ukraine News Agency.<br />

According to Ms. Podobed-Frankivska,<br />

when the Education Ministry presented this<br />

concept at a public discussion, some regulations<br />

were violated – in particular, the term<br />

set for a public discussion.<br />

“A public discussion of this project<br />

should have been held for no less than a<br />

month,” she noted.<br />

In turn, sociolinguist Dr. Larysa Masenko<br />

said: “Why did you decide that the concept<br />

is aimed exactly at this [Russification]? ...<br />

<strong>The</strong>re are no clear regulations on a specified<br />

language. <strong>The</strong>se norms can be applied to<br />

both the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> and Russian languages.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is no definition on the main language<br />

of education in Ukraine.”<br />

At the same time, Ms. Masenko criticized<br />

the concept. “This concept will only<br />

deepen the split in the society, that’s why it<br />

is very dangerous, and in fact it practically<br />

returns us to the Soviet Union.”<br />

A senior researcher at the Institute of the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Language of the National<br />

Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Oksana<br />

Danylevska, said that the key principle of<br />

the proposed idea was a political quick fix.<br />

“I should say that this is a short-term concept<br />

for the current political situation.<br />

Unfortunately, it does not care about actual<br />

education,” she added.<br />

Ms. Podobed-Frankivska said that activists<br />

of Ne Bud Baiduzhym would bring a<br />

new doorplate reading “Education Ministry<br />

of Russia. Foreign Representative Office” to<br />

the Education Ministry in Kyiv. She noted,<br />

“We want to rename the ministry to match<br />

its deeds.”<br />

OSCE<br />

VILNIUS – <strong>The</strong> OSCE chairperson-in-<br />

Office, Lithuanian Foreign Minister<br />

Audronius Ažubalis, met representatives<br />

from international non-governmental<br />

organizations in Vilnius <strong>January</strong> 19 and<br />

invited them to take part in an open dialogue<br />

with Lithuania’s <strong>2011</strong> chairmanship<br />

of the Organization for Security and<br />

Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).<br />

Minister Ažubalis met representatives<br />

from international non-governmental<br />

human rights organizations from the<br />

International Civic Initiative for the<br />

OSCE, offered to maintain a regular dialogue<br />

and urged them to actively participate<br />

in OSCE events and thereby contribute<br />

to the OSCE’s work.<br />

“OSCE is unique as we bring non-governmental<br />

organizations into the heart of<br />

our decision-making. Civil society’s participation<br />

in the work of the OSCE is<br />

greatly valued. Cooperation and a mutual<br />

exchange of views are very important,<br />

and Lithuania is ready to continue a lively<br />

and very open dialogue with civil society,“<br />

said Mr. Ažubalis, who emphasized<br />

that the promotion of media freedom and<br />

Ministry made three specific complaints<br />

about the group’s “diversions.” First, Mr.<br />

Semenko gave an interview to Radio<br />

Liberty. Second, the group organized a public<br />

conference on <strong>Ukrainian</strong> studies in<br />

Russia. And third, its leaders took part in<br />

commemorations of the Great Famine 1932-<br />

1933, or Holodomor.<br />

On <strong>January</strong> 13 Russian Foreign Minister<br />

Sergey Lavrov confirmed that the closure<br />

was based on the autonomy’s political activity.<br />

He said that that the autonomy had been<br />

shuttered because its leaders “were engaged<br />

in political activity directed at undermining<br />

Russian-<strong>Ukrainian</strong> relations” (globalist.org.<br />

ua/shorts/61127.html).<br />

Meanwhile, Russian Internal Affairs<br />

Ministry (MVD) officials have been conducting<br />

searches for “extremist” literature in<br />

the Library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature in<br />

Moscow. <strong>The</strong> latest of these occurred on<br />

<strong>January</strong> 14. Both <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Embassy officials<br />

and Russian ones insist the library has<br />

not been closed, but the librarians there say<br />

that a court case is hanging over them and it.<br />

Natalya Sharina, the library’s director,<br />

said the MVD officers had come from the<br />

anti-extremist section and had behaved in<br />

such a threatening way that members of her<br />

staff had called for emergency medical help.<br />

She acknowledged that the library was still<br />

open, but said the “criminal case” was going<br />

on “in parallel” (www.unian.net/rus/<br />

print/416293).<br />

Foreign Minister Lavrov, also on <strong>January</strong><br />

OSCE chair meets representatives<br />

of international human rights NGOs<br />

“Impossible to Forget” was the title<br />

of a feature published in the travel section<br />

of <strong>The</strong> New York Times on <strong>January</strong><br />

9. Among the five Times correspondents<br />

who recalled “the places they<br />

would go back to if they got the<br />

chance,” was Clifford J. Levy, who<br />

wrote about Lviv. Other places featured<br />

were: Phnom Penh, Cambodia;<br />

Lago Todos los Santos, Chile; Caserta,<br />

Italy; and the Orchids Hotel, Congo.<br />

Following is an excerpt from Mr.<br />

Clifford’s account. (<strong>The</strong> full text may<br />

be read at http://travel.nytimes.<br />

com/<strong>2011</strong>/01/09/travel/09lviv.html.)<br />

“…this city on the edge of the Soviet<br />

empire, at a crossroads of Europe, was a<br />

cobblestoned find. … winding streets…<br />

reflected the influences of centuries of<br />

overlapping cultures.<br />

“Lviv has gone by many names,<br />

thanks to its many rulers, from the<br />

Soviets to the Germans to the Poles.<br />

But it is the Austro-Hungarian Empire<br />

that seems to have had the strongest<br />

influence. As I roamed, I was reminded<br />

more of Vienna and Prague than<br />

(Continued on page 22)<br />

pluralism as well as tolerance, is among<br />

the priorities of Lithuania’s chairmanship.<br />

“We welcome constructive, focused<br />

and consolidated civil society recommendations<br />

on all issues concerning the<br />

OSCE human dimension,” he added.<br />

Mr. Ažubalis said he plans to meet representatives<br />

of civil society during his<br />

forthcoming visits to Moscow and<br />

Washington, as well as to countries with<br />

OSCE field operations in the South<br />

Caucasus, Eastern Europe, Central Asia<br />

and Southeastern Europe.<br />

<strong>The</strong> NGO representatives from<br />

Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Lithuania,<br />

Poland, Russia, the United Kingdom and<br />

Ukraine attending the <strong>January</strong> 19 meeting<br />

conveyed an appeal by the International<br />

Civic Initiative for the OSCE on cooperation<br />

during Lithuania’s chairmanship.<br />

<strong>The</strong> appeal calls for civil society’s role in<br />

the OSCE’s work to be strengthened and<br />

sets out guidelines and proposals for cooperation<br />

with the OSCE Chairmanship.<br />

Established in April 2010, the<br />

International Civic Initiative for the<br />

OSCE comprises 11 international nongovernmental<br />

human rights organizations.<br />

Lviv: impossible to forget<br />

Moscow. …<br />

“… what really distinguished Lviv<br />

was its decidedly international sensibility,<br />

more evident than in any city<br />

that I have visited in the former Soviet<br />

Union. This was obvious from the<br />

range of cathedrals making up the<br />

city’s skyline: <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Orthodox,<br />

Russian Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox<br />

and Roman Catholic.<br />

“Lviv is also base for the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Greek-Catholic Church, which in itself<br />

speaks to a melding: the church is loyal<br />

to Rome, but allows some priests to<br />

marry and follows the Eastern ceremonial<br />

rite. Lviv was also home to a thriving<br />

Jewish community before World<br />

War II, and I wandered past the ruins<br />

of one of the main synagogues. Not<br />

many Jews remain, but plans are being<br />

developed to rebuild the synagogue.<br />

“And so it went: I tried to work, but<br />

the city kept pulling me away. I went<br />

to interview an official at City Hall, but<br />

ended up at the observation deck on<br />

the building’s tower, admiring views of<br />

Lviv’s splendid architecture – classical,<br />

Baroque and other styles. …”


4<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

UWC appeals to Hungary<br />

about representation<br />

of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> minority<br />

TORONTO – On <strong>January</strong> 17 the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> World<br />

Congress (UWC) expressed its concern to Hungary’s<br />

Prime Minister Viktor Orban that the elections of the<br />

National <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Minority Self-Government in<br />

Hungary held on <strong>January</strong> 9 could undermine the representation<br />

of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> minority and jeopardize<br />

its effective participation in public life.<br />

According to a UWC member-organization, the<br />

Association of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Culture in Hungary, in several<br />

cases the electorate voting and the candidates<br />

running for the National <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Minority Self-<br />

Government are not part of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community<br />

and do not preserve the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> language, culture<br />

and traditions.<br />

“<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> World Congress calls upon the<br />

prime minister of Hungary to urgently appoint a<br />

senior government official to verify whether the<br />

electoral process, including the elections of the<br />

National <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Minority Self-Government in<br />

Hungary, was conducted in accordance with the fundamental<br />

principles governing such elections, and if<br />

not, to take approriate measures to rectify the situation,”<br />

stated UWC President Eugene Czolij.<br />

Plokhy’s “Yalta” nominated for Lionel Gelber Prize<br />

by Oksana Zakydalsky<br />

TORONTO – “Yalta: <strong>The</strong> Price<br />

of Peace” by Serhii Plokhy,<br />

Mykhailo Hrushevsky Professor of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> History at Harvard, has<br />

been shortlisted for the <strong>2011</strong> Lionel<br />

Gelber Prize.<br />

<strong>The</strong> jury citation for the book<br />

reads: “A work of outstanding<br />

scholarship which brings to light<br />

important interpretations based on<br />

newly available Russian documents.<br />

Going beyond the Western<br />

sources, this is a seminal treatment<br />

of a profoundly important moment<br />

in history.”<br />

Prof. Plokhy is the third holder<br />

of the endowed Hrushevsky chair<br />

in <strong>Ukrainian</strong> history at Harvard,<br />

which he assumed in the fall of<br />

2007. Before coming to Harvard,<br />

he was based at the University of<br />

Alberta, where he served as acting<br />

director of the Canadian Institute<br />

of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Studies (CIUS) and as<br />

associate director of the Peter<br />

Jacyk Center for <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Historical Research at CIUS.<br />

Called by <strong>The</strong> Economist “the<br />

world’s most important award for<br />

non-fiction,” the Lionel Gelber<br />

Prize was founded in 1989 by the<br />

Canadian diplomat and scholar. It<br />

is a literary award for the world’s<br />

best non-fiction book in English<br />

that seeks to deepen public debate<br />

on significant global issues. <strong>The</strong><br />

winning author receives $15,000.<br />

<strong>The</strong> prize is presented annually<br />

by <strong>The</strong> Lionel Gelber Foundation,<br />

in partnership with the Munk<br />

School of Global Affairs at the<br />

University of Toronto and Foreign<br />

Policy magazine. <strong>The</strong> winner of the<br />

<strong>2011</strong> Lionel Gelber Prize, to be<br />

announced on March 1, will deliver<br />

the annual Lionel Gelber Lecture at<br />

an award ceremony on March 29.<br />

<strong>The</strong> other four shortlisted works<br />

include: “Why the West Rules – for<br />

Now” by Ian Morris (U.S.A.);<br />

“Arrival City: <strong>The</strong> Final Migration<br />

and our Next World” by Doug<br />

Saunders (United Kingdom); “<strong>The</strong><br />

Hungry World: America’s Cold<br />

War Battle Against Poverty in<br />

Asia” by Nick Cullather (U.S.A.);<br />

and “Polar Imperative: A History<br />

of Arctic Sovereignty in North<br />

America” by Shelagh D. Grant (Canada).<br />

Last year’s winner of the Lionel Gelber<br />

Prize was “<strong>The</strong> Generalissimo: Chiang<br />

Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern<br />

China” by Jay Taylor.<br />

Amount Name City<br />

$400.00 L. Sygida-Peleschuk Stamford, CT<br />

$100.00 Y. Deychakiwsky N. Potomac, MD<br />

George Masiuk Alexandria, VA<br />

N. Slusar North Port, FL<br />

Neonila Sochan Morristown, NJ<br />

$75.00 S. Nachesty Northampton, PA<br />

M. Omelan Philadelphia, PA<br />

$60.00 Alexandra Ritter Bethlehem, PA<br />

$55.00 Maria and Leo East Windsor, NJ<br />

Chirovsky<br />

Stephen Lepki Cambridge, OH<br />

Daria Zachar<br />

Redondo Beach, CA<br />

$50.00 C. Bonacorsa Belleville, NJ<br />

Ulana Diachuk Rutherford, NJ<br />

J. Gudziak Syracuse, NY<br />

Daria Halaburda-Patti Clifton, NJ<br />

C. Holowinsky Belle Mead, NJ<br />

B. Kurylko Venice, FL<br />

A. Kushnir Bethesda, MD<br />

Stella Maciach Jersey City, NJ<br />

(in memory of Mary<br />

Maciach)<br />

M. McGrath Franklin Square, NY<br />

Marlene Milstead Rock Hill, SC<br />

Peter Myskiw<br />

Phoenix, AZ<br />

N. Popowych Park Ridge, IL<br />

Roman Olijnyk Radnor, PA<br />

$45.00 Daria Dykyj Forest Hills, NY<br />

Sophie Worobec Chicago, IL<br />

$<strong>30</strong>.00 Genya Blahy Beechhurst, NY<br />

Irena Nychay<br />

Bayonne, NJ<br />

Gregory Tkaczyk St. Catharines, ON<br />

$25.00 V. Andrushkiw Troy, MI<br />

W. Balko Ledgewood, NJ<br />

Michael Bilynsky Hollywood, FL<br />

B. Birakowsky College Point, NY<br />

O. Boraczok Madison, WI<br />

George Chomyn Weston, ON<br />

Ihor Chorneyko Dundas, ON<br />

D. Chromowsky Little Egg Harbor, NJ<br />

M. Durbak Chicago, IL<br />

K. Fedorijczuk Glenside, PA<br />

H. Gottschak Glen Ridge, PA<br />

Oksana Herus<br />

Eastchester, NY<br />

I. Hron Osprey, FL<br />

Z. Iwanonko Vestal, NY<br />

A. Jakubowycz Brecksville, OH<br />

M. Kebalo Briarwood, NY<br />

Andrea Kochanowsky Wayne, NJ<br />

W. Kornylo Rochester, NY<br />

T. Krupa Morristown, NJ<br />

J. Krupinski Scranton, PA<br />

S. Krysalka Mason, GA<br />

Mary Ann Kulish Bayonne, NJ<br />

T. Kulyk Plaut City, FL<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> Press Fund: December<br />

Bill Laschuk<br />

San Francisco, CA<br />

J. Lipsky Dearfield Beach, FL<br />

Michael Lotocky Huntington Beach, CA<br />

I. Lysyj Austin, TX<br />

Andrij Maryniuk Bay Harbor Island, FL<br />

A. Motyl New York, NY<br />

J. Pluta Wallingford, PA<br />

J. Ratych North Port, FL<br />

Arnold Rudakewych Lorton, VA<br />

S. Schmotolocha Thousand Oaks, CA<br />

W. Sidorowicz S. Fallsburg, NY<br />

K. Sowiak Mercerville, NJ<br />

D. Stachiw Middlesex, NJ<br />

G. Sydoriak Hillsborough, NJ<br />

Larysa Szanc-Smarsh Brooklyn, NY<br />

I. Szkolar White Plains, NY<br />

P. Wasylkevych Cary, NC<br />

W. Werbowsky Syracuse, NY<br />

Andrij Witiuk<br />

Brooklyn, NY<br />

W. Wowchuk Hawthorn Woods, IL<br />

W. Wronskyj Greenlawn, NY<br />

P. Wychrij Naples, FL<br />

$20.00 R. Bilak Kenosha, WI<br />

Lana Ginsberg Round Rock, TX<br />

M. Jarko Union, NJ<br />

Laryssa Krupa Morristown, NJ<br />

Natalka Maciukenas Portland, OR<br />

J. Mazuryk Danville, CA<br />

H. Petryshyn Sarasota, FL<br />

G. Polansky Strongsville, OH<br />

$15.00 N. Bobak Meadowbrook, PA<br />

M. Bohdan Union, NJ<br />

J. Bortnyk Forked River, NJ<br />

Roman Drozd<br />

Broadview Heights, OH<br />

Lidia Jacynicz North Port, FL<br />

Roman Kokolskyj Sicklerville, NJ<br />

<strong>The</strong>odore Kuzio Granby, CT<br />

B. Malaniak Glendale, NY<br />

G. Mutlos Halandale Beach, FL<br />

A. Rudakewych Lorton, VA<br />

Peter Stefanow Worcester, MA<br />

Jury and Helen Trenkler North Providence, RI<br />

Olga Trytyak<br />

Matawan, NJ<br />

O. Zazula Flushing, NY<br />

$13.00 H. Wright Springfield, MA<br />

$10.00 W. Adankiewicz Toms River, NJ<br />

S. Boyko Spring Valley, CA<br />

S. Chomyn Rocky Hill, CT<br />

Andrew Chubaty Lawrenceville, GA<br />

V. Czartorysky Brooklyn, NY<br />

Anatole Doroshenko Northville, MI<br />

W. Drewnycky Newark Valle, NY<br />

W. Gerent W. Hartford, CT<br />

A. Goot Moretown, VT<br />

Olga Karmazyn Aliquippa, PA<br />

W. Kiec Franklin Park, NJ<br />

Mary Kramarenko East Windsor, NJ<br />

R. Kucil Rochester, NY<br />

Zenon Lishchynskyj Parkland, FL<br />

Eli Matiash<br />

Aliquippa, PA<br />

Christine Matiash Corpus Christi, TX<br />

Peter Melnycky Edmonton, AB<br />

H. Mess Cincinnati, OH<br />

M. Myers Rochester, NY<br />

J. Nalavany Linden, NJ<br />

Eugene Nedilsky Lima, OH<br />

J. Oberyszyn Jamaica, NY<br />

Olga Palaschenko Parma, OH<br />

L. Pastuszek Sudbury, MA<br />

F. Petryk Levittown, PA<br />

D. Pilhuj Philadelphia, PA<br />

E. Pyk Orlando Park, IL<br />

E. Rishiy Trenton, NJ<br />

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G. Sawchak Rydal, PA<br />

Marusia Scroka Mississauga, ON<br />

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C. and K. Skuza Tewksbury, NJ<br />

A. Strilbyckyj Fort Wayne, IN<br />

M. Tymiak North Port, FL<br />

Yaro Zajac<br />

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$5.00 O. Ariza Miami, FL<br />

Bohdan Dombchewskyj Monroe, NC<br />

S. Golub Minneapolis, MN<br />

Alana Hanks<br />

Washington, DC<br />

Merle and Bonnie Toledo, OH<br />

Jurkiewicz<br />

A. Klufas Bridgeport, CT<br />

O. Kuzlitt Whitestone, NY<br />

Michael Lechmann Glen Allen, VA<br />

Natalie Miahky Akron, OH<br />

P. Molasky Sunrise, FL<br />

M. Ohara Long Island, NY<br />

Osnova <strong>Ukrainian</strong> FCU Parma, OH<br />

M. Plaskonos Hamden, CT<br />

Victor Rosynsky Ortonville, MI<br />

Lubomyr Zapar Chesterfield, VA<br />

$2.50 R. Korchynsky Horseheads, NY<br />

$2.00 S. Goras Jersey City, NJ<br />

TOTAL: $3,954.50<br />

Sincere thanks to all contributors to <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

<strong>Weekly</strong> Press Fund.<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> Press Fund is the only fund<br />

dedicated exclusively to supporting the work of this<br />

publication.


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FORUM<br />

Jersey City UAYA members bring “koliada” to the UNA<br />

Mission<br />

Statement<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National<br />

Association exists:<br />

• to promote the principles of<br />

fraternalism;<br />

• to preserve the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>,<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> American and<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian heritage and<br />

culture; and<br />

• to provide quality financial<br />

services and products to its members.<br />

As a fraternal insurance society,<br />

the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National<br />

Association reinvests its earnings<br />

for the benefit of its members and<br />

the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community.<br />

Roma Hadzewycz<br />

PARSIPPANY, N.J. – Carolers, or “koliadnyky,” from the Jersey City, N.J., branch of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Youth<br />

Association, paid a visit to the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association’s Home Office on <strong>January</strong> 17. <strong>The</strong> group (seen above) sang<br />

carols, recited poetry and offered best wishes for the Christmas and New Year season to the employees of the UNA and its<br />

publications, Svoboda and <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>.<br />

UNA Branch 241 facilitates visit by St. Nicholas<br />

Read the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

National Association’s<br />

newspapers online:<br />

www.ukrweekly.com<br />

www.svoboda-news.com<br />

WOONSOCKET, R.I. – <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association Branch 241 in Woonsocket, R.I., hosted its annual St. Nicholas/<br />

Christmas party for the children of St. Michael’s <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church. Msgr. Roman Golemba and Janet Bardell, branch<br />

secretary, greeted the youngsters. Lydia Kusma Minyayluk and Lydia Zuk Klufas programmed the event with poems and<br />

songs. <strong>The</strong> parents prepared a delicious lunch. John Tkach, as well as several of the children, provided the musical entertainment.<br />

Of course, the highlight of the event came when St. Nicholas presented gifts to the eager children.<br />

– Lydia Z. Klufas<br />

Credit<br />

Our online archives are made<br />

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U.S.A.<br />

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SUMA (Yonkers)<br />

Federal Credit Union<br />

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Security Savings Bank<br />

Bahriany Foundation<br />

Job opening at<br />

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Those interested in an opportunity to join <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

<strong>Weekly</strong>’s production team are encouraged to send a<br />

resume and a cover letter explaining their interest in the<br />

position, along with salary requirements, to: Editor-in-<br />

Chief, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>, 2200 Route 10, P.O. Box<br />

280, Parsippany, NJ 07054; or to staff@ukrweekly.com.<br />

THE UNA: 116 YEARS OF SERVICE TO OUR COMMUNITY


6<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />

A notable 20th anniversary<br />

Twenty years ago, on <strong>January</strong> 13, 1991, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>’s Kyiv Press<br />

Bureau was born. We noted that major milestone in our <strong>January</strong> 20, 1991, issue with a<br />

simple story on page 3 headlined “<strong>Weekly</strong> correspondent now in Kiev” (yes, that’s<br />

how we all used to spell the name of Ukraine’s capital city…). <strong>The</strong> lead read: “Marta<br />

Kolomayets, an associate editor of <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>, arrived on Sunday, <strong>January</strong><br />

13, in Kiev, where she will serve as a correspondent for <strong>The</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> and set up the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association’s press bureau.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> move was months in the making – and not a simple undertaking at that. It<br />

came about as a result of a resolution adopted at the UNA’s May 1990 convention<br />

which stated: “<strong>The</strong> convention urges the UNA Executive Committee to look into<br />

establishing a bureau in Kiev and/or Lviv which would provide direct news service on<br />

a regular basis to our UNA publications.” Our efforts to establish the bureau began in<br />

earnest in October 1990 when a UNA delegation (composed of Supreme President<br />

Ulana Diachuk, Supreme Secretary Walter Sochan, and Supreme Advisors Eugene<br />

Iwanciw and Roma Hadzewycz) attending the second congress of Rukh met with officials<br />

of the Foreign Affairs Ministry. Several months of dealing with red tape followed<br />

– it was, after all, still the Soviet era – and there were times when we thought our plans<br />

would come to naught. In the end, our persistence paid off.<br />

To say 1991 was an exciting year is an understatement. Our September 1 edition<br />

carried a big, bold headline: “Ukraine declares independence.” Three months later, our<br />

December 8 issue reported the results of the December 1 referendum on Ukraine’s<br />

independence with the headline “INDEPENDENCE” in 80-point type capital letters.<br />

Ms. Kolomayets reported on the USSR-wide referendum on a new union treaty and<br />

the poll on Ukraine’s state sovereignty, the return of the primate of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Catholic Church, Cardinal Mstyslav Lubachivsky and the rebirth of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Autocephalous Orthodox Church with Patriarch Mstyslav I at the helm. When Leonid<br />

Kravchuk, chairman of Ukraine’s Parliament, traveled to the U.S., Ms. Kolomayets<br />

was right there, on his plane with his entourage, reporting every move.<br />

Chrystyna Lapychak, who took the next six-month assignment, reported on<br />

President George Bush’s visit to Kyiv (and his “Chicken Kiev” speech), the dissolution<br />

of the Communist Party of Ukraine, the failed Soviet coup from Ukraine’s perspective,<br />

Ukraine’s proclamation of independence on August 24, 1991, and the<br />

December 1 vote that overwhelmingly approved independence and elected the newly<br />

independent county’s first president.<br />

And there were so many other major developments under the Kravchuk, Kuchma,<br />

Yushchenko and Yanukovych administrations that were reported from Kyiv by <strong>The</strong><br />

<strong>Weekly</strong>’s staffers. Ms. Kolomayets returned to Ukraine for several more tours; others<br />

who served as our Kyiv Press Bureau correspondents were: Khristina Lew and<br />

Roman Woronowycz (both did several tours of duty), as well as Andrew Nynka. Our<br />

current Kyiv editor, Zenon Zawada, has been on duty since 2005, except for a brief<br />

interlude in <strong>January</strong>-August 2008, when our bureau continued its work thanks to our<br />

Kyivan colleague Illya M. Labunka, who filled in admirably (during the summer he<br />

had the assistance of intern Danylo Peleschuk).<br />

For two decades our Kyiv Press Bureau has proven its worth countless times as it<br />

delivered the news that our community needed and wanted straight from the scene. It<br />

provided news and analyses that were simply unavailable elsewhere at a critical time in<br />

Ukraine’s history. Today it faithfully, responsibly and steadfastly continues its mission.<br />

For that, Dear Readers, we give kudos to all of our Kyiv correspondents and thanks<br />

to our publisher, the UNA, for this huge contribution to Ukraine and <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />

everywhere. Happy anniversary to our Kyiv Press Bureau!<br />

Feb.<br />

1<br />

2010<br />

Turning the pages back...<br />

Last year, Ukraine’s former President Leonid Kuchma said in<br />

an interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) on<br />

February 1, 2010, that Ukraine’s political system was dysfunctional<br />

and needed an infusion of fresh talent.<br />

Mr. Kuchma told Dmitry Volcheck of RFE/RL’s Russian Service that regardless of who<br />

won the February 7, 2010, runoff between Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and Viktor<br />

Yanukovych, Ukraine’s political institutions would remain incapable of dealing with the<br />

country’s pressing problems. “…Whatever the outcome [of the runoff elections], it will not<br />

bring political stability or resolve any economic problems in the country,” he observed.<br />

<strong>The</strong> promise of the 2004 Orange Revolution, he said, remained unfulfilled because of the<br />

bickering between President Viktor Yushchenko and Prime Minister Tymoshenko, destroying<br />

the people’s trust in the government’s ability to implement permanent positive reforms.<br />

Mr. Kuchma, who was president of Ukraine from 1994 to 2005, saw the stabilization of<br />

the country, but his regime is also accused of widespread corruption and of stifling the<br />

nascent free press. He is also suspected of involvement in the disappearance of the opposition<br />

journalist Heorhii Gongadze.<br />

Ukraine’s foreign policy agenda of Euro-integration under President Yushchenko, Mr.<br />

Kuchma said, accented the divisions between the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-speaking western regions and<br />

the largely Russian-speaking east. This differed from President Kuchma’s multi-vector foreign<br />

policy, which tried to maintain good relations with both Russia and the West.<br />

Regardless of how close Kyiv’s relations become with Moscow, there is little risk that<br />

Ukraine will imitate Russia’s authoritarian political model, Mr. Kuchma said.<br />

“I’m absolutely confident that such fears are groundless. Ukraine is really not Russia and<br />

we have different a mentality,” Mr. Kuchma said. “<strong>The</strong>re are three bosses for every two<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s, that’s true, and there is always some struggle at every level. So, I don’t think<br />

such a threat exists. Moreover, our parliamentary-presidential model protects the country<br />

from dictatorship.”<br />

Source: “Kuchma says Ukraine’s political system is dysfunctional,” (RFE/RL), <strong>The</strong><br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>, February 7, 2010.<br />

COMMENTARY<br />

Selective justice in Ukraine<br />

by Mykola Riabchuk<br />

A prison cell might be not the best place<br />

to spend the New Year and Christmas holidays.<br />

But for a good number of top<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> officials, including former<br />

Internal Affairs Minister Yuri Lutsenko and<br />

former Minister of the Economy Bohdan<br />

Danylyshyn, this was exactly the place<br />

where they had to relax and meditate on the<br />

whims of fortune.<br />

It comes as little surprise that virtually all<br />

of them belong to the “Orange” camp that is<br />

today’s political opposition. <strong>The</strong>ir leader, the<br />

former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko,<br />

was also summoned to the Procurator<br />

General’s Office but was spared arrest on<br />

condition she would not leave the city during<br />

the pending investigation.<br />

<strong>The</strong> tough measures against corrupt<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> officials might be well-received,<br />

both domestically and internationally insofar<br />

as Ukraine is one of the most corrupt<br />

countries in the world and the least attractive<br />

country in Europe for foreign investors.<br />

Any cause for cheer, however, soon fades<br />

away once we take a closer look at the who,<br />

how and why of the allegedly anti-graft<br />

measures.<br />

Who?<br />

<strong>The</strong> entire Party of Regions can be<br />

broadly perceived as a mafia-style organization<br />

with tight inner discipline and immeasurable<br />

shadow resources. And its power<br />

base, the Donbas region, has a well-earned<br />

reputation of a local Sicily. Whatever might<br />

have been the past of the party and of this<br />

region there are no signs that their present is<br />

any different.<br />

Ukraine’s president, Viktor Yanukovych,<br />

has never been absolved from the murky<br />

privatization of a huge government-owned<br />

estate near Kyiv, nor has he managed to cast<br />

off a parvenu lust for luxury cars, helicopters<br />

and other overpriced things bought with<br />

government money – despite broadly trumpeted<br />

austerity measures.<br />

Like master, like servants. His ministers,<br />

governors, mayors and other clerks have no<br />

restraint in their love for la dolce vita –<br />

apparently at the expense of the state. Every<br />

day the Internet carries something new<br />

about their extravagance, both at home and<br />

abroad.<br />

<strong>The</strong> deputy head of the president’s<br />

administration wears diamond watches<br />

worth $50,000 each and claims candidly<br />

that this is just an innocent birthday present<br />

from her party comrades, one of whom,<br />

incidentally, happens to be the mayor of<br />

Kharkiv, and the other a vice prime minister.<br />

Another mayor purchases benches for the<br />

city metro at $8,000 each – so that another<br />

diamond watch as a gift would certainly not<br />

be a problem. <strong>The</strong> head of DUSia (a Soviet<br />

relic that runs multiple facilities and supplies<br />

for the ruling nomenklatura) purchased<br />

a lawnmower for the national deputies’ hospital<br />

at a cost of $500,000. One can guess<br />

how many lawnmowers he could buy for<br />

this money on the free market.<br />

Few care about the fact that the head of<br />

the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) runs<br />

multiple private businesses; the vice prime<br />

minister in charge of investment and innovation<br />

endorses <strong>30</strong>0 million hrv for his own<br />

Mykola Riabchuk is an author and journalist<br />

from Ukraine, and a leading intellectual<br />

who is affiliated with the journal<br />

Krytyka.<br />

<strong>The</strong> article above is reprinted from the<br />

blog “Current Politics in Ukraine” (http://<br />

ukraineanalysis.wordpress.com/) created by<br />

the Stasiuk Program for the Study of<br />

Contemporary Ukraine, a program of the<br />

Canadian Institute of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Studies at<br />

the University of Alberta.<br />

enterprises; the prime minister responds<br />

favorably to the request of the Orthodox<br />

bishop (of the Moscow Patriarchate) lobbying<br />

for trade preferences for some Russian<br />

company, and so on. No one is prosecuted,<br />

fired or even reprimanded.<br />

<strong>The</strong> only rebuke that has occurred to date<br />

would make one laugh – or cry, depending<br />

on one’s sensitivity. It comes from a conversation<br />

between the two ministers recorded<br />

secretly by a journalist in the Parliament.<br />

One of them, Andriy Kliuyev, was in charge<br />

of construction of a fast road for the president<br />

to his rancho. He naturally used the<br />

occasion to stretch the road for a dozen<br />

more kilometers to his own estate. Borys<br />

Kolesnikov, his colleague, can be overheard<br />

chastising him – but not for the embezzlement<br />

of state funds. On the contrary, Mr.<br />

Kliuyev’s faux pas was much worse. He<br />

failed to extend the super highway for a few<br />

more kilometers to Mr Kolesnikov’s dacha<br />

nearby.<br />

This probably says enough about the<br />

team that is fighting corruption in Ukraine<br />

as well as about the ultimate prospects of<br />

this fight.<br />

Yet, one more actor of this tragicomedy<br />

should be mentioned. Viktor Pshonka, the<br />

new procurator general, heralds from<br />

Donetsk, as do most top officials. <strong>The</strong>re,<br />

reportedly, he made his career under Mr.<br />

Yanukovych’s governorship, providing a<br />

reliable legal service for good people. In<br />

2000, he became notorious as a person who<br />

allegedly tried to cover up the brutal murder<br />

of investigative journalist Ihor Aleksandrov.<br />

A vagrant was found who confessed to the<br />

crime, but no serious evidence was presented<br />

in court and the poor man was released,<br />

only to die shortly afterwards under mysterious<br />

circumstances. Remarkably, the last<br />

case investigated by Mr. Aleksandrov before<br />

his death was about alleged connections<br />

between Mr. Pshonka’s son Artem and local<br />

criminal bosses.<br />

Even if these allegations are false, the<br />

very way in which Mr. Pshonka understands<br />

his professional duty and the essence of the<br />

judiciary within the power structure leaves<br />

little doubt concerning his current and prospective<br />

role in Ukraine. In a recent TV discussion,<br />

he stated frankly: “As the procurator<br />

general, I am a member of the president’s<br />

team [eager] to implement all his<br />

decisions.” Enough said.<br />

How and why?<br />

<strong>The</strong> answer to this question comes mainly<br />

from the answer to the previous one. On<br />

the one hand, it is quite clear that the ruling<br />

team members, including the president, are<br />

not going to refrain in any noticeable way<br />

from their deeply rooted habits. On the<br />

other, it is also clear that the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> procurator<br />

– as a loyal member of this very team<br />

– would be neither willing nor able to<br />

restrain those habits from the outside.<br />

Political opposition and an independent<br />

mass media might be the only obstacles for<br />

the ruling team in its drive for uncontrolled<br />

accumulation of wealth and power. So, their<br />

destruction is a strategic goal for all branches<br />

of the government that are fully subordinated<br />

now to the president. <strong>The</strong> more this<br />

destruction can be represented as a fight<br />

against corruption, the better.<br />

<strong>The</strong> government is effectively killing two<br />

birds with one stone. It represses and<br />

destroys the opposition on seemingly nonpolitical<br />

grounds and, at the same time, it<br />

distracts people’s attention from its own<br />

misdeeds and even wins some popularity<br />

for purportedly re-establishing law and<br />

order. <strong>The</strong> short-term gains of this policy are<br />

undeniable. <strong>The</strong> long-term goals are simply<br />

not on the agenda of this band of political<br />

(Continued on page 22)


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

7<br />

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR<br />

Kurylas design:<br />

simple, elegant<br />

Dear Editor:<br />

Thank you for publishing Laryssa<br />

Kurylas’ description of her proposed<br />

Holodomor monument in Washington.<br />

What better memorial to those of our<br />

brothers and sisters who starved even<br />

though they lived in the breadbasket of<br />

Europe!<br />

<strong>The</strong> concept is beautiful, and the<br />

design simple and elegant. I am convinced<br />

that the monument as envisioned<br />

by Ms. Kurylas would draw the attention<br />

of many who would also read the story<br />

behind its erection.<br />

I hope there will be enough support in<br />

the diaspora to get this project under way.<br />

Christine Paclawskyj<br />

Kensington, Md.<br />

Thanks for articles<br />

on five designs<br />

Dear Editor:<br />

I would like to thank you for publishing<br />

the two articles concerning the proposed<br />

design for the Holodomor<br />

Memorial in Washington, (December 5,<br />

2010).<br />

I would especially like to commend<br />

you for your excellent editorial on<br />

December 19, 2010, concerning this very<br />

important matter. <strong>The</strong> lack of full information<br />

and transparency concerning this<br />

project is “deeply troubling” indeed. It is<br />

particularly so because increasingly it is<br />

becoming apparent that if the memorial is<br />

to be completed on time, much if not all<br />

the financing for this project will be<br />

borne by our community.<br />

<strong>The</strong> U.S. National Holodomor<br />

Committee has already paid about $100,<br />

000 for the preliminary studies of the<br />

memorial site, as required by D.C. regulations.<br />

However, the construction of the<br />

memorial is ultimately paid for, it is<br />

imperative that the U.S. National<br />

Holodomor Committee have an input<br />

regarding the design of the memorial.<br />

As of today, the committee has not<br />

been convened to decide which of the<br />

proposed designs it would recommend to<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> authorities.<br />

For my part, I showed the proposed<br />

designs for the Holodomor memorial to<br />

the executive committee of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

American Coordinating Council at its<br />

quarterly meeting on March 21, 2010.<br />

<strong>The</strong> committee unanimously chose the<br />

entry by the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American architect<br />

Larysa Kurylas as by far the one that<br />

most successfully conveys this great<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> tragedy of 1932-1933, not only<br />

in a most poignant and original manner<br />

but in a way that also manages to give the<br />

memorial an unmistakably <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

character while simultaneously achieving<br />

a vision that is on the same high level<br />

with the timeless designs of the best of<br />

the modern public monuments in the capital.<br />

Ihor Gawdiak<br />

Columbia, Md.<br />

<strong>The</strong> letter-writer is president of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Coordinating<br />

Council and vice-chairman of the U.S.<br />

National Holodomor Committee.<br />

A suggestion<br />

for diaspora<br />

Dear Editor:<br />

In view of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> President Viktor<br />

Yanukovych’s announcement that Stepan<br />

Bandera’s Hero of Ukraine award has<br />

now been officially revoked, I have this<br />

suggestion for diaspora <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s.<br />

From now on, resolutely refuse to<br />

accept any honorary awards and citations<br />

bestowed on them by Ukraine’s government<br />

or by any institutions closely linked<br />

to it.<br />

And do so for as long as that<br />

Russophile government continues its policy<br />

of strident anti-<strong>Ukrainian</strong>ism, falsification<br />

of history, and degradation of<br />

Ukraine’s hard-won democracy.<br />

Roman Czajkowsky<br />

New York<br />

A thesis writer<br />

seeks information<br />

Dear Editor:<br />

My name is Danielle Granville. I’m<br />

an American of non-<strong>Ukrainian</strong> descent,<br />

working on a D.Phil. in Politics at Oxford<br />

University (although I’m currently based<br />

in Washington, D.C.). My thesis explores<br />

the nature of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> diaspora communities’<br />

involvement in the Holodomor<br />

genocide recognition campaign.<br />

I’m interested in talking to anyone<br />

who’s been involved with this campaign<br />

in Great Britain or North America, or<br />

who has particular views on the topic. I<br />

can contact you either on the phone/<br />

Skype or via email. I’d love to learn<br />

more about how you became involved in<br />

this campaign and how you’ve pursued<br />

recognition; what you see as the goals of<br />

the campaign; how you feel about the<br />

level of recognition in Ukraine; what you<br />

see as the campaign’s greatest successes<br />

and obstacles; and much more.<br />

I can be reached at danielle.granville@<br />

gmail.com to set up a time to talk. All<br />

conversations will be conducted in<br />

English. Thanks in advance for your<br />

time and assistance.<br />

Danielle Granville<br />

Washington<br />

We welcome your opinion<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> welcomes letters<br />

to the editor and commentaries on a variety<br />

of topics of concern to the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

American and <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian communities.<br />

Opinions expressed by columnists,<br />

commentators and letter-writers are<br />

their own and do not necessarily reflect<br />

the opinions of either <strong>The</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> editorial<br />

staff or its publisher, the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

National Association.<br />

Letters should be typed and signed<br />

(anonymous letters are not published).<br />

Letters are accepted also via e-mail at<br />

staff@ukrweekly.com. <strong>The</strong> daytime phone<br />

number and address of the letter-writer<br />

must be given for verification purposes.<br />

Please note that a daytime phone number<br />

is essential in order for editors to contact<br />

letter-writers regarding clarifications or<br />

questions.<br />

Please note: THE LENGTH OF<br />

LETTERS CANNOT EXCEED 500<br />

WORDS.<br />

From a Canadian Angle<br />

by Oksana Bashuk Hepburn<br />

<strong>The</strong> best and worst list: 2010<br />

Almost everyone has a favorite list this<br />

time of year – best movies, best books,<br />

persons of the year. For the eight year,<br />

here is my best and worst list comprising<br />

governments, individuals, publications<br />

and organizations that had an impact, for<br />

better or for worse, on the global<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> community in 2010.<br />

10 best<br />

1. Ukraine’s Kyiv Appellate Court – for<br />

finding Joseph Stalin, Viacheslav<br />

Molotov, Lazar Kaganovich, Pavlo<br />

Postyshev, Stanislav Kosior, Vlas Chubar,<br />

and Mendel Khatayevych responsible for<br />

the Holodomor, the genocidal starvation<br />

of some 10 million <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s; and then<br />

President Viktor Yushchenko – for calling<br />

for the creation of an international tribunal<br />

on Communist crimes.<br />

2. Canada’s Prime Minister Stephen<br />

Harper – for showing Western states how<br />

to deal with Ukraine’s threatened democracy:<br />

raise trade issues without compromising<br />

democratic values.<br />

3. Independent-minded <strong>Ukrainian</strong> journalists<br />

– for ongoing resistance to pressures<br />

undermining objective reporting, in<br />

particular their decision to boycott<br />

Mykhailo Checherov, Party of Regions,<br />

for lying about its members beating up<br />

four opposition deputies in Parliament;<br />

and Reporters Without Borders – for monitoring<br />

and warning against the decline.<br />

4. FOX media and Glenn Beck – for<br />

global exposure of atrocities committed<br />

by Communist regimes including<br />

Holodomor, in the series “Holocaust: Live<br />

Free or Die.”<br />

5. President Viktor Yanukovych – for<br />

reversing his position on Holodomor by<br />

partially reinstating the information on the<br />

president’s website in response to citizen’s<br />

pressure; a good sign in a democratic<br />

leader.<br />

6. Patriarch Filaret of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate –<br />

for mounting a robust 1021 anniversary of<br />

Christianity celebration as an antidote to<br />

the state’s Moscow Patriarch-adheringorthodox-only<br />

event with Russia’s religious<br />

and political hierarchy in attendance.<br />

7. Vera Fermiga – for using her considerable<br />

global vantage point as an<br />

Academy Award nominated actress to<br />

cheer her <strong>Ukrainian</strong> roots.<br />

8. <strong>The</strong> Rev. Dr. Borys Gudziak, rector,<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic University – for documenting<br />

the state’s intervention in the<br />

right of assembly creating a worldwide<br />

reaction to limitations on freedoms<br />

imposed by the government.<br />

9. C o m m e n t a t o r s l i k e Ye v h e n<br />

Sverstiuk, Alexander Motyl and Askold<br />

Lozynskyj – for providing opinion leadership<br />

on important yet underexposed issues<br />

vital to Ukraine as well as global peace<br />

and security.<br />

10. Timothy Snyder, Yale University<br />

historian – for shedding much needed<br />

light on the horrific toll of World War II in<br />

Ukraine and the gargantuan evils of two<br />

dictators equally responsible for the<br />

crimes in his book “Bloodlands: Between<br />

Hitler and Stalin.”<br />

10 worst<br />

1. “Patriotic” <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s – for failing to<br />

deliver a pro-Western president by denying<br />

Yulia Tymoshenko the 5 percent needed<br />

to beat pro-Russian Viktor<br />

Yanukovych, in particular members of<br />

President Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine<br />

party, women voters and the so-called<br />

“elite,” including writer Oksana<br />

Zabuzhko, who wasted her vote and<br />

served as an example for others by voting<br />

“for no one.”<br />

2. Ex-president Viktor Yushchenko –<br />

for ensuring the elections of a pro-Russian<br />

president by endorsing constitutional<br />

changes three days before the vote; urging<br />

voters to invalidate their ballots by voting<br />

“for no one,” and relentlessly undermining<br />

the pro-Western contender, Ms.<br />

Tymoshenko, (including by calling her<br />

“the worst mistake of my presidency.”)<br />

3. <strong>The</strong> Kharkiv agreements – for legitimizing<br />

a pro-Russian rather than what-isbest-for-Ukraine<br />

option including the<br />

25-year extension of the Russian Black<br />

Sea Fleet’s lease in Crimea and dropping<br />

consideration of NATO membership for<br />

Ukraine.<br />

4. Dmytro Tabachnyk, minister of education<br />

– for reverting to blunt Soviet-style<br />

governance minimizing Soviet abuses<br />

denigrating patriotic <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s and<br />

changing history texts to favor Russia’s<br />

world view.<br />

5. President Yanukovych – for failing<br />

to dismiss anti-<strong>Ukrainian</strong> ministers who<br />

openly spread discord among citizens, act<br />

as the fifth column for Russia and humiliate<br />

Ukraine globally.<br />

6. Moscow Patriarch Kirill – for badguest<br />

behavior in Ukraine by mixing politics<br />

and religion, preaching reunification<br />

of Ukraine with Russia, and demanding a<br />

name change for Hetman Ivan Mazepa<br />

Street.<br />

7. Western states, in particular France<br />

and Germany – for their consistent refusal<br />

to bring Ukraine, the largest European<br />

country, closer to the West via NATO and<br />

the European Union, thus granting carte<br />

blanche to Russian hegemony in the<br />

neighborhood.<br />

8. Michael Ignatieff, Canada’s leader of<br />

the Opposition – for ongoing faux pas<br />

with the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian electorate,<br />

starting with slurs in his little book followed<br />

by an inadequate apology; a noshow<br />

at their major <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Festival in<br />

Toronto; and no appointments from the<br />

group to his shadow Cabinet.<br />

9. <strong>The</strong> decision-makers at the Canadian<br />

Human Rights Museum – for singling out<br />

two groups for preferential treatment, thus<br />

undermining the experiences of others<br />

suffering human rights abuses.<br />

10. Canada’s former Ambassador to<br />

Ukraine, and later Russia, Christopher<br />

Westdal – for undermining Prime<br />

Minister Stephen Harper’s defense of<br />

human rights in Ukraine and thus one of<br />

the central pillars of Canada’s foreign<br />

policy.<br />

A special citation goes to Prime<br />

Minister Vladimir Putin – for turning<br />

Russia into a bad neighbor lately sniping<br />

that Russia did not need <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s to<br />

win World War II. If he keeps up the<br />

antagonism, he may find himself on the<br />

best list next year as <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s wake up<br />

en masse to the nastiness behind the “big<br />

brother” façade, particularly those with<br />

family members who served in the Red<br />

Army from Stalingrad to Berlin – most<br />

of the population.<br />

Oksana Bashuk Hepburn is an international<br />

commentator and editor of a<br />

quarterly magazine. She may be contacted<br />

at oksanabh@sympatico.ca.


8<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

NEWS AND VIEWS<br />

Metropolitan Constantine Bohachevsky 1884-1961<br />

by Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak<br />

Fifty years ago, on <strong>January</strong> 6, 1961, Constantine<br />

Bohachevsky, the first metropolitan of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Catholic Church in the United States, died. He was 73<br />

years old and had been the Catholic bishop for <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />

in the United States for 37 years.<br />

Pope Pius XI appointed Bohachevsky bishop for<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholics in the United States in 1924, when<br />

Bohachevsky was barely 40.<br />

That appointment was part of a complex arrangement<br />

that permitted the Vatican to formalize its relations with<br />

the new Polish state that had taken power over western<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> territories. <strong>The</strong> Poles continued their shortsighted<br />

persecution of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in Halychyna, and the<br />

Church was no exception.<br />

Bohachevsky was especially singled out for his clearcut<br />

and principled stand on nationality issues. He had<br />

been arrested in 1919 by the Polish regime for organizing<br />

the Peremyshl community relief program and for refusing<br />

to use Polish in official documents. He was freed only<br />

after the personal intervention of the Vatican nuncio to<br />

Poland, Cardinal Achille Ratti – the future Pope Pius XI.<br />

In 1923 the Polish administration would not recognize<br />

Bohachevsky as the newly appointed vicar-general of<br />

Peremyshl Diocese. In turn Pope Pius XI would not sign a<br />

Concordat with a Poland that openly discriminated<br />

against <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholics, as evidenced by Poland’s<br />

opposition to Bohachevsky’s appointment. By appointing<br />

Bohachevsky bishop in the United States the pope’s hand<br />

was freed, at least for the time being.<br />

All <strong>Ukrainian</strong> attempts at independence, except for the<br />

dubious existence of the Soviet <strong>Ukrainian</strong> republic, had<br />

failed. <strong>The</strong> country was impoverished. Metropolitan<br />

Andrey Sheptytsky, who spent the immediate post-World<br />

War I years as the papal vicar to America was as shocked<br />

by the condition of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Church in the United<br />

States, as he was by the abject failure of all <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

attempts at ensuring statehood. Metropolitan Sheptytsky<br />

opposed the appointment of any of the priests already in<br />

the United States to the position of bishop, and the search<br />

was expanded to include all possible candidates.<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> parishes in the United States, lacking a<br />

bishop with legal authority over property issues, were in<br />

disarray, and the position of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> clergy was<br />

very difficult. Although the Russian government could no<br />

longer buy parishes for Orthodoxy, the newly established<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Autocephalous Church exercised an attractive<br />

force for those Catholic <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s who became dissatisfied<br />

with their parish. Parishioners fought each other on<br />

many issues.<br />

One of the most contentious was the relationship<br />

between the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s who came from Halychyna, and<br />

those who came from Transcarpathian territories. <strong>The</strong> latter<br />

chose to keep using the old name for <strong>Ukrainian</strong> –<br />

Ruthenians. To minimize that very visible – even within<br />

the Roman Catholic community – conflict, Pope Pius XI<br />

appointed not one, but two <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic bishops for<br />

the United States: Vasyl Takach for the Carpatho-Rusyns<br />

and Bohachevsky for the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s.<br />

So, when Bishop Bohachevsky came to the United<br />

States from a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community destroyed by the war,<br />

he was faced with another poor and increasingly contentious<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> population, this time immigrant. <strong>The</strong> new<br />

bishop was not as impressed by America’s wealth, as he<br />

was devastated by the poverty of most <strong>Ukrainian</strong> immigrants.<br />

He realized that <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in the United States,<br />

despite all their sacrifices – often at the cost of their own<br />

and their children’s needs – would not be able to help<br />

Ukraine in any significant manner unless their own standard<br />

of living improved.<br />

Lacking monetary resources, he thought that could<br />

accomplished only by education. While others bemoaned<br />

the inevitable Americanization of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> immigrants<br />

and used their energy to work on collecting whatever<br />

funds they could for the home country and its diplomatic<br />

representations, Bishop Bohachevsky made two momentous<br />

decisions: one, he would build up the Church and not<br />

embroil it in the quarreling among the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> political<br />

factions; second, he would promote <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic<br />

education on all levels to help the faithful grow in faith<br />

and wisdom.<br />

Bohachevsky focused on being the Catholic bishop for<br />

the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> diocese. He would build up that diocese,<br />

assure a sustainable livelihood for the priests and establish<br />

an orderly administration. He realized early on that the<br />

immigrants to America would not return to Ukraine,<br />

regardless of their passionate statements to the contrary.<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> immigration was becoming an integral part<br />

of the multinational fabric of American society, and the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> component should be a complementary one to<br />

the United States, and not in opposition to it.<br />

He reasoned that the Church could preserve the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic heritage for <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s, and at the<br />

same time present their <strong>Ukrainian</strong> rite and culture to<br />

Americans in the United States.<br />

<strong>The</strong> bishop argued that <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s needed schools to<br />

help them out of the cycle of poverty that life in the industrial<br />

centers held in store for them. <strong>The</strong>y needed their own<br />

Church and their own schools to enable them to live the<br />

American dream without losing their rich <strong>Ukrainian</strong> heritage.<br />

Bohachevsky realized that the Church in America<br />

would need priests who could minister to those who only<br />

knew Ukraine from the church hall. He immediately<br />

began work to establish a whole network of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Catholic schools, from kindergarten to college. It took<br />

time for the community to understand the bishop’s vision.<br />

<strong>The</strong> bishop enlisted the help of the Sisters of St. Basil<br />

Metropolitan Constantine Bohachevsky<br />

the Great, and together they built grammar schools and<br />

high schools throughout the country, as well as two colleges<br />

– one for men and a junior one for women.<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church in America grew to be<br />

strong and united. New dioceses were formed and<br />

Bohachevsky was raised to metropolitan-archbishop. He<br />

was in the midst of more plans for the Metropolitanate<br />

and its schools when he was suddenly stricken by a fatal<br />

heart attack on the eve of Christmas according to the old<br />

Julian calendar, which the cathedral still used.<br />

By that time, many parishes had voted to use the newer<br />

Gregorian calendar, which was prevalent in the world, but<br />

Bohachevsky had promised his faithful that the cathedral<br />

would adhere to the old calendar in its celebration as long<br />

as even one parish continued to opt for it. <strong>The</strong> metropolitan<br />

honored his promise to the minority.<br />

When Metropolitan Bohachevsky died he was universally<br />

praised for the incontrovertible achievements of his<br />

tenure. But the full story of his dedicated pastoral service<br />

during a stormy period of the community’s history has yet<br />

to be told. That story has many lessons for all <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />

in the United States, as well as in Ukraine.<br />

BOOK NOTES: New volume of Hrushevsky’s “History of Ukraine-Rus’ ”<br />

EDMONTON, Alberta – <strong>The</strong> ninth volume<br />

of Mykhailo Hrushevsky’s “History of<br />

Ukraine-Rus’ ” is by far the longest in the<br />

10-volume series. Written in the late 1920s,<br />

after Hrushevsky had returned to Ukraine<br />

from exile, the volume is dedicated to a crucial<br />

period of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> history: the rule of<br />

Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky.<br />

In the English translation of the history<br />

prepared by the Peter Jacyk Center for<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Historical Research at CIUS and<br />

published by CIUS Press, this large volume<br />

appears in three separate books. Book 1 of<br />

Volume 9 was published in 2005; Book 2,<br />

Part 1, appeared in 2008; and 2010 Book 2,<br />

Part 2 was made available to readers and<br />

scholars in 2010.<br />

This book was translated by Marta Daria<br />

Olynyk, a Montreal-based translator, editor<br />

and broadcaster. It was edited by the director<br />

of the Jacyk Center, Dr. Frank E. Sysyn, and<br />

the consulting editor for the book, Dr.<br />

Yaroslav Fedoruk, a senior scholar at the<br />

Mykhailo Hrushevsky Institute of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Archaeography and Source Studies, National<br />

Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in Kyiv,<br />

with the assistance of CIUS Press Senior<br />

Editor Myroslav Yurkevich.<br />

Other scholars who advised on terminological<br />

and historical issues include Victor<br />

Ostapchuk, Sándor Gebei, Eduard Baidaus,<br />

András Riedlmayer, Vasil Varonin, Pavlo<br />

Sodomora, Erika Banski, Vera Chentsova<br />

and Bert Hall.<br />

<strong>The</strong> preparation of this volume for publication<br />

was funded by a generous donation<br />

from the prominent physician and philanthropist<br />

Dr. Maria Fischer-Slysh (Etobicoke,<br />

Ontario) in memory of her parents, Dr. Adolf<br />

Slyz and Olha Slyz.<br />

Dr. Fischer-Slysh was born in Kolomyia<br />

in western Ukraine in 1922 and spent her<br />

childhood in the historic town of Belz before<br />

moving with her family to Lviv in 1933. She<br />

attended the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Academic<br />

Gymnasium in Lviv, but after the Soviet<br />

occupation of western Ukraine she fled with<br />

her family and finished her secondary education<br />

in Kholm. She completed her medical<br />

studies in Munich in 1949 and emigrated<br />

with her family to the United States in 1950.<br />

She practiced as a pediatrician in<br />

Kankakee, Ill. In 1959 she married Dr.<br />

Rudolf Fischer, who was born in Straubing,<br />

Bavaria, and completed his medical studies<br />

at the Humboldt University in Berlin. Dr.<br />

Fischer passed away in 1982. Dr. Fischer-<br />

Slysh now resides in Toronto.<br />

She is a long-time member of the board<br />

of directors of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Medical<br />

Association of North America in Chicago,<br />

head of the Friends of the Academic<br />

Gymnasium in the Diaspora, and a board<br />

member of the Canadian Society of the<br />

Friends of Ukraine. She is also a member of<br />

the Shevchenko Scientific Society and the<br />

League of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Philanthropists.<br />

A generous donor to numerous scholarly<br />

undertakings in Ukraine and Canada, she has<br />

made the largest donation in the history of<br />

the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic University, an institution<br />

that is cooperating with CIUS in the<br />

new Petro Jacyk Program for the Study of<br />

Modern Society and History. In addition to<br />

this volume, Dr. Fischer-Slysh is sponsoring<br />

the publication of Volume 5 of Hrushevsky’s<br />

history.<br />

This tome, in which Hrushevsky analyzes<br />

the last two years of Hetman Khmelnytsky’s<br />

rule, consists of the final chapters (10–13) of<br />

Volume 9. Hrushevsky presents the most<br />

comprehensive discussion to date of<br />

Khmelnytsky’s foreign policy in the aftermath<br />

of the Treaty of Pereiaslav (1654), a<br />

topic closed to research in Soviet Ukraine<br />

from the 19<strong>30</strong>s to the 1980s.<br />

He also discusses Khmelnytsky’s<br />

renewed efforts to annex the western<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> territories and to control the<br />

Belarusian lands conquered by the Kozaks.<br />

(Continued on page 22)


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

9<br />

NEWS AND VIEWS<br />

Ukraine’s courts and the importance of acknowledging precedents<br />

by Bohdan A. Futey<br />

Ukraine’s Constitutional Court recently<br />

overturned the “political reform” of<br />

2004 that had dramatically altered the<br />

country’s system of government. Only a<br />

year and a half prior to that, however, the<br />

court refused to hear a similar procedural<br />

challenge to that reform. This change, of<br />

course, may cause legal confusion. In<br />

future decisions, the court should recognize<br />

the value of consistency that comes<br />

from respecting and acknowledging prior<br />

decisions.<br />

In Europe and around the world, many<br />

countries follow the civil law system,<br />

rather than the common law. Common<br />

law systems are hierarchical and unified,<br />

with a single high court atop the hierarchy,<br />

while civil law judicial systems<br />

sometimes lack a unified court system<br />

and instead rely on separate, specialized<br />

courts.<br />

In the present era of globalization,<br />

however, the distinction between the two<br />

systems has become blurred, and common<br />

law and civil law countries have<br />

incorporated some shared features. <strong>The</strong><br />

aim of either judicial system is to provide<br />

stability through the consistent application<br />

of the law and adherence to the<br />

Constitution, since arbitrary decisions<br />

can instill uncertainty and confusion not<br />

only in legal circles but also among the<br />

people of a given country and the international<br />

community.<br />

As a common law system, the United<br />

States and its experience with precedent<br />

should therefore be relevant to ensuring<br />

consistency in Ukraine’s legal system.<br />

In the United States, courts engage<br />

with precedent via the doctrine of stare<br />

decisis. Under this doctrine, appellate<br />

courts generally adhere to decisions of<br />

their own court, although they have the<br />

power to overturn those prior decisions.<br />

<strong>The</strong> United States Supreme Court has<br />

noted that following precedent “promotes<br />

the even-handed, predictable and consistent<br />

development of legal principles, fosters<br />

reliance on judicial decisions, and<br />

contributes to the actual and perceived<br />

integrity of the judicial process.” <strong>The</strong><br />

court also has written that the doctrine is<br />

“not an inexorable command” and that a<br />

court may correct “unworkable” or<br />

“badly reasoned” decisions.<br />

Because judges are not absolutely<br />

bound by precedent, courts sometimes<br />

consider the policies of stare decisis<br />

when ruling on cases. Three of those policies<br />

are relevant here. First, following<br />

precedent helps to ensure that statutes<br />

and rules are interpreted consistently and<br />

uniformly. Second, following precedent<br />

ensures predictable outcomes and discourages<br />

arbitrary decisions that vary<br />

from case to case. Third, the doctrine promotes<br />

judicial efficiency. If, in every<br />

case, a court had to write on a blank slate<br />

Bohdan A. Futey is a Judge on the<br />

United States Court of Federal Claims in<br />

Washington, appointed by President<br />

Ronald Reagan in May 1987. Judge<br />

Futey has been active in various rule of<br />

law and democratization programs in<br />

Ukraine since 1991. He has participated<br />

in judicial exchange programs, seminars<br />

and workshops, and has been a consultant<br />

to the working group on Ukraine’s<br />

Constitution and the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Parliament. He also served as an official<br />

observer during the parliamentary elections<br />

in 1994, 1998, 2002, and 2006, and<br />

presidential elections in 1994, 1999,<br />

2004 and 2010, and conducted briefings<br />

on Ukraine’s election law and guidelines<br />

for international observers.<br />

when determining the correct rule of law,<br />

the judicial system might collapse under<br />

the inevitable delays.<br />

Overturning “political reform”<br />

<strong>The</strong> decision of the Constitutional<br />

Court of Ukraine on the country’s “political<br />

reform” is an abrupt change of course.<br />

Although the substance of that decision<br />

was correct, the court should have<br />

explained in full its reasons for departing<br />

from its prior, recent rulings on this exact<br />

subject. <strong>The</strong> failure to do so, and the<br />

uncertainty created by the recent decisions,<br />

threatens legal chaos.<br />

<strong>The</strong> political reform was passed by the<br />

Verkhovna Rada in response to the fraudulent<br />

presidential run-off election in<br />

2004. <strong>The</strong> reform, embodied in Law No.<br />

2222-IV (the Law of Ukraine on<br />

Amending the Constitution of Ukraine),<br />

constituted a series of amendments to<br />

Ukraine’s Constitution. <strong>The</strong> amendments<br />

resolved the electoral crisis, but were<br />

hastily adopted and not passed in accordance<br />

with required constitutional procedures.<br />

According to a 2005 decision of<br />

the Constitutional Court, changes in the<br />

political system of Ukraine must be submitted<br />

to and approved by a national referendum,<br />

in addition to all other requirements.<br />

<strong>The</strong> political reform of 2004 was never<br />

subject to any such referendum. Many<br />

critics, including this writer believe that<br />

such a referendum was required because<br />

the reform changed the political system<br />

and converted Ukraine from a presidential<br />

system into a parliamentary system.<br />

<strong>The</strong> procedures for adopting the political<br />

reform were challenged as recently as<br />

2008. One hundred and two legislators<br />

petitioned the Constitutional Court to<br />

review the procedures for adopting Law<br />

No. 2222, but the court dismissed the<br />

challenge on February 8, 2008. <strong>The</strong> court<br />

ruled that when the law amending the<br />

Constitution became effective, its provisions<br />

were practically incorporated into<br />

the text of the Constitution. “Having<br />

become effective,” the court wrote, “the<br />

Law itself is functionless.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> Constitutional Court reversed<br />

course on September <strong>30</strong>, 2010. In decision<br />

№ 20-рп/2010, the court reviewed<br />

the constitutionality of the procedures for<br />

adopting the political reform. Without a<br />

proper explanation of why a challenge<br />

could now be brought to those procedures,<br />

the court found Law No. 2222<br />

invalid and restored the provisions of the<br />

Constitution of Ukraine that were amended,<br />

broadened, or excluded by Law No.<br />

2222.<br />

<strong>The</strong> decision is doubtlessly legitimate,<br />

since the procedures for enacting the<br />

political reform were unconstitutional.<br />

Despite that legitimacy, however, the<br />

decision has a number of far-reaching<br />

consequences.<br />

<strong>The</strong> decision may undermine the rule of<br />

law, since the court has now rendered<br />

inconsistent decisions. It is a risky practice<br />

for a democratic state to have its highest<br />

court issue conflicting decisions without<br />

thoroughly explaining that conflict. Legal<br />

reasoning can certainly change over time,<br />

but the court should have dealt with and<br />

explicitly invalidated its prior decisions to<br />

avoid legal inconsistency.<br />

Not so long ago I commented on the<br />

April 8, 2010, decision of the court concerning<br />

the possibility of forming a coalition<br />

by individual defecting deputies in<br />

the Verkhovna Rada. This decision<br />

reversed a decision of September 17,<br />

2008, dealing with the formation of coalitions.<br />

Legally, nothing had changed<br />

except for the government, and the sudden<br />

reversal raised questions of legitimacy.<br />

<strong>The</strong> recent change in course also raises<br />

issues of legal consistency and calls<br />

into question whether the judiciary has<br />

upheld the rule of law.<br />

<strong>The</strong> substance of the court’s decision<br />

restored the provisions of the 1996<br />

Constitution that were changed by Law<br />

No. 2222, but did so without including<br />

specific directives regarding the legitimacy<br />

of current state institutions. According<br />

to the court, reverting to the prior version<br />

of the Constitution ensures constitutional<br />

stability in Ukraine, and guarantees<br />

human rights and freedoms, as well as the<br />

integrity, inviolability and consistency of<br />

the Constitution as the supreme law of<br />

the land.<br />

Reversion without more, however, also<br />

throws into question the legitimacy and<br />

activity of all state bodies elected, convened<br />

or created during the last six years.<br />

This may impede future legal relations in<br />

the state, since people are uncertain<br />

which legal entities are legitimate and<br />

which have been overturned with the<br />

downfall of the political reform. <strong>The</strong><br />

court should have explained the legal<br />

force of laws and provisions adopted in<br />

accordance with the 2004 Constitution to<br />

avoid conflicts between rules of the 1996<br />

Constitution and laws adopted after the<br />

political reform became effective.<br />

In the coming months, Ukraine will<br />

have to confront one of the most apparent<br />

conflicts: elections. When do the parliamentary<br />

elections and elections to other<br />

state bodies take place? When will the<br />

presidential election take place? All of<br />

these officials were elected in accordance<br />

with the procedures established by a law<br />

that has now been ruled unconstitutional.<br />

Will the parliamentary elections be held<br />

in March <strong>2011</strong> (the last Sunday of the last<br />

year of terms) as foreseen in the 1996<br />

Constitution? Furthermore, pursuant to<br />

the 1996 Constitution, national deputies<br />

were elected for a four-year term, and the<br />

current composition of the Parliament<br />

was elected for five years.<br />

Unfortunately, the Constitutional Court<br />

kept silent about these and other questions.<br />

Respect for and confidence in the<br />

judiciary hinge on clear decision-making,<br />

and it is unfortunate that the<br />

Constitutional Court’s decision on a topic<br />

of such national importance left unanswered<br />

questions.<br />

IN THE PRESS: Ukraine’s leaders<br />

“Ukraine viewpoint: Novelist<br />

Andrey Kurkov,” BBC News, <strong>January</strong><br />

13:<br />

“…the coming months will certainly<br />

be busy for the country’s state prosecutors<br />

who have been told to draw up a list<br />

of illegal activities carried out by the government<br />

of former Prime Minister Yulia<br />

Tymoshenko. …<br />

“Yulia Tymoshenko is Mr. [Viktor]<br />

Yanukovych’s chief political opponent.<br />

“Unless her party is destroyed now,<br />

and unless she is prevented from standing<br />

at the next presidential elections, she will<br />

become Ukraine’s next president. …<br />

“It seems Mr. Yanukovych is little<br />

worried by Western or local views about<br />

the situation in the country. He has made<br />

encouraging statements about how<br />

Ukraine is striving towards the European<br />

Union, about how <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s will soon<br />

be able to travel to Schengen countries<br />

without a visa and about how democracy<br />

and free speech will continue to flourish<br />

in Ukraine.<br />

“But all the while, the president and<br />

those around him are clearly molding a<br />

Russian form of government and, if possible,<br />

they would like to reform the country<br />

into a ‘controlled democracy’ as in<br />

neighboring Russia. While a real opposition<br />

exists in the country, this is going to<br />

be very difficult. …”<br />

“Myroslava Gongadze: Yanukovych<br />

team may be ‘more brutal’ than<br />

Kuchma,” interview by Olesia<br />

Oleshko, Kyiv Post, <strong>January</strong> 21:<br />

“Kyiv Post: On <strong>January</strong> 13, Freedom<br />

House published a report saying that<br />

Ukraine had lost its democratic achievements.<br />

Does it mean that the West has<br />

finally officially recognized the decline<br />

of democratic freedoms and civil liberties<br />

in Ukraine?<br />

“Myroslava Gongadze: <strong>The</strong> West is<br />

totally aware of the usurpation of power<br />

by a certain political group that is pursuing<br />

its own financial interests. <strong>The</strong> thing<br />

is that the Western governments have<br />

already gotten used to the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

elite’s political manipulations and, frankly<br />

speaking, have no desire to interfere in<br />

that process. Of course, the West would<br />

like to have Ukraine develop as a democratic<br />

state, but neither Washington nor<br />

Brussels is going to do the job for<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s.<br />

“<strong>The</strong> West respects the people’s will in<br />

electing Yanukovych. But the recent<br />

reports on the situation in Ukraine, critical<br />

comments from Western experts and<br />

even state officials imply that the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> government went too far.<br />

Given the situation in authoritarian<br />

Russia and Belarus, the West is feeling<br />

that it’s losing its last hope for democracy<br />

and pluralism in Ukraine, which soon<br />

might lead to very sad consequences. <strong>The</strong><br />

repressions and prosecutions are becoming<br />

a bad disease in Ukraine, an abscess<br />

that will burst if not treated.”<br />

* * *<br />

“KP: Do you see any parallels<br />

between Ukraine now and Ukraine of<br />

2000?<br />

“MG: <strong>The</strong>re are a lot of parallels, but I<br />

have a feeling that the new authorities<br />

can and will be even more brutal than<br />

Kuchma’s regime. That’s why it’s so dangerous.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y are trying to persuade society<br />

that they won’t let up any time soon.<br />

“Was it possible to prevent all these<br />

events that are now taking place – raiding<br />

of businesses, arrests of opposition leaders,<br />

crackdown on human rights activists<br />

and political opponents? Yes, but the<br />

leaders of the Orange Revolution who<br />

pledged to put bandits in jail failed to fulfill<br />

their promise and establish the rule of<br />

law. Had they done so we would have<br />

had a totally different Ukraine. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

people should blame themselves first of<br />

all.”<br />

“Will Yanukovych oust nation’s top<br />

oligarchs?” by Anders Aslund, Kyiv<br />

Post, <strong>January</strong> 20:<br />

“<strong>The</strong> economic situation in Ukraine is<br />

quite easy to assess. President Viktor<br />

Yanukovych is fully in charge, and he is<br />

quickly consolidating power.<br />

“So far he is balancing between two<br />

oligarchic groups – the so-called<br />

RosUkrEnergo group and the Donetsk<br />

clan. <strong>The</strong> big question is whether he will<br />

continue to do so, or oust the oligarchs to<br />

(Continued on page 21)


10<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

11<br />

Ukraine's Unity Day...<br />

(Continued from page 1)<br />

Fesenko said indicated an interest in merging<br />

forces with the Front of Change for the<br />

next parliamentary elections, which are likely<br />

to occur in 2012.<br />

On the “maidan” (Independence Square),<br />

thousands of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s waved blue-andyellow<br />

flags and listened to a concert organized<br />

by the Kyiv City State Administration,<br />

which is led by Oleksander Popov of the<br />

Party of Regions.<br />

Former Presidents Leonid Kravchuk and<br />

Leonid Kuchma joined President<br />

Yanukovych and Prime Minister Mykola<br />

Azarov in attending a formal ceremony and<br />

concert held at the Ukrayina Palace. <strong>The</strong><br />

Yanukovych administration organized commemorations<br />

throughout Ukraine on<br />

<strong>January</strong> 22.<br />

“<strong>The</strong> government is trying to find its own<br />

format of humanitarian policy in order to<br />

neutralize the blame and criticisms,” Mr.<br />

Fesenko said. “It’s a separate issue whether<br />

that’s working.”<br />

Indeed, the Party of Regions has found<br />

that money works for most of its supporters.<br />

Journalists in Kyiv discovered that many<br />

participants were paid between $15 and<br />

$17.50 by the Party of Regions (led by Mr.<br />

Yanukovych) to attend the maidan rally and<br />

wave national flags.<br />

Alcohol occasionally works as well. <strong>The</strong><br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>’s correspondent<br />

Volodymyr Musyak reported that an alarming<br />

number of participants were intoxicated<br />

at the maidan concert.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Party of Regions’ dirty practices<br />

were displayed on the Internet for the world<br />

to see that night after more than 150 participants<br />

gathered at the party headquarters in<br />

central Kyiv to demand their money for<br />

attending the rally.<br />

<strong>The</strong> same night, leading journalist<br />

Mustafa Nayem recorded on video how<br />

Party of Regions members – led by Andrii<br />

Nadosha, son of national Deputy Oleh<br />

Nadosha – paid participants at a Kyiv café<br />

afterwards with the help of lists.<br />

Meanwhile, the Batkivshchyna Party<br />

reported their buses of supporters were yet<br />

again stopped by traffic police and prevented<br />

from traveling to the capital from cities<br />

that included Lviv, Odesa and<br />

Dnipropetrovsk.<br />

Those illegal methods on the part of the<br />

government were expected by the opposition<br />

forces, which were more frustrated<br />

with Mr. Yatsenyuk’s decision to hold a<br />

separate rally.<br />

“<strong>The</strong>re’s a moral<br />

aspect to the meeting<br />

on St. Sophia<br />

Square, which was<br />

to a certain extent<br />

s u p p o s e d t o<br />

become moral support<br />

for the opposition<br />

that’s under<br />

pressure from the<br />

government,” Mr.<br />

F e s e n k o s a i d .<br />

“From that moral<br />

point of view, there<br />

is criticism.”<br />

Mr. Yatsenyuk<br />

held the separate<br />

commemoration<br />

strictly as a political<br />

tactic to promote<br />

his new political<br />

force to the<br />

public and show<br />

the support he’s<br />

mustered, Mr. Fesenko said. It was not<br />

intended to weaken the opposition, though<br />

such accusations were made.<br />

To prove it has none of the antagonism<br />

toward Ms. Tymoshenko that former<br />

Volodymyr Musyak<br />

On St. Sophia Square (from right) are: Batkivschyna Party<br />

Chair Yulia Tymoshenko, For Ukraine Party Chair<br />

Viacheslav Kyrylenko and European Party of Ukraine Chair<br />

Mykola Katerynchuk.<br />

President Yushchenko demonstrated, the<br />

Front of Change party dispatched one of its<br />

leaders, Ms. Hrynevych, to the event on St.<br />

(Continued on page 16)<br />

Patriarch Filaret of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Orthodox Church - Kyiv Patriarchate<br />

on St. Sophia Square in Kyiv.<br />

Soviet-era political prisoner Lev<br />

Lukianenko addressed the <strong>January</strong> 22<br />

Unity Day commemoration led by former<br />

Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko<br />

on St. Sophia Square.<br />

<strong>The</strong> administration of President Viktor Yanukovych led a Unity Day commemoration<br />

on <strong>January</strong> 22 on Independence Square, which the opposition boycotted.<br />

Thousands attended – many of whom were paid.<br />

Human Rights...<br />

(Continued from page 1)<br />

to Brussels on <strong>January</strong> 24 by Uzbek<br />

President Islam Karimov.<br />

“Meaningless dialogues”<br />

<strong>The</strong> report notes that defending human<br />

rights “may sometimes interfere with other<br />

governmental interests,” adding that if so,<br />

“they should at least have the courage to<br />

admit it, instead of hiding behind meaningless<br />

dialogues and fruitless quests for cooperation.”<br />

Wenzel Michalski, the communications<br />

director for Human Rights Watch’s<br />

Germany office, calls this year’s report<br />

“forceful” in addressing diplomacy and<br />

rights efforts used in the West.<br />

“It became very fashionable in the last<br />

couple of years to prefer dialogue – socalled<br />

dialogue and silent diplomacy – to<br />

naming and shaming. And we think it didn’t<br />

do any good for human rights worldwide,”<br />

Mr. Michalski says. “It showed, actually,<br />

that talk behind closed doors doesn’t lead to<br />

any improvement in this area.”<br />

European Commission (EC) spokeswoman<br />

Pia Ahrenkilde Hansen, asked about<br />

the HRW report at a news briefing in<br />

Brussels on <strong>January</strong> 24, declined to respond<br />

to specific criticisms.<br />

But she said EC President José Manuel<br />

Barroso would bring up rights concerns during<br />

the visit by Mr. Karimov.<br />

“<strong>The</strong>re is absolutely no question of trading<br />

off one interest in exchange for the other<br />

as far as the EU is concerned,” she said.<br />

“And I think we’ve had many occasions to<br />

demonstrate that. Human rights is nonnegotiable.”<br />

Mr. Michalski notes, meanwhile, that<br />

Western criticism tends to be more strident<br />

the less the country has to offer in terms of<br />

economic interests.<br />

“So when it’s up to criticize countries<br />

like Belarus, for example, the Western powers,<br />

the EU, America, all have a very strong<br />

voice. <strong>The</strong>y all expressed their concerns<br />

about the vote-rigging and the threatening of<br />

the opposition. Why is that? Why are countries<br />

like Germany talking strong, and have<br />

a strong voice, name and shame human<br />

rights abuses in countries like Belarus and<br />

not, for example, in China?” Mr. Michalski<br />

asks.<br />

“That is simply because we don’t deal<br />

with Belarus so much. We don’t make so<br />

much business. Belarus doesn’t have any<br />

natural resources which would be interesting<br />

for us. So it’s easy to name and shame<br />

countries like these.”<br />

“Deeply negative”<br />

In Russia, Human Rights Watch says, the<br />

rights climate remains “deeply negative”<br />

In Ukraine, rights<br />

activists continue<br />

to face issues of<br />

censorship and<br />

pressure, despite<br />

pledges by President<br />

Viktor Yanukovych<br />

“to protect<br />

freedom and media<br />

pluralism.”<br />

despite some positive rhetoric from the<br />

authorities. It says President Dmitry<br />

Medvedev’s “rhetorical commitments to<br />

human rights and the rule of law have not<br />

been backed by concrete steps to support<br />

civil society.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> report says rights activists, especially<br />

those working in the North Caucasus<br />

region, “remain vulnerable to harassment<br />

and attacks,” including legal prosecution.<br />

And despite official pledges to reform the<br />

police force, the group says a draft law<br />

“falls short of what is necessary to best pre-<br />

vent human rights violations.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> report also says that in Ukraine,<br />

rights activists continue to face issues of<br />

censorship and pressure, despite pledges by<br />

President Viktor Yanukovych “to protect<br />

freedom and media pluralism.”<br />

On Iran, it says the regime continued to<br />

use torture and intimidation to pressure critics<br />

and consolidate power amid what it<br />

called a “deepening human rights crisis.”<br />

It accuses security forces in Iran of using<br />

torture to extract confessions, on which the<br />

judiciary relied to sentence to long prison<br />

terms and even death people arrested during<br />

protests against President Mahmud<br />

Ahmadinejad’s disputed reelection in 2009.<br />

It said authorities intimidated human<br />

rights lawyers, preventing them from effectively<br />

representing political detainees.<br />

Human Rights Watch also criticized Iran<br />

for continuing to discriminate against religious<br />

minorities, including Sunnis, adherents<br />

to the banned Bahai faith, Sufis and<br />

Christian converts.<br />

Compiled by RFE/RL with agency<br />

reports.<br />

Copyright <strong>2011</strong>, RFE/RL Inc. Reprinted<br />

with the permission of Radio Free Europe/<br />

Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave. NW,<br />

Washington DC 20036; www.rferl.org. (See<br />

http://www.rferl.org/content/human_rights_<br />

watch_report_/2285529.html.)


12<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

Conductor Kirill Karabits debuts with National Symphony Orchestra<br />

by Yaro Bihun<br />

Special to <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />

WASHINGTON – It was an exceptional<br />

debut performance for the young<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> conductor Kirill Karabits with<br />

the National Symphony Orchestra, and he<br />

presented himself to the Washington<br />

audience in an appropriately unique fashion.<br />

<strong>The</strong> first selection on the concert program<br />

performed at the John F. Kennedy<br />

Center for three evenings, <strong>January</strong> 13-15,<br />

was Valentin Silvestrov’s “Elegy for<br />

Strings.”<br />

Not only was it the NSO’s first performance<br />

of any piece by this contemporary<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> composer, it carried a special<br />

meaning with Karabits as conductor. <strong>The</strong><br />

origin of Silvestrov’s piece was an unfinished<br />

musical sketch penned by composer-conductor<br />

Ivan Karabits, Kirill’s<br />

father.<br />

As Kirill Karabits recalled in an interview<br />

on the Voice of America <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

television program “Chas-Time” after the<br />

first performance, he and Mr. Silvestrov<br />

found the sketches in his father’s notebook<br />

upon his death in 2002. Mr.<br />

Silvestrov promised to complete it, did so<br />

May we help you?<br />

within a matter of days, and dedicated it<br />

to his father.<br />

“Rather than coming to the NSO with<br />

a bang, Karabits came with a personal,<br />

even intimate touch,” was how <strong>The</strong><br />

Washington Post music critic Anne<br />

Midgette characterized it.<br />

In her review, Ms. Midgette also pointed<br />

to another unusual aspect of the<br />

Karabits debut. Long-known for having a<br />

Russian association, at least from the<br />

time Mstislav Rostropovich was the<br />

music director of the National Symphony,<br />

she said, “‘Russian’ is a misnomer for<br />

three of the (Karabits) program’s four<br />

innovations.” She pointed out that the<br />

34-year-old conductor is <strong>Ukrainian</strong>, as is<br />

the composer Mr. Silvestrov, and the solo<br />

violinist playing in Dmitri Shostakovich’s<br />

Violin Concerto No. 2, Op. 129, Sergey<br />

Kachatryan, is Armenian.<br />

After intermission, the program concluded<br />

with Jean Sibelius’ Symphony No.<br />

1 in E minor, Op. 39.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Washington audience rewarded<br />

the performers enthusiastically and with<br />

standing ovations throughout the three<br />

concerts.<br />

Asked in the VOA interview if he considers<br />

himself a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> conductor, Mr.<br />

To reach <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> call (973) 292-9800,<br />

and dial the appropriate extension (as listed below).<br />

Editorial – <strong>30</strong>49, <strong>30</strong>88 • Production – <strong>30</strong>63, <strong>30</strong>69<br />

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Subscriptions – <strong>30</strong>42<br />

Yaro Bihun<br />

Natalia Motsyk, wife of Ukraine’s ambassador to the United States, greeted conductor<br />

Kirill Karabits with flowers after his debut series of performances with<br />

the National Symphony Orchestra in Washington.<br />

Karabits said that, of course, he is<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>. But to be successful, a<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> artist must also become a man<br />

of the world. “One must learn foreign<br />

languages, travel and play <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

music abroad, discuss it, and do so intelligently.<br />

<strong>The</strong>n they will become interested.”<br />

“And who should be doing this if not<br />

I,” he added.<br />

Kirill Karabits, now in his second season<br />

as the principal conductor of the<br />

Bournemouth Symphony Orchestra in<br />

Britain, began studying conducting and<br />

composition in Kyiv, at the Lysenko<br />

Music School and the Tchaikovsky Music<br />

Academy. Since then, he has been guest<br />

conductor with numerous European<br />

orchestras, among them the London<br />

Philharmonic, the BBC Symphony<br />

Orchestra, the Royal Philharmonic, the<br />

Danish National Symphony, the<br />

Amsterdam Concertgebauw, the<br />

Rotterdan Philharmonic and the Berlin<br />

Konzerthaus.<br />

Since his North American debut with the<br />

Houston Symphony in 2009, he has also<br />

conducted the Los Angeles Philharmonic,<br />

the Minnesota Orchestra, and – a week<br />

before coming to Washington – the San<br />

Francisco Symphony, where the headline to<br />

the review in the San Francisco Chronicle<br />

characterized his appearance as a “Grand<br />

debut.”


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

13<br />

Pianist Anna Shelest: “An appealing freshness of spirit”<br />

by Helen Smindak<br />

NEW YORK – I’d been told by two or<br />

three fellow New Yorkers that <strong>Ukrainian</strong>born<br />

pianist Anna Shelest was an artist to<br />

watch, a musician who was on the way to<br />

becoming a standout in New York music<br />

circles.<br />

I had also heard that the Cincinnati<br />

Enquirer noted she plays “with an appealing<br />

freshness of spirit,” and the Cincinnati<br />

Post described her as “the most exciting<br />

young pianist to have appeared in<br />

Cincinnati in recent years.” <strong>The</strong><br />

Twentsche Courant Tubantia in the<br />

Netherlands called her a “keyboard lioness.”<br />

I learned firsthand of Ms. Shelest’s talents<br />

when I heard her solo performance<br />

last month at the Golden Key Music<br />

Institute, interpreting Moussorgsky’s masterful<br />

work “Pictures at an Exhibition,” a<br />

piano suite of 10 passages illustrating<br />

sketches and watercolors created by his<br />

close friend, the architect and sometimes<br />

painter Victor Hartmann.<br />

<strong>The</strong> piece reflects the mood of each<br />

painting, opening with a “promenade”<br />

theme that re-emerges throughout as a<br />

transition amid the changing moods of the<br />

various pictures. Through the composer’s<br />

picturesque writing, the pianist achieves<br />

mystery, frenzy, humor and grandeur.<br />

Ms. Shelest was in her element as her<br />

fingers flew gracefully over the keyboard,<br />

conjuring up visions of a gnome-shaped<br />

nutcracker in a mad dance, a troubador<br />

singing a doleful lament outside an ancient<br />

castle, children quarreling at play in a<br />

park, a lumbering wooden ox-cart and<br />

peeping chicks hatching from their shells.<br />

With finesse and sensitivity, she portrayed<br />

an argument between two Jews, one<br />

wealthy and vain, the other poor and garrulous,<br />

shrill women vendors in a bustling<br />

marketplace, the eerie gloom of catacombs<br />

beneath the streets of Paris and the crazed<br />

flight of the folklore witch Baba Yaga.<br />

In the final movement, “<strong>The</strong> Great Gate<br />

of Kiev,” Ms. Shelest re-created the blazing<br />

glory of a grand and stately procession<br />

passing through the archway, accompanied<br />

by the jubilant pealing of church bells.<br />

<strong>The</strong> offspring of a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> mother<br />

and a <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Russian father, Ms.<br />

Shelest gained her consummate piano artistry<br />

through studies in prime schools in<br />

Ukraine and the U.S., outstanding teachers,<br />

an active concert career and daily<br />

practice sessions. She graduated from<br />

New York’s prestigious Juilliard School in<br />

the spring of 2010 and made her New<br />

York debut the same year in recitals at<br />

Alice Tully Hall and Stern Auditorium at<br />

Carnegie Hall.<br />

Her repertoire of solo, concert and<br />

ensemble works, from baroque to contemporary,<br />

includes a gamut of composers –<br />

Bach and Beethoven pieces to<br />

Tchaikovsky études and the “<strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Rhapsody” of composer Oleksandr Zhuk.<br />

She won first prize at several international<br />

competitions in recent years, including<br />

the 2009 Bradshaw-Buono<br />

International Piano Competition in New<br />

York, the 2005 Kawai American<br />

Recording Contest and the 2005 Louisiana<br />

International Piano Competition.<br />

She has recorded two CDs – an all-<br />

Rachmaninoff CD featuring his “Études-<br />

Tableaux, Op. 39, and Moments-<br />

Musicaux, op.16,” and “Beyond<br />

Oblivion,” a collaborative recording with<br />

Cleveland Symphony Orchestra trombonist<br />

Cristian Ganicenco.<br />

All of this came to light as she and her<br />

handsome husband and manager, Dmitri<br />

Sarnov, chatted with me over lunch at a<br />

cheery midtown restaurant, a pleasant<br />

interlude from the frenzy of a metropolitan<br />

city dealing with the aftermath of the blizzard<br />

of 2010.<br />

Early piano studies<br />

A poised, elegant<br />

young woman who<br />

spoke with a charming<br />

accent, Ms. Shelest modestly<br />

reviewed her early<br />

musical experiences: she<br />

began piano studies at<br />

the age of 6 when her<br />

aunt, who lived in Paris,<br />

bought a piano for her.<br />

(Not everyone was<br />

happy about it, she said,<br />

because the instrument<br />

took up so much space<br />

in the family’s small<br />

apartment.)<br />

With her mother’s<br />

encouragement and a<br />

piano teacher’s guidance,<br />

she was soon ready<br />

to enter the Kharkiv<br />

Special Music School<br />

for Gifted Children,<br />

where she studied with<br />

Gary Gelfat and Sergei<br />

Polusmiak.<br />

At 11, as the youngest<br />

prize-winner of the<br />

M i l o s z M a g i n<br />

International Piano<br />

Competition, she performed<br />

at the winners’<br />

concert at UNESCO<br />

Headquarters in Paris,<br />

her first experience on a<br />

large stage. “It was the<br />

biggest hall I had been<br />

to, it was huge and the<br />

piano seemed so little; it<br />

was so unusual to be in<br />

the center of such a large<br />

place, with so many people<br />

looking at you,” she<br />

recalled. <strong>The</strong> following<br />

year, she made her<br />

orchestral debut with the<br />

Kharkiv Symphony<br />

Orchestra, playing<br />

Rachmaninoff’s Piano<br />

Concerto No.1.<br />

When her family<br />

moved to the U.S. in<br />

1999, she enrolled at<br />

Northern Kentucky<br />

University, where she<br />

won numerous scholarships<br />

and awards,<br />

including the Regent’s<br />

Award, and recognition<br />

as an outstanding senior in the College of<br />

Arts and Sciences. Upon graduation with a<br />

Bachelor of Music degree, she moved to<br />

Cincinnati to study privately for a year<br />

with professors from the Cincinnati<br />

Conservatory of Music, Elizabeth and<br />

Eugene Pridonoff.<br />

Ms. Shelest and Mr. Sarnov were close<br />

friends and classmates at Northern<br />

Kentucky University; in fact, they’ve<br />

known each other since middle school.<br />

Over the years, their friendship blossomed<br />

into romance, and they were married in<br />

March 2007 in the U.S. In July 2010, they<br />

travelled to Ukraine for a traditional<br />

church wedding, with all family members<br />

present for the celebration.<br />

N o w m a k i n g t h e i r h o m e o n<br />

Manhattan’s Upper West Side, the couple<br />

enjoys a vibrant lifestyle. Ms. Shelest continues<br />

her appearances as a performing artist,<br />

attends rehearsals and teaches privately.<br />

It’s a constantly changing schedule,<br />

always something new, she said. Mr.<br />

Sarnov is president of DSW Worldwide,<br />

an organization specializing in career<br />

management for classical musicians.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y travel to Ukraine each summer to<br />

visit their families. “We’d like to go more<br />

often, but our schedules don’t allow it,”<br />

Mr. Sarnov said.<br />

Anna Shelest<br />

Ms. Shelest is delighted that her piano<br />

expertise has taken her to some of the<br />

world’s greatest stages, including Carnegie<br />

Hall, the Palacio de Bellas Artes in<br />

Mexico City and the Great Hall of<br />

Moscow Conservatory. Her career encompasses<br />

solo performances with some of the<br />

world’s most renowned orchestras – the<br />

Netherland Symphony, the St. Petersburg<br />

Philharmonic and the Montreal Symphony<br />

– as well as orchestras in Cincinnati,<br />

Corpus Christi, Florida, Kentucky and<br />

California.<br />

She said she likes to perform “in as<br />

many kinds of music as I can; solo recitals<br />

are probably my favorite, because you<br />

really have enormous freedom when<br />

you’re on a stage by yourself, but there is<br />

so much great music written for piano in<br />

an orchestra and collaborative piano, as<br />

well as chamber music, that I like to take<br />

part in everything.”<br />

Preparation for performances calls for<br />

some practical decisions in selecting<br />

stage apparel, Ms. Shelest said, because<br />

“I try to choose a gown that matches the<br />

mood of a piece, or the formality of the<br />

occasion, and I also need to be comfortable<br />

while I’m seated at the piano.” For<br />

all performances, she likes to wear her<br />

hair up and arranged in a chignon at the<br />

Cathy Lions<br />

nape of her neck “so it won’t fly into my<br />

face and eyes when I’m playing.”<br />

Coincidentally, the sophisticated hairdo<br />

and stylish gowns admirably flatter her<br />

slender, 5-foot-10 figure.<br />

Whenever there’s time, she likes to<br />

cook. “I find it very relaxing, and it’s very<br />

satisfying to blend various ingredients and<br />

come up with a finished product,” she<br />

commented. But trying to duplicate dishes<br />

her grandmother frequently served is<br />

sometimes frustrating. “Grandma used to<br />

say, a little bit of salt, a little bit of sugar –<br />

my mom is the same – but I need to know<br />

exactly how much in order to make the<br />

dish.”<br />

Currently awaiting the release of a new<br />

CD that includes Moussorgsky’s “Pictures<br />

at an Exhibition” and Tchaikovsky and<br />

Glinka pieces, Ms. Shelest said she was<br />

also looking forward to her next performance,<br />

a <strong>January</strong> 23 collaboration with the<br />

winners of a vocal competition at<br />

Carnegie Hall’s Weill Auditorium.<br />

Mr. Sarnov said a recital at a distinguished<br />

New York venue is in the offing,<br />

but this is still a nebulous event that<br />

requires serious thought and planning.<br />

When it happens, it will undoubtedly be<br />

another triumph in Ms. Shelest’s burgeoning<br />

career.


14<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

NEWSBRIEFS<br />

(Continued from page 2)<br />

is one of top priority items on the agenda<br />

of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Russian relations. On the<br />

instruction of Foreign Affairs Minister<br />

Kostyantyn Gryshchenko, the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Embassy in Russia is working toward<br />

normalizing as soon as possible the situation<br />

surrounding the Library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Literature; investigatory actions held by<br />

Russian law-enforcement bodies do not<br />

hinder the use of the library funds. In<br />

December 2010 over 50 books were<br />

withdrawn from the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> library in<br />

Moscow for psychological-linguistic<br />

expert examination. On <strong>January</strong> 12<br />

Ukraine’s MFA stated that the Library of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature in Moscow had fully<br />

resumed its normal work. On <strong>January</strong> 14<br />

authorities conducted a new search in the<br />

library, during which the library’s servers<br />

were seized. (Ukrinform)<br />

Germany to support rights in Ukraine<br />

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KYIV – Germany is ready to earmark<br />

nearly 100,000 euros in <strong>2011</strong> to support<br />

human rights projects in Ukraine,<br />

Germany’s Ambassador to Ukraine Hans-<br />

Jurgen Heimsoeth told reporters on<br />

<strong>January</strong> 26. “This year, the German government<br />

will provide more funds to support<br />

projects in the field of human rights<br />

throughout the world. And, if Ukraine<br />

submits good projects, then I assume this<br />

year, like the last year, we will be ready<br />

to support these projects,” the diplomat<br />

said. He added that Germany supports all<br />

organizations that are doing everything<br />

possible to ensure that basic human rights<br />

principles are strengthened. Mr.<br />

Heimsoeth reported that in 2010<br />

Germany supported four projects in<br />

Ukraine, allocating a total of 104,000<br />

euros. (Ukrinform)<br />

Lutsenko: I am a political prisoner<br />

KYIV – Former <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Internal<br />

Affairs Minister Yuriy Lutsenko, who<br />

leads the People’s Self-Defense Party,<br />

said he is innocent and described himself<br />

as a political prisoner. “I swear before<br />

God and people that I am not guilty of<br />

what I’m being accused of at the highest<br />

command of the Procurator General’s<br />

Office. <strong>The</strong> only reason for my imprisonment<br />

in a condemned cell at Lukianivka<br />

jail is to deprive me of any chance to<br />

speak out about the resumption of bandit<br />

democracy in Ukraine,” the press service<br />

of the People’s Self-Defense Party on<br />

<strong>January</strong> 19 quoted Mr. Lutsenko as saying.<br />

He also said that he had become “a<br />

prisoner of war of criminals who seized<br />

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power in Ukraine.” Mr. Lutsenko said<br />

that the goal of the current authorities is<br />

“to destroy their political opponents and<br />

establish an atmosphere of fear in order<br />

to rob the country and the people without<br />

any obstacles.” Mr. Lutsenko called on<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s to unite, and added that “the<br />

resistance of people is the only thing the<br />

authorities are afraid of.” He said, “<strong>The</strong><br />

pendulum of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> history has<br />

swung into a dark time. It all depends on<br />

the ability of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s to protect their<br />

families, their souls and their history.<br />

Don’t lose your heart! Don’t be silent!<br />

We are united!” he said. On December<br />

13, 2010, Mr. Lutsenko and his former<br />

driver Leonid Prystupliuk were charged<br />

with large-scale embezzlement of state<br />

property worth 360,000 hrv, as well as<br />

the abuse of power and the use of forged<br />

documents. On December 26 Mr.<br />

Lutsenko was detained near his house.<br />

On December 27 the Pecherskyi District<br />

Court of Kyiv ordered Mr. Lutsenko to be<br />

jailed for two months. On December 28 it<br />

became known that Mr. Lutsenko had<br />

been moved from a Security Service of<br />

Ukraine (SBU) prison to Lukianivka<br />

Prison No. 13. On <strong>January</strong> 17 Lutsenko’s<br />

lawyer Ihor Fomin filed a complaint to<br />

the European Court of Human Rights<br />

charging that Mr. Lutsenko’s arrest was<br />

illegal. (Interfax-Ukraine)<br />

Investigator denies Tymoshenko’s request<br />

KYIV – An investigator with the<br />

Procurator General’s Office (PGO), said<br />

on <strong>January</strong> 25 that the request of the exprime<br />

minister and leader of the<br />

Batkivschyna party, Yulia Tymoshenko,<br />

for permission to travel to Brussels was<br />

denied since she presented the invitation<br />

without proper clearance. “Allowing exit<br />

to a person who is under house arrest is<br />

not a duty but a right of the investigator,<br />

that is, his direct procedural competence,”<br />

the liaison department of the<br />

Procurator General’s Office reported. <strong>The</strong><br />

investigator also did not grant Ms.<br />

Tymoshenko’s appeal to close the criminal<br />

case opened against her on charges of<br />

committing a serious crime under Part 3,<br />

Article 365 of the Criminal Code (abuse<br />

of power or official authority, resulting in<br />

grave consequences). <strong>The</strong> department<br />

also noted that Ms. Tymoshenko’s charges<br />

against prosecutors are nothing but an<br />

attempt to put pressure on the investigation<br />

and to discredit it. Investigators of<br />

the PGO on <strong>January</strong> 17 reopened the<br />

criminal case against Ms. Tymoshenko at<br />

her request and on the appeal of her attorney.<br />

In December 2010 the PGO filed<br />

charges that Ms. Tymoshenko, as prime<br />

minister, “acting intentionally, in her own<br />

interests,” decided on the use of funds<br />

received from the sale of quotas for<br />

greenhouse gases for specific purposes to<br />

cover state budget revenues, primarily to<br />

pay pensions. <strong>The</strong> total amount of allegedly<br />

misused funds was 380 million<br />

euros. (Ukrinform)<br />

Yanukovych heading to Davos<br />

KYIV – President Viktor Yanukovych<br />

will visit Switzerland to attend the World<br />

Economic Forum (WEF), which will be<br />

held in Davos on <strong>January</strong> 26-28, the head<br />

of the Presidential Administration, Serhiy<br />

Lyovochkin, said. He said that the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> president was expected to meet<br />

with heads of international organizations,<br />

as well as with the leaders of some countries,<br />

particularly members of the Group<br />

of Eight. Mr. Yanukovych is also to meet<br />

with the leaders of the World Bank, the<br />

International Monetary Fund, the<br />

European Bank for Reconstruction and<br />

Development and Secretary-General of<br />

the United Nations Ban Ki-moon. In<br />

addition, a <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Polish lunch is to<br />

be held in Davos with the participation of<br />

President Yanukovych and Polish<br />

President Bronislaw Komorowski; the<br />

lunch will be dedicated to the holding of<br />

the Euro-2012 European Football<br />

Championship. (Ukrinform)<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> school faces closure<br />

DONETSK, Ukraine – One of the oldest<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>-language schools in<br />

Donetsk is facing closure, RFE/RL’s<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Service reported on <strong>January</strong><br />

20. Donetsk city authorities say they are<br />

closing the school in the Petro district<br />

because many schools in the city are only<br />

half full and some shutdowns were needed.<br />

But teachers and parents of students<br />

enrolled at the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-language school<br />

have asked officials why it, and not a<br />

Russian-language school, was chosen to<br />

be shut down. School principal Svitlana<br />

Babenko told RFE/RL that closing the<br />

school has been under discussion for four<br />

months. She said it was very likely her<br />

school would be closed as it is operating<br />

at only 51 percent of capacity and is near<br />

two other schools that also have low<br />

enrollment. Former principal Ivan<br />

Zhuravka told RFE/RL the school had<br />

just marked its 90th anniversary and that<br />

former graduates include parents and<br />

grandparents of many current students.<br />

He expressed hope that local authorities<br />

would reverse their decision. Meanwhile,<br />

teachers and parents have signed an open<br />

letter to the Donetsk municipal authorities<br />

urging them not to close the school.<br />

Of the more than 200 schools in Donetsk,<br />

only 36 provide instruction in <strong>Ukrainian</strong>.<br />

In the last <strong>30</strong> years of the Soviet Union,<br />

all schooling in Donetsk was conducted<br />

in Russian. Although there is an almost<br />

equal number of ethnic Russians and<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in Donetsk, use of the<br />

Russian language predominates in the<br />

city, which has a population of about 1<br />

million. (RFE/RL)<br />

Two bombings rock Makiyivka<br />

KYIV – <strong>Ukrainian</strong> officials said two<br />

explosions that rocked Makiyivka in the<br />

Donetsk region early on <strong>January</strong> 20 were<br />

criminal acts, and that more bombings<br />

have been threatened. Police say the two<br />

simultaneous, early-morning blasts near a<br />

coal company building and a central market<br />

in Makiyivka damaged nearby buildings,<br />

but that no one was hurt. <strong>The</strong><br />

Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) said a<br />

note was found near the scene demanding<br />

$5.4 million and threatening five more<br />

bombings later in the day if the sum was<br />

not paid. <strong>The</strong> note said bombs had<br />

already had been placed around the city.<br />

Investigators said they were not ruling<br />

out the possibility that the attacks were<br />

acts of terrorism. (Voice of America)<br />

Ukraine is IMF’s second largest debtor<br />

KYIV – Ukraine remained the second<br />

largest debtor of the International<br />

Monetary Fund (IMF) as of <strong>January</strong> 6,<br />

after Romania (with special drawing<br />

rights of 9.8 billion) in terms of funds<br />

disbursed under the current stand-by<br />

loans, with its liabilities being SDR 9.25<br />

billion (about $14.2 billion U.S.). <strong>The</strong><br />

IMF’s third largest debtor is Greece with<br />

SDR 9.13 billion. <strong>The</strong> IMF Executive<br />

Board on December 22, 2010, decided to<br />

allocate to Ukraine a second tranche<br />

under the Stand-By Arrangement at $1.5<br />

billion. <strong>The</strong> funds could be transferred to<br />

Ukraine after the launch of pension<br />

reform. <strong>The</strong> program of cooperation<br />

between Ukraine and the IMF, which was<br />

approved in July 2010, foresees the provision<br />

of a $15.15 billion loan to Ukraine<br />

for two and a half years. (Ukrinform)<br />

More movement across western border<br />

KYIV – On the western sector of<br />

Ukraine’s border, the passenger flow of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in 2010 as compared to 2009<br />

grew by almost one-fourth. In 2010, 23.5<br />

(Continued on page 15)


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

15<br />

NEWSBRIEFS<br />

(Continued from page 14)<br />

million persons crossed the western sector<br />

of the border, 1.5 million more than in<br />

2009, the State Border Guard Service of<br />

the western region reported. <strong>The</strong> number<br />

of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s, who crossed the border in<br />

2010, increased by 22 percent, and the<br />

number of foreigners fell by 8 percent. As<br />

the head of the State Border Guard press<br />

service, Volodymyr Sheremet, noted on<br />

<strong>January</strong> 17, this trend most likely is related<br />

to the active issuance of cards for local<br />

border movement by the consulates of<br />

European countries bordering Ukraine. As<br />

concerns foreigners, the reduction in their<br />

number at ground checkpoints is explained<br />

by the fact that there is no need for them to<br />

travel to Ukraine for <strong>Ukrainian</strong> goods as<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s now bring the goods into their<br />

countries. At the same time, at airports, the<br />

number of foreigners increased, testifying<br />

to an increase in tourism and business,<br />

border guards reported. (Ukrinform)<br />

Tymoshenko on library in Moscow<br />

KYIV – Former <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Prime<br />

Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who is the<br />

leader of the Batkivschyna Party, said on<br />

<strong>January</strong> 19 that <strong>Ukrainian</strong> authorities<br />

should be concerned about the fate of the<br />

Library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature in Moscow<br />

and protect the interests of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in<br />

Russia. “We are very concerned that the<br />

new <strong>Ukrainian</strong> authorities humiliate the<br />

spirituality of the people and humiliate<br />

national shrines... This, in fact, is a blow to<br />

the heart of our nation. One of these unfortunate<br />

cases is our <strong>Ukrainian</strong> library, which<br />

our authorities should now protect, in<br />

another state. It seems to me that claims by<br />

the authorities that it’s not our library are<br />

just unacceptable,” she told journalists in<br />

Kyiv on <strong>January</strong> 4, before her latest round<br />

of interrogation at the main investigation<br />

department of the Procurator General’s<br />

Office. Ms. Tymoshenko said that opposition<br />

groups would by all means defend the<br />

interests of the Library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Literature in Moscow and provide support<br />

and assistance. During an interview with<br />

Channel 5 TV on <strong>January</strong> 18 Prime<br />

Minister Mykola Azarov said the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

government proposed opening a library in<br />

Moscow that would be <strong>Ukrainian</strong> property.<br />

Mr. Azarov said that the current library is<br />

owned by the Russian government. “I<br />

thought about this [the possibility of proposing<br />

to Russia to build a <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

library in Moscow as the property of<br />

Ukraine], and we, I think, will consider this<br />

question and resolve it soon,” Mr. Azarov<br />

said. (Interfax-Ukraine)<br />

Kravchuk predicts acute situation<br />

KYIV – Leonid Kravchuk predicts an<br />

acute political situation in Ukraine in<br />

<strong>2011</strong> due primarily to the continuation of<br />

constitutional reform. Referring to the<br />

opinion of the Venice Commission and<br />

the foreign political elite, Mr. Kravchuk<br />

said that constitutional reform in Ukraine<br />

is incomplete and not quite legitimate,<br />

therefore, whether the president wants<br />

this or not, he will have to continue<br />

reforming the political system in Ukraine<br />

based on the country’s Constitution. It is<br />

also necessary to continue reform of the<br />

economy and judicial systems, the former<br />

president added. Upcoming parliamentary<br />

elections, the date of which is still<br />

under debate, will add urgency to the situation.<br />

According to Mr. Kravchuk,<br />

“Most politicians believe that the elections<br />

should be held in <strong>2011</strong>, others cite<br />

the year of 2012. But the issue is that<br />

everything must proceed under the valid<br />

Constitution, rather than the one that was<br />

effective in the past. We must respect the<br />

rules of the Constitution.” Mr. Kravchuk<br />

made his comments in a <strong>January</strong> 3 interview<br />

with InterMediaConsulting.<br />

(Ukrinform)<br />

Most important political events of 2010<br />

KYIV – Just over 40 percent of the people<br />

surveyed in December 2010 by the<br />

Sofia social research center believe that<br />

the most important event in the political<br />

life of Ukraine in 2010 was the election of<br />

Viktor Yanukovych as president of<br />

Ukraine. Respondents were asked to<br />

choose from a proposed list the three<br />

events they considered most important in<br />

political life. <strong>The</strong> results: 40.3 percent<br />

cited Mr. Yanukovych’s election; 20.2 percent<br />

cited the protests against the adoption<br />

of the tax code; and 17.6 percent pointed<br />

to the election of local authorities. Another<br />

14.3 percent believe the most important<br />

event was signing of the agreement with<br />

Russia on the extension of the Russian<br />

Black Sea Fleet’s lease in Sevastopol until<br />

2042; 13.8 percent – adoption of the tax<br />

code; 13.5 percent – visits to Ukraine by<br />

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev; 12.4<br />

percent – an international audit of the previous<br />

government of Yulia Tymoshenko;<br />

10.9 percent – adoption by the Verkhovna<br />

Rada of the law on the principles of<br />

domestic and foreign policy; 6.8 percent –<br />

renewal of the 1996 Constitution; 6.6 percent<br />

– creation of a political coalition in<br />

parliament and government formation; 6.3<br />

percent – other events. <strong>The</strong> survey results<br />

were released on December 31, 2010.<br />

(Ukrinform)<br />

Yanukovych named politician of the year<br />

KYIV – President Viktor Yanukovych<br />

was the most popular politician of 2010,<br />

according to an experts’ poll conducted by<br />

the Democratic Initiatives Foundation.<br />

DIF director Iryna Bekeshkina told reporters<br />

that second and third place, according<br />

to the poll, were taken by the chief of the<br />

Presidential Administration, Serhiy<br />

Lyovochkin, and the leader of the Svoboda<br />

party, Oleh Tiahnybok. Meanwhile,<br />

according to Ms. Bekeshkina, the least<br />

successful politicians in 2010, according<br />

to experts, was the leader of the<br />

Batkivschyna party, Yulia Tymoshenko,<br />

former President Viktor Yushchenko, and<br />

Vice Prime Minister Sergey Tigipko. <strong>The</strong><br />

survey was conducted on December<br />

15-23, 2010, with 45 <strong>Ukrainian</strong> experts<br />

participating. (Ukrinform)<br />

Russian paper hails Yanukovych<br />

KYIV – <strong>The</strong> Russian newspaper<br />

Vedomosti recognized President Viktor<br />

Yanukovych of Ukraine as 2010<br />

Politician of the Year. <strong>The</strong> publication<br />

stressed that, after coming to power, Mr.<br />

Yanukovych proved himself not only as a<br />

businessman, but also as a diplomat. In<br />

April he signed the Kharkiv treaty with<br />

Russia on the extension of lease for the<br />

bases of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in<br />

the Crimea from 2017 to 2042 in<br />

exchange for a discount on Russian gas<br />

to $40 billion over 10 years; the contract<br />

removed the reasons for gas and Crimean<br />

wars, the newspaper noted. Mr.<br />

Yanukovych did not quarrel with Europe<br />

and the U.S. either, the newspaper noted.<br />

And, although he declined to seek entry<br />

into NATO, he sought EU membership<br />

for Ukraine. <strong>The</strong> authors of the article in<br />

the popular Russian newspaper pointed<br />

out that Mr. Yanukovych has an authoritarian<br />

style, which is seen from the tightening<br />

of the law on elections, closed<br />

information policy and reprisals against<br />

Yulia Tymoshenko and her allies. Yet,<br />

they added, Mr. Yanukovych is able to<br />

compromise with opponents. He has a<br />

surprisingly good command of the art of<br />

the possible, the art of politicians taking<br />

power seriously and for the long haul, the<br />

publication noted. (Ukrinform)<br />

Shevchenko U. to have scientific park<br />

KYIV – A scientific park will be established<br />

at Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko<br />

University. Documents on the new venture<br />

Maria Olijnyk<br />

were signed by the heads of 12 academic<br />

institutions, including the Institute of<br />

Geochemistry, Institute of Electric<br />

Welding, Institute of Microbiology,<br />

Institute of Applied and <strong>The</strong>oretical<br />

Physics, and others. According to the Kyiv<br />

University rector, Leonid Hubersky, the<br />

creation of the Science Park Kyiv Taras<br />

Shevchenko University in association with<br />

the National Academy of Sciences of<br />

Ukraine will facilitate the most efficient<br />

use of the university as an international<br />

scientific and educational center. <strong>The</strong> science<br />

park will also help create new jobs,<br />

and facilitate employment of university<br />

graduates, development of innovation<br />

infrastructure, and improve conditions for<br />

attracting investment. (Ukrinform)<br />

Kraft Foods investing $40 million<br />

KYIV – <strong>The</strong> closed joint stock company<br />

Kraft Foods Ukraine is investing $40<br />

million in the development of productive<br />

capacities at the Trostianets chocolate factory.<br />

A new biscuit plant will open in the<br />

third quarter of <strong>2011</strong>, said the factory’s<br />

director, Ihor Kharchenko. CJSC Kraft<br />

Foods Ukraine, which employs 865 people,<br />

is part of the Kraft Foods corporation,<br />

one of the world’s top food producers. <strong>The</strong><br />

Trostianets factory manufactures chocolate<br />

under the brand names Korona and Milka,<br />

Vedmedik Barnі and Tuk biscuits, Lux<br />

potato chips, and Jacobs, Carte Noire and<br />

Maxwell House coffee. About 80 percent<br />

of the products are imported into neighboring<br />

countries. (Ukrinform)<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s afraid of losing jobs<br />

KYIV – Forty-seven percent of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s polled expressed uncertainty<br />

about their employment in <strong>2011</strong>. <strong>The</strong>se are<br />

the results, released on <strong>January</strong> 4, of the<br />

13th annual survey of consumer sentiments<br />

conducted by Deloitte. Forty-two<br />

percent of the respondents expressed confidence<br />

that they will keep their jobs, and<br />

10 percent said they were unemployed. At<br />

the same time, the majority of the respondents<br />

remain confident that the welfare of<br />

their families will not deteriorate and<br />

might even improve. Of those polled, 29<br />

percent said they expect the same state of<br />

well-being in <strong>2011</strong>, while 38 percent have<br />

hope for an improving financial situation.<br />

Researchers have concluded that the most<br />

optimistic are young people. <strong>The</strong> study<br />

involved more than 700 people age 18 to<br />

65. <strong>The</strong> survey was conducted via Internet<br />

questionnaires. (Ukrinform)<br />

Most popular children’s names<br />

KYIV – Children in Ukraine were<br />

most often named Oleksander, Anastasia<br />

and Sofia in 2010, Justice Minister<br />

Oleksander Lavrynovych said on <strong>January</strong><br />

4, referring to his ministry’s civil registration<br />

bodies. According to Mr.<br />

Lavrynovych, these names have not lost<br />

their popularity in Ukraine for at least the<br />

last decade. Also popular in 2010 were<br />

such female names as Maria, Hanna,<br />

Daria (Daryna), Viktoria, Polina,<br />

Kateryna, Yelyzaveta, Alina, Oleksandra,<br />

Krystyna and Solomia, and such male<br />

names as Maksym, Artem, Danylo,<br />

Mykyta, Vladyslav, Denys, Andrii,<br />

Dmytro, Kyrylo, Ivan, Nazar and<br />

Bohdan. Among other names that were<br />

often given to children in Ukraine in<br />

2010 were such female names as<br />

Veronika, Diana, Marharyta, Yulia, Olha,<br />

Ariana, Tetiana, Kyra, Yana, Yeva and<br />

Maryna, and such male names as<br />

Bohdan, Roman, Mykhailo, Yehor,<br />

Yaroslav, Tymofii, Yevhen, Mark,<br />

Volodymyr, Serhii, Matvii, Hlib, Vitalii,<br />

Davyd, Yurii, Oleksii, Tymur and<br />

Mykola. Rare names in 2010 included:<br />

Herman, Rodion, Vlas, Lev and Myron<br />

for boys, and Anzhelika, Nonna, Yuliana<br />

and Neonilla for girls. (Ukrinform)<br />

89, a long term resident of Pittsburgh PA, and most recently of Mountain<br />

Lakes, NJ, entered into eternal rest and joy on December 12, 2010, after<br />

a 5 year battle with lung cancer.<br />

Born in Oszmiana, Lithuania, she witnessed first hand as a young woman<br />

the devastation of war in Ukraine and Germany during the 1940’s. After<br />

the war, she was a civilian employee of the US Army in Ansbach,<br />

Germany, and then immigrated in 1948 with her husband and daughter to<br />

the US, where they settled in Pittsburgh, PA, in 1949.<br />

Maria, along with her husband and brother-in-law, was a founder of<br />

Olijnyk Brothers Meat Packing Co., which for many years was well-known<br />

for its custom meats, especially their highly popular kielbasa. She was<br />

very active and strongly supported various <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American causes;<br />

Maria valued her membership in the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Women’s League<br />

of America and was a long-term parishioner at St. John the Baptist<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church in Pittsburgh, PA.<br />

Maria was a woman who impressed all whom she met with her great<br />

patience, courage and selflessness, and will be missed by many. She is<br />

survived by her husband of 68 years, Michael, her brother-in-law, Basilus,<br />

her daughter, Helena Mazur, and son-in-law, Leonard, of Mountain Lakes,<br />

NJ. She is also survived by 3 grandchildren, Maria, Michael and Irene,<br />

her great grandchildren, Walter, Helena and Evelyn, and a great-great<br />

granddaughter, Alicia. Other survivors include her nephew Janusz Szydlo,<br />

and numerous family members in Ukraine and Poland.<br />

Funeral services were held on December 14, 2010, at St. John the<br />

Baptist <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church in Whippany, NJ, followed by interment<br />

in St. Mary’s cemetery in Jenkintown, PA.<br />

In honor of Maria, donations to St. John the Baptist <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic<br />

Church Building Fund, 60 N. Jefferson Rd., Whippany, NJ 07981 would<br />

be greatly appreciated.


16<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

Chicago program focuses on the reality of human trafficking<br />

by Ivanka Bryan<br />

CHICAGO – <strong>The</strong> Alla Horska branch of<br />

the Women’s Association for the Defense of<br />

the Four Freedoms for Ukraine (WADFFU),<br />

hosted a community awareness evening<br />

about human trafficking on October 9,<br />

2010. This event was held under the auspices<br />

of the Blue Heart Campaign of the<br />

United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime<br />

(UNODC), whose goal is to increase the<br />

understanding of, and to create urgency<br />

around the issue in order to motivate coordinated<br />

efforts to fight this horrendous crime,<br />

which affects more than 4 million men,<br />

women and children annually.<br />

<strong>The</strong> audience ranged in age from university<br />

students to those in their golden years.<br />

Among the participants were clergy of the<br />

Chicago metropolitan area as well as representatives<br />

of various community organizations,<br />

including: Sister Luisa Tsupa, director<br />

of the Catechetical Institute of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Catholic University and vice-chair of the<br />

Patriarchal Catechetical Commission;<br />

Andrij Filipchuk, vice-consul of the<br />

Consulate General of Ukraine in Chicago;<br />

Vera Eliashevsky, chair of the Chicago-Kyiv<br />

Sister Cities Committee; and David Pavlik,<br />

a candidate for Alderman from Chicago’s<br />

32nd ward.<br />

<strong>The</strong> evening’s program began with a<br />

clip from a public service film in the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> language that was produced with<br />

sponsorship from the U.S. Agency for<br />

International Development (USAID), in<br />

cooperation with various <strong>Ukrainian</strong> antitrafficking<br />

organizations and the<br />

International Organization for Migration.<br />

Many people are unaware of the trafficking<br />

epidemic and those who are informed don’t<br />

think that they could become victims themselves.<br />

<strong>The</strong> threat usually comes in the guise<br />

of an opportunity to work abroad, especially<br />

for students during school vacations. In a<br />

country racked with a high unemployment<br />

percentage, this is an attractive proposition.<br />

<strong>The</strong> film helps educate young people by<br />

creating awareness and outlining the specific<br />

requirements for working abroad so that<br />

they can ensure that offers they entertain are<br />

legitimate.<br />

Orysia Sushko outlined the efforts of the<br />

Blue Heart campaign and what Chicago’s<br />

community organizations can do to combat<br />

this atrocious crime against humanity. Mrs.<br />

Sushko is a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian community<br />

activist, chair of the Anti-Trafficking<br />

Commission of the World Federation of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Women’s Organizations<br />

(WFUWO), appointee to the prestigious<br />

Order of Canada, and immediate past-president<br />

of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian Congress.<br />

Rachel Durschlag, founder and executive<br />

director of the Chicago Alliance Against<br />

Sexual Exploitation (CAASE), continued<br />

the discussion from a local perspective. Ms.<br />

Durschlag made the startling revelation that<br />

trafficked women pass through our very<br />

own neighborhoods and that we must reach<br />

out to advocacy groups like CAASE, an<br />

organization that works to eliminate sexual<br />

exploitation through litigation and advocacy,<br />

organizing and policy reform, and prevention<br />

and resource development, to help<br />

these victims.<br />

Victor Malarek, a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian<br />

journalist and author of two internationally<br />

published books about the travesty of sexual<br />

enslavement of women, “<strong>The</strong> Natashas” and<br />

“<strong>The</strong> Johns,” gave the closing remarks. Mr.<br />

Malarek travels the globe speaking out<br />

against the epidemic of modern-day slavery<br />

and chastises governments for their lack of<br />

action on the matter. He does not sugarcoat<br />

the human rights violations endured by trafficked<br />

persons.<br />

After the program, the enthusiastic audience<br />

asked questions of the panel of speakers.<br />

Finally, a basket generously donated by<br />

<strong>The</strong> Body Shop was raffled off as a door<br />

prize. Representatives from <strong>The</strong> Body Shop<br />

were on hand throughout the evening to collect<br />

signatures for a petition that calls on<br />

governments throughout the world to give<br />

children greater protection against trafficking<br />

and to increase “safe harbor” laws.<br />

Earlier in the day, WADFFU hosted a<br />

luncheon with Mrs. Sushko and Mr.<br />

Malarek to discuss what the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community<br />

at large can do to combat human<br />

trafficking. Among those in attendance were<br />

Chrystya Wereszczak, head of the national<br />

executive of WADFFU, and Olya Kolody,<br />

president of the Alla Horska WADFFU<br />

branch in Chicago.<br />

<strong>The</strong> day’s events were a success in that<br />

they educated people on the issue of human<br />

trafficking and all of its forms – sexual<br />

Sue Kryzanowicz-Milanez<br />

Members of the Alla Horska branch of the Women’s Association for the Defense<br />

of Four Freedoms for Ukraine with guest speakers (seated, from left) Orysia<br />

Sushko, Victor Malarek and Rachel Durschlag.<br />

exploitation, harvesting of human organs,<br />

involuntary servitude, illegal migrant work,<br />

mail-order brides and mercenaries.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Alla Horska branch is encouraging<br />

other WADFFU branches and <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

National Women’s League of America<br />

(UNWLA) branches throughout the U.S. to<br />

take up this issue and inform the public of<br />

the crimes committed against women and to<br />

reach out to their local organizations to help<br />

stop the “traffick.” Adding a link to the Blue<br />

Heart campaign on organizational websites<br />

also helps raise awareness.<br />

Readers can find more information about<br />

the Blue Heart Campaign by visiting the<br />

websites of the World Federation of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Women’s Organizations (www.<br />

wfuwo.com/Projects-Serdenko.html) and<br />

the United Nations Office on Drugs and<br />

Crime (www.unodc.org/blueheart/index.<br />

html).<br />

<strong>The</strong> Board of Directors of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of America<br />

cordially invites you to meet the artist and view the exhibition<br />

URBAN LANDSCAPES<br />

by<br />

Valery Tsarikovsky<br />

Sue Kryzanowicz-Milanez<br />

Orysia Sushko, Victor Malarek and Rachel Durschlag field questions from the<br />

audience.<br />

Artist’s reception on Friday, February 11, 6 - 8 PM<br />

<strong>The</strong> exhbition continues through March 6, <strong>2011</strong><br />

Exhibition hours are Tuesday - Sunday, 12 - 6 PM<br />

“Art at the Institute” is presented by the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of America<br />

2 East 79th Street, New York, NY 10075<br />

T 212.288.8660 • F 212.288.2918<br />

Programs@<strong>Ukrainian</strong>Institute.org<br />

www.<strong>Ukrainian</strong>Institute.org<br />

Ukraine's Unity Day...<br />

(Continued from page 11)<br />

Sophia Square.<br />

“<strong>The</strong>re’s a significant portion of opposition<br />

voters who don’t trust either<br />

Tymoshenko or Tiahnybok,” Mr. Fesenko<br />

said. “That’s a potential electorate for<br />

Yatsenyuk. From his own political interests,<br />

he’s supposed to separate himself and act<br />

independently.”<br />

For doing that, however, Mr. Yatsenyuk<br />

has drawn suspicion from other opposition<br />

leaders who say he’s cooperating with the<br />

Party of Regions to act as a controlled opposition.<br />

Those claims are baseless when considering<br />

Mr. Yatsenyuk’s sharp and vocal<br />

criticism of the <strong>2011</strong> budget, Mr. Fesenko<br />

said.<br />

“It’s incorrect to think there’s one opposition,<br />

and everyone else is against<br />

Tymoshenko and on the side of the government,”<br />

he said. “I don’t support monopolizing<br />

the status of opposition, or the notion<br />

that if Tymoshenko’s under attack, then<br />

she’s the only true opposition.”<br />

Among the redeeming events of Unity<br />

Day was a human chain formed across the<br />

Paton Bridge in Kyiv to symbolically unite<br />

both sides of the Dnipro River, which are<br />

typically divided on geo-political issues.<br />

Hundreds of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s of all ages and<br />

backgrounds waved <strong>Ukrainian</strong> flags, painted<br />

their faces blue-and-yellow, sang folks<br />

songs and locked their arms across the<br />

bridge in unity and love for Ukraine.<br />

No political parties were involved.


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

17<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of Modern Art prepares to mark 40th anniversary<br />

by Andrij Hudzan<br />

As another productive and eventful<br />

year comes to an end, we look forward<br />

with excitement to celebrating the 40th<br />

anniversary of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of<br />

Modern Art. Much as for individuals, 40<br />

years of an institution’s existence is a<br />

remarkable threshold, which validates the<br />

ideas and efforts of those who founded it.<br />

During the past 40 years, UIMA has<br />

hosted hundreds of cultural events that<br />

include countless modern art exhibitions,<br />

concerts of classical and experimental<br />

music, literary programs, creative meetings,<br />

theatrical plays, international artistic<br />

and educational programs, and political<br />

lectures and discussions.<br />

Early on, the Institute outgrew its original<br />

mission of serving as a gallery where<br />

artists of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> origin with experimental<br />

and unconventional vision could<br />

exhibit their works as well as propagate<br />

modern <strong>Ukrainian</strong> art.<br />

<strong>The</strong> UIMA enlarged its commitment to<br />

modern art by exhibiting the works of<br />

diverse artists and trends in contemporary<br />

art by trying to cover a larger sphere of<br />

international talents.<br />

Now the UIMA is well respected<br />

among Chicago artists and throughout<br />

America, and has earned international<br />

recognition as one of the leading artistic<br />

institutions in our city.<br />

<strong>The</strong> UIMA is truly unique. While<br />

many institutions in the United States and<br />

internationally were founded by<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> immigrants who were active<br />

collectors and exhibitors, none of them<br />

are fully focused on modern, contemporary<br />

and experimental art of multiple<br />

artistic forms.<br />

<strong>The</strong> UIMA’s permanent collection is<br />

notable for its quality and quantity; it<br />

Andriy Hudzan is administrator of the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of Modern Art.<br />

A view of the exhibit “Synchronized Combination of the Three Artists: Corinne<br />

Peterson, Anna Antonovych and Malgorzata Niespodziewana.”<br />

“Dialog III” by Vasyl Yarych of Lviv.<br />

contains over 800 pieces by well-known<br />

artists of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> origin, and prominent<br />

artists from Chicago and around the<br />

globe. Its permanent collection has been<br />

praised often by noted critics and collectors.<br />

But for the UIMA, its valuable collection<br />

is of far greater significance as an<br />

invaluable and irreplaceable repository of<br />

memories that define our roots and<br />

achievements, our community, our country<br />

and our voice.<br />

As the anniversary year approaches,<br />

let’s take a moment to assess 2010 and<br />

the many events mounted at the UIMA<br />

that attracted a wide range of visitors who<br />

were introduced to bold, young and even<br />

unknown talents.<br />

Let us recall some of them. <strong>The</strong> retrospective<br />

exhibit of Andriy Kovalenko, a<br />

relatively unknown artist, showed us a<br />

multi-faceted world. He was born in 1913<br />

in Ukraine, lived from 1947 to 1956 in<br />

Belgium, and then immigrated to<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of Modern Art in Chicago.<br />

America and settled in Chicago. He lived<br />

modestly, studied in the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community,<br />

and remained completely devoted<br />

to his muse until his death in 1989.<br />

While some regarded him as a<br />

reserved, quiet, almost hermit-like person,<br />

others recognized him as a man with<br />

a good heart and an intellectual frame of<br />

mind. <strong>The</strong> exhibit revealed his wideranging<br />

craftsmanship – early watercolors<br />

and oils created in<br />

Europe reflecting the influence<br />

of Cubism and made<br />

with the use of “found<br />

objects.” Viewers were<br />

impressed by his multitechnical<br />

abilities and<br />

unique, emotional and<br />

unconventional vision.<br />

<strong>The</strong> exhibit of the wellknown<br />

Chicago artist<br />

Anatoly Kolomayets, in<br />

contrast, presented works<br />

by an artist of considerable<br />

experience and professional<br />

excellence. His works stand<br />

out for the richness of technique<br />

and impressive colorism.<br />

Some viewers were<br />

surprised to see the works<br />

“not in his style.”<br />

Even as every person<br />

experiences some kinds of<br />

changes in their life, artists<br />

radiate on canvas or paper<br />

their particular concerns<br />

and feelings. Especially<br />

memorable in this sense<br />

were two works by Mr.<br />

Kolomayets that were created<br />

shortly after the death<br />

of his father, and they evidence<br />

the emotional distress<br />

this loss meant to him.<br />

<strong>The</strong> anniversary exhibit<br />

of Gladys Nillson’s work<br />

was a joint collaboration by<br />

UIMA and the Illinois<br />

Committee for the National<br />

Museum of Women in the<br />

Arts. Her work is wellknown<br />

in Chicago’s art<br />

world, as well as throughout<br />

America, and the exhibit<br />

at the UIMA resonated<br />

with our viewers.<br />

In the late 1960s, she<br />

became a member of the<br />

artistic group, Hairy Who,<br />

which was linked to the<br />

Chicago Imagists. Ms.<br />

Nillson was instrumental in<br />

winning national attention<br />

for Chicago-based artists.<br />

Her works are filled with<br />

humor and rich imagination.<br />

<strong>The</strong> exhibit served to<br />

bring together numerous<br />

skilled professionals and students.<br />

Particularly memorable was an evening<br />

interview with Ms. Nillson during which<br />

she shared her recollections and revealed<br />

some of her artistic secrets.<br />

“Neosymbolism – Bridges into the<br />

Unknown: brought together a group of<br />

international artists: Tom Besson, Klaus<br />

Aytinh, Thor Detviller, William Platz,<br />

(Continued on page 21)<br />

Icon by Andriy Kovalenko created with found<br />

objects.<br />

“African Motif 1” by Chicago artist Anatole<br />

Kolomayets.


18<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

COMMUNITY CHRONICLE<br />

Greater Boston celebrates extended Christmas (Rizdvo) season<br />

by Peter T. Woloschuk<br />

BOSTON – On the first two Sundays in<br />

December 2010 the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic<br />

community of greater Boston kicked off<br />

the traditional Christmas season with visits<br />

by St. Nicholas and Santa Claus to St.<br />

John the Baptist Parish in Salem, Mass.,<br />

and St. Nicholas to Christ the King parish<br />

in Boston while the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Orthodox<br />

community of Boston celebrated its patronal<br />

feast of St. Andrew the First Called<br />

with a traditional fish dinner at the same<br />

time. <strong>The</strong>y continued the festivities on<br />

<strong>January</strong> 1, 6 and 16 with festive dinners.<br />

After a sung liturgy which used<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>, English and Old Church<br />

Slavonic, the Salem community gathered<br />

in the parish hall for a festive buffet that<br />

was prepared by the parishioners and<br />

then watched a play, delivered in English,<br />

which featured Santa Claus meeting St.<br />

Nicholas in heaven and discussing Salem<br />

and the good people of St. John’s.<br />

<strong>The</strong> play was written and produced by<br />

Eva Sacharuk, who also played an angel.<br />

Stephanie Wolfe provided a musical<br />

interlude, playing both American and<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> carols on the piano, and she<br />

was joined by those in attendance who<br />

caroled along.<br />

A week later the sung liturgy at Christ<br />

the King in Boston was followed by a<br />

presentation of a Christmas play written<br />

in <strong>Ukrainian</strong> by the students of the<br />

“Ridna Shkola” (School of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Studies) in the parish house and a visit by<br />

St. Nicholas who came bearing gifts.<br />

That same day, the parishioners of St.<br />

Andrew’s gathered in their church hall<br />

following the sung liturgy for their annual<br />

commemoration of the parish’s patron<br />

with a fish dinner prepared by the men of<br />

the community under the supervision of<br />

chef Michael Maggiani (a non-<strong>Ukrainian</strong>,<br />

non-parishioner) who has been volunteering<br />

for the event for a number of years.<br />

<strong>The</strong> ambitious menu included lobster<br />

bisque and filet of sole. During the dinner,<br />

the youth of the parish put on a play<br />

in English titled “Charlie Brown’s<br />

Christmas Dilemma.”<br />

Each of the two New Years – old and<br />

new calendar – was celebrated with pot<br />

luck luncheons in the appropriate parishes.<br />

On Epiphany (<strong>The</strong>ophany/Yordan)<br />

evening, <strong>January</strong> 6, both Boston parishes<br />

held services; Christ the King a liturgy<br />

Vsevolod Petriv<br />

St. Andrew Parish youth present “Charlie Brown’s Christmas Dilemma.”<br />

marking Epiphany and St. Andrew’s pre-<br />

Christmas vespers, which were followed<br />

up with the traditional “Sviata Vechera”<br />

(Holy Eve Dinner) for parishioners who<br />

opted not to celebrate at home. Because<br />

Christ the King follows the new calendar<br />

and yet has numbers of Fourth Wave<br />

immigrants who follow the old calendar,<br />

its meal marked both Epiphany and<br />

Christmas.<br />

<strong>The</strong> men of St.Andrew’s Parish cook dinner.<br />

Vsevolod Petriv<br />

Tania Mychajlyshyn-D’Avignon<br />

Little angels who welcomed St. Nicholas to Christ the King Parish.<br />

Trenton UAYA donates $100,000 to campground in Ellenville, N.Y.<br />

by Oksana Bartkiv<br />

NEW YORK – A meeting of the Trenton,<br />

N.J., members of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American<br />

Youth Association with UAYA national<br />

board members, Andriy Bihun (president)<br />

and Bohdan Harhaj (former president), was<br />

held on <strong>January</strong> 13 at the home of Mychajlo<br />

and Daria Laszyn.<br />

Trenton UAYA Branch members present<br />

included Mykhajlo Dzubas (branch president),<br />

Daria Lashyn (recording and finance<br />

secretary), Nadia Lytwyn, Mykhajlo Lashyn<br />

and Volodymyr Lytwyn. <strong>The</strong> branch presented<br />

a donation of $100,000 for the<br />

Capital Improvement Project Campaign at<br />

the UAYA camground in Ellenville, N.Y.<br />

<strong>The</strong> main focus of this meeting was to<br />

update the branch on the latest progress,<br />

infrastructure projects and updates that are<br />

being done at the UAYA grounds in<br />

Ellenville, which are known as “Oselia.”<br />

Within the past two years, the UAYA<br />

national board and the UAYA Oselia board,<br />

who under the direction of Roman Kolinsky<br />

(director) and Andrij Stasiw (administrator),<br />

put in place a main goal to raise $1 million<br />

towards capital improvements and restorations<br />

of the Oselia.<br />

<strong>The</strong> plan was approved by the UAYA<br />

national board and information of the fund<br />

raising campaign was quickly disseminated<br />

to all the UAYA branches throughout the<br />

country.<br />

<strong>The</strong> UAYA oselia in Ellenville has been<br />

operating for over 50 years. It has allowed<br />

summer and occasionally winter camps to<br />

be held on its premises for UAYA youth.<br />

<strong>The</strong> oselia also holds several other yearround<br />

functions such as jamborees, congresses,<br />

sporting events, festivals, familyoriented<br />

events and other <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community<br />

events.<br />

<strong>The</strong> feedback towards the Capital<br />

Improvement Project Campaign has been<br />

positive. Foremost, generous contributions<br />

have been obtained by UAYA members and<br />

branches throughout the entire United<br />

States, as well as financial institutions such<br />

as SUMA (Yonkers) Federal Credit Union,<br />

Self Reliance New York Federal Credit<br />

Union, Self Reliance <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American<br />

Federal Credit Union, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Legacy<br />

Foundation of Chicago, as well as members<br />

of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community throughout the<br />

country.<br />

<strong>The</strong> UAYA Trenton branch understood<br />

the dire need for campaign funds and therefore<br />

pledged and donated $100,000, earning<br />

them the title and status of “Visionaries of<br />

Mykhajlo Dzubas (right), president of the Trenton, N.J., branch of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

American Youth Association, presents a $100,000 donation to UAYA National<br />

President Andriy Bihun (second from right). Looking on are (from right): Daria<br />

Lashyn, Volodymyr Lytwyn, Nadia Lytwyn and Mykhajlo Lashyn.<br />

the UAYA National Board.”<br />

UAYA National President Bihun humbly<br />

accepted the donation, thanking and recognizing<br />

the founders and members of the<br />

UAYA Trenton, branch for their hard work<br />

throughout the years. He acknowledged that<br />

the branch’s efforts and generous donation<br />

was made possible by all prior members of<br />

the branch and thanked them for their years<br />

service.


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

19<br />

COMMUNITY CHRONICLE<br />

St. Nicholas Parish of Passaic celebrates its centennial<br />

At the centennial gala of St. Nicholas <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church (from left) are:<br />

Dr. Michael Lewko, the Rev. Andriy Dudkevych, Ken Wanio, and Vice-President<br />

in charge of operations Jaroslaw Fedun and CEO Val Bogattchouk of the Self<br />

Reliance (NJ) Federal Credit Union.<br />

by Tom Hawrylko<br />

PASSAIC, N.J. – St. Nicholas <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Catholic Church of Passaic, N.J., celebrated<br />

its 100th anniversary on October 24, 2010,<br />

with a liturgy celebrated<br />

b y A r c h b i s h o p -<br />

Metropolitan Stefan Soroka<br />

of the Archeparchy of<br />

Philadelphia; Bishop Hlib<br />

Lonchyna, Eparchy of<br />

Great Britain; Bishop Basil<br />

Losten, eparch emeritus of<br />

Stamford, Conn.; Bishop<br />

William Skurla, Ruthenian<br />

Diocese of Passaic; and St.<br />

Nicholas pastor, the<br />

Rev. Andriy Dudkevych.<br />

Afterwards, a centennial<br />

program and gala dinner,<br />

with over <strong>30</strong>0 guests<br />

attending, was held at the<br />

Royal Manor in nearby<br />

Garfield.<br />

Among the distinguished<br />

guests present<br />

were local officials and<br />

U.S. Rep. Bill Pascrell<br />

(D-N.J.), who was present-<br />

ed with a commemorative pysanka by the<br />

Rev. Dudkevych.<br />

Self Reliance (NJ) Federal Credit<br />

Union made a $10,000 donation to the<br />

church at the gala.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Rev. Andriy Dudkevych presents a commemorative<br />

pysanka to Rep. Bill Pascrell.<br />

Making contact with <strong>The</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />

Readers/writers who send information to <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />

are kindly asked to include a daytime phone number and a complete<br />

mailing address. Please note that a daytime phone number is essential<br />

in order for editors to contact correspondents regarding clarifications.<br />

Youth of the parish offer a traditional <strong>Ukrainian</strong> greeting.<br />

Wilmington parish holds “Prosfora”<br />

WILMINGTON, Del. – On Sunday,<br />

<strong>January</strong> 16, over 250 parishioners and<br />

friends gathered in the church hall of St.<br />

Nicholas <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church in<br />

Wilmington, Del., for “Prosfora” Christmas<br />

dinner. At St. Nicholas the parishioners gather<br />

several times throughout the year for various<br />

events to celebrate as a church family.<br />

Guests of honor included the current pastor,<br />

the Rev Volodymyr Klanichka as well<br />

as former pastor, the Rev William Gore. <strong>The</strong><br />

occasion also marked the first birthday of<br />

Father Klanichka’s twins. Marko and<br />

Deanna.<br />

Also in attendance were longtime secretary<br />

of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association<br />

Branch 173 Peter Serba, along with his son,<br />

UNA Auditor Eugene Serba.<br />

presents<br />

UTRECHT STRING QUARTET<br />

from the Netherlands<br />

performing:<br />

Schubert - String Quartet No. 8 in B Flat Major<br />

J. P. Sweelinck/Ch. Meijering - Mein junges Leben hat (k)ein End.<br />

Tchaikovsky - String Quartet No. 2 in F Major<br />

on February 12 at 8 pm<br />

at the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of America<br />

2 East 79th Street, New York City<br />

Admission: $<strong>30</strong>, UIA members and Seniors $25, students $20<br />

Concert will be followed by a reception<br />

Eugene Serba<br />

<strong>The</strong> Rev. Volodymyr Klanichka, his wife, Natalia, and their year-old twins,<br />

Marko and Deanna, at the “prosfora” of St. Nicholas <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church<br />

in Wilmington, Del.<br />

For tickets or information please call 212-288-8660


20<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

21<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> pro sports update: vintage football<br />

Mike Ditka: More than a Hall of Fame player<br />

Mike Ditka was a rugged competitor<br />

on the gridiron and a disciplined coach<br />

on the sideline. In many ways Ditka personified<br />

the vintage years of yesterday’s<br />

football. He had a quick temper, usually<br />

showing up everywhere in a nasty mood.<br />

He was Mr. No-Nonsense as a coach, yet<br />

very respected by his players.<br />

For the Hall of Fame tight end coaching<br />

was the next obvious step, given he<br />

had a great understanding of the X’s and<br />

O’s of the game. His coaching success<br />

paralleled that of his playing career – the<br />

highlight being winning the 1985 Super<br />

Bowl, the ultimate reward in a football<br />

player’s or coach’s life. Ditka’s love and<br />

passion for the game of football has<br />

earned him a permanent spot in National<br />

Football League history.<br />

Old-school attitude<br />

Coach Ditka was a perfect example of<br />

the classic football coach – the meaner<br />

the look, the more fearsome the team.<br />

During his run with the Chicago Bears<br />

the mustachioed mastermind expected<br />

perfection from his players. Any doubts<br />

regarding the high level of expectations<br />

was met with a frightening look on the<br />

sidelines that promised immediate ramifications<br />

for poor play. Ditka ruled with an<br />

iron fist as a football authority from a<br />

prior era of old-school warriors who<br />

commanded respect.<br />

Ditka’s coaching philosophy mirrored<br />

his style as an active player: defensively<br />

stingy, relentless in pursuit of the opposition;<br />

offensively conservative, preferring<br />

to grind it out by running the ball. He<br />

believed in detailed preparation, always<br />

having his team on a search-and-destroy<br />

mission. <strong>The</strong> 1985 Bears defense was<br />

built out of the Ditka mold, one of the<br />

best ever.<br />

Ditka played the final four years of his<br />

career with the Dallas Cowboys where he<br />

was a vital part of the Cowboys’ first<br />

Super Bowl championship team in 1971.<br />

<strong>The</strong> time he spent in Dallas provided him<br />

with additional benefits, serving as<br />

Ditka’s introduction to coaching. After<br />

Ditka retired following the 1972 season,<br />

head coach Tom Landry hired him as an<br />

assistant coach, in Dallas where he dutifully<br />

worked for nine years. <strong>The</strong> assistant<br />

coach was part of Landry’s second Super<br />

Bowl winning team in 1977.<br />

Coaching da Bears<br />

Ditka departed Dallas in 1982, when<br />

his dream job was realized with an opportunity<br />

to return to Chicago as head coach.<br />

He went on to coach the Bears for over<br />

10 feisty and quite controversial years.<br />

He suffered through several disputes with<br />

the NFL and many controversies with the<br />

media, and his temper got him into trouble<br />

with his own players. <strong>The</strong> 10 year<br />

training program under Landry in Dallas<br />

did not smooth out Ditka’s rough edges.<br />

Ditka’s coaching personality was more<br />

maniacal, like George Halas, his first<br />

coach as a player, than the stoic demeanor<br />

of Landry.<br />

Ditka’s coaching highlight was the<br />

1985 season, when his Bears lost only<br />

one game all season before thoroughly<br />

routing the New England Patriots in one<br />

of the most lopsided Super Bowls ever.<br />

Ditka became just the second person ever<br />

to win Super Bowls as a head coach,<br />

assistant coach and player. <strong>The</strong> first, Tom<br />

Flores, didn’t play in a Super Bowl, but<br />

dressed as a third-string quaterback in the<br />

1969 game.<br />

After 1985 the Bears turned in strong<br />

seasons and were perennial contenders,<br />

but never made it back to the Super<br />

Bowl. Time eventually took its toll on<br />

Ditka as the physical punishment from<br />

his playing days caught up to him. He<br />

had a noticeable limp on the sidelines<br />

toward the end of his stint with Chicago.<br />

Being the testy, temperamental type,<br />

Ditka’s relationship with the Bears’ front<br />

office deteriorated and he was ultimately<br />

fired. Thirty-plus years in the NFL as a<br />

player and coach came to an end – but<br />

only for five years. Ditka was hired by<br />

the struggling New Orleans Saints franchise<br />

in 1997, the final entry on his<br />

coaching resume, which lasted three<br />

years. A hugely controversial trade more<br />

or less sealed his destiny during those<br />

three losing years. After the Saints job,<br />

Ditka returned to Chicago to babysit his<br />

famous restaurant and resumed a successful<br />

broadcasting career he had begun a<br />

few years back.<br />

His tendency to freely speak his mind<br />

made him a natural for the bright lights of<br />

television. While on NBC with Bob<br />

Costas, his personality injected humor<br />

and insight to the game of football. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

days he speaks of football on ESPN,<br />

offering an encyclopedia of knowledge<br />

gathered over the course of 50-plus years<br />

involved with the sport.<br />

Have fun and win. Be loose, enjoy the<br />

competition, but show your grit. Ditka’s<br />

Chicago Bears were part of a brotherhood,<br />

inspired by their head coach. His<br />

1985 Super Bowl Champions even<br />

recorded a best-selling song, “<strong>The</strong> Super<br />

Bowl Shuffle,” strictly for the fun of it.<br />

This was all part of the coach’s let’s have<br />

fun, let’s win mentality that made him a<br />

winner.<br />

One of his greatest strengths was<br />

Ditka’s ability to understand his players<br />

and eliminate stress. As an ex-player, he<br />

completely understood the preparation,<br />

techniques and motivation from the point<br />

of view of a player, and was good at sharing<br />

his expertise with them. Most NFL<br />

coaches were not blessed with great success<br />

on the gridiron. Ditka knew what it<br />

was to get hurt and to be part of a big<br />

by Ihor Stelmach<br />

play. He was truly a player’s coach.<br />

No Saintly move<br />

Ditka’s two biggest career gambles<br />

came late in his coaching career and neither<br />

one paid off. His 1997 return from<br />

retirement to coach the horrendous New<br />

Orleans Saints were, by his own admission,<br />

“the three worst years” of his life.<br />

His drafting of running back Ricky<br />

Williams in 1999 was his bottoming out<br />

moment.<br />

Williams was an all-time NCAA rushing<br />

record breaker at the University of<br />

Texas in 1999, a superstar NFL prospect.<br />

He was still available at No. 5 in the first<br />

round of the NFL draft, and Ditka went<br />

all out to get him for the Saints. He made<br />

an offer the Washington Redskins could<br />

not refust for their fifth overall pick. <strong>The</strong><br />

Redskins received all of New Orleans’<br />

draft picks that year and an added bonus<br />

of the No. 1 and No. 3 picks in 2000. <strong>The</strong><br />

football world was stunned.<br />

Promoting the deal as a new page in<br />

Saints history, Ditka wore a dreadlock<br />

wig on TV (mimicking Williams’ look),<br />

then later posed with Williams on a magazine<br />

cover wearing a wedding dress<br />

(symbolizing a marriage made in heaven).<br />

In his rookie year, Williams rushed for<br />

884 yards with two touchdowns and six<br />

fumbles. <strong>The</strong> Saints went 3-13, and Ditka<br />

was fired.<br />

Today, he’s still involved, mixing his<br />

serious attitude and wealth of intelligence<br />

with his funny, low-key approach as an<br />

analyst and occasional commentator.<br />

When it comes to football, Ditka, the son<br />

of a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> coal miner from Carnegie,<br />

Pa., has done it all. He played, he<br />

coached and he continues to cover his<br />

sport in the broadcast media.<br />

One might say he’s a triple threat.<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute...<br />

(Continued from page 17)<br />

Stanislav Grezdo and Christina Katrakis.<br />

Through their creativity, they responded<br />

to the psychological, social and political<br />

forces of a rapidly changing culture in the<br />

20th and 21st centuries.<br />

In their figurative and conceptual art<br />

they use both simple and sophisticated<br />

symbols and images, revealing their artistic<br />

and humanistic position in today’s<br />

global society. <strong>The</strong> exhibition encouraged<br />

viewers to engage in serious discussions<br />

In the press...<br />

(Continued from page 9)<br />

build his own power hierarchy. …<br />

“<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> government has just<br />

been changed and slimmed down. In<br />

terms of structure, this makes much more<br />

sense. <strong>The</strong> balance between the<br />

RosUkrEnergo camp (billionaire co-owner<br />

Dmytro Firtash, Energy Minister Yurii<br />

Boiko, presidential chief of staff Serhiy<br />

Lyovochkin and Security Service of<br />

Ukraine chief Valeriy Khoroshkovsky)<br />

and the Donetsk group (wealthy and<br />

influential businessmen Rinat Akhmetov,<br />

Andriy Kliuyev and Borys Kolesnikov)<br />

appears to be maintained…<br />

“With Yanukovych supremely in<br />

charge, one question is whether he will<br />

remove Prime Minister Mykola Azarov.<br />

and thereby capture the essence of creative<br />

execution.<br />

A significant event for the UIMA as<br />

well as the city was an exhibit of imprints<br />

titled, “Anchor Graphics and Chicago<br />

Print Makers Collaborative – 20 Years of<br />

Printmaking,” which emphasized the<br />

commonalities among the best masters of<br />

this craft in Chicago. This exhibit also<br />

caught the interest of both professionals<br />

and students who jointly benefited from<br />

the art on view.<br />

“Synchronized Combination of the<br />

Three Artists: Corinne Peterson, Anna<br />

My suspicion is that he will do so,<br />

because Yanukovych has appointed<br />

Sergei Arbuzov as chairman of the<br />

National Bank of Ukraine and two other<br />

young loyalists as heads of the State Tax<br />

Administration and the tax police. …<br />

“Yanukovych undermined Azarov by<br />

vetoing the tax code and changing it substantially.<br />

Azarov has repeatedly objected<br />

to raising the retirement age, which<br />

Yanukovych supports publicly. …<br />

“If Azarov would be ousted, I think<br />

that Deputy [Vice] Prime Minister Sergiy<br />

Tigipko is likely to take his place, not<br />

because he is strong but because he is<br />

weak. Yanukovych wants a prime minister<br />

who is a moderator rather than a force<br />

in his own right, and he does not have<br />

any person purely of his own to appoint<br />

as yet. …”<br />

A n t o n o v y c h a n d M a l g o r z a t a<br />

Niespodziewana” was the UIMA’s concluding<br />

exhibit in 2010. Each of these<br />

artists has had different life experiences<br />

and works with different materials and<br />

techniques. Yet in the gallery they were<br />

united by a harmony of space, composition,<br />

color and philosophical thought.<br />

Ms. Peterson did not initially choose<br />

the artistic life. As a student of Carl Jung,<br />

she became interested in analyzing her<br />

own dreams and decided that she should<br />

work with clay. <strong>The</strong> rest, as they say, is<br />

history. Today, she occupies a worthy<br />

place among Chicago’s sculptors.<br />

Ms. Antonovych, on the other hand,<br />

traveled the physical world and discovered<br />

beauty in everything she saw – in<br />

the cracked walls of old buildings and the<br />

debries of wrecked roads.<br />

Ms. Niespodziewana, a Polish artist,<br />

had always been fascinated by the human<br />

body, and its depiction by the culture and<br />

philosophy of India. <strong>The</strong> graciousness of<br />

forms, compositions and colors presented<br />

by her art served to created a perfect<br />

background for a contemporary music<br />

concert by the Maverick ensemble.<br />

Creative work can also be collaborative,<br />

as evidenced by the artistry of<br />

Svitlana and Vasyl Yarych, a married<br />

couple from Lviv. <strong>The</strong>y are connected<br />

and inspired in both their married and<br />

artistic lives. <strong>The</strong>ir works are filled with<br />

warmth and color, and reflect the eternal<br />

themes of life and love.<br />

During this anniversary year, the<br />

UIMA will continue with fund-raising to<br />

support its programs and to complete the<br />

renovations of its building. <strong>The</strong> second<br />

phase of renovation involving the museum’s<br />

main entrance and office is completed,<br />

and the new space is light and<br />

airy.<br />

Future plans will focus on the creation<br />

of an educational-research center, a<br />

sculpture garden, and the expansion of<br />

storage space for the museum’s holdings.<br />

(We’d like to know that our members and<br />

benefactors support these expansion ideas<br />

and we invite everyone to comment and<br />

share their thoughts.)<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of Modern Art<br />

was pleased with the success of its<br />

December 4, 2010 event, “Members of<br />

the Institute Invite New Friends!” – a<br />

reception during the beginning of the<br />

UIMA’s 40th anniversary.<br />

During <strong>2011</strong>, the UIMA will kicks off<br />

a series in which we reflect on specific<br />

periods in UIMA’s its history, We’ll be<br />

profiling major donors and supporters,<br />

highlighting groundbreaking exhibits<br />

from the past, while striving throughout<br />

to encourage enthusiasts to become members<br />

by joining us in volunteer activities<br />

that support our its mission to present<br />

innovative art from the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> and<br />

larger American communities.<br />

And the UIMA will cap off the year<br />

with a gala banquet in October celebrating<br />

its 40th anniversary and heralding the<br />

next 40 years.


22<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

Toronto <strong>Ukrainian</strong> festival<br />

set for September 16-18<br />

TORONTO – <strong>The</strong> annual Bloor West<br />

Village Toronto <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Festival will<br />

be held Friday, September 16, through<br />

Sunday, September 18. Located on Bloor<br />

Street West between the Runnymede and<br />

Jane TTC stations, this event in 2010<br />

attracted 514,000 people eager to experience<br />

a new culture, get in touch with their<br />

roots or just be part of one of the city’s<br />

best annual street events.<br />

With its goal of being bigger and<br />

better every year, the <strong>2011</strong> festival will<br />

be especially grand, as it celebrates the<br />

120th anniversary of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> settlement<br />

in Canada as well as its own 15th<br />

anniversary.<br />

Selective justice...<br />

(Continued from page 6)<br />

leaders.<br />

<strong>The</strong> selective application of law is the<br />

main feature of the system they have built. It<br />

is at the heart of the institutionalized blackmail<br />

whimsically employed as a tool of state<br />

domination. <strong>The</strong> system was correctly analyzed<br />

more than 10 years ago by Keith<br />

Darden as consisting of three major elements:<br />

(1) widespread corruption that is tolerated<br />

and even encouraged by the authorities;<br />

(2) tight surveillance that enables the<br />

authorities to collect compromising materials<br />

against everyone and keep each subject<br />

on the hook; (3) selective punishment of any<br />

politically disloyal subject for seemingly<br />

non-political wrongdoings.<br />

Former President Leonid Kuchma had<br />

gradually constructed such a model. <strong>The</strong><br />

Orange Revolution shook the system, but<br />

failed to dismantle it and replace it with<br />

functional democratic institutions based on<br />

the rule of law. Hence, the old system did<br />

not work because it required the full control<br />

of all branches of power by the executive<br />

that neither President Viktor Yushchenko<br />

nor Prime Minister Tymoshenko had. Yet,<br />

no new system was introduced in its place.<br />

So, the country became, as a result, virtually<br />

unmanageable.<br />

President Yanukovych has successfully<br />

monopolized power, subordinated all the<br />

branches of government, the Parliament and<br />

the judiciary to his office, and re-established<br />

a kind of order. He has made institutions<br />

more or less manageable, but this has meant<br />

moving back towards Kuchma-era authoritarianism<br />

than any step forward toward<br />

functioning democracy. Stagnation, backwardness,<br />

lawlessness and rampant corruption<br />

are likely to be preserved and<br />

entrenched in such an environment.<br />

<strong>The</strong> only conclusion Mr. Yanukovych<br />

seems to have made from Mr. Kuchma’s<br />

failure is that the system was not repressive<br />

enough. Indeed, Mr. Kuchma lost because<br />

he had not completely marginalized the<br />

opposition – as Russia’s Vladimir Putin or<br />

Belarus’ Alyaksandr Lukashenka did – and<br />

had not prevented his allies from overt and<br />

Friends mourn...<br />

(Continued from page 2)<br />

ing ideas and helped other playwrights with<br />

advice.”<br />

Ominous feeling<br />

Ms. Yablonska’s fame had started spreading<br />

beyond the former Soviet Union. <strong>The</strong><br />

Royal Court <strong>The</strong>ater in London plans a<br />

reading of “<strong>The</strong> Pagans” in April.<br />

<strong>The</strong> play tells the story of a young<br />

woman who slowly regains a taste for life<br />

after a failed suicide attempt. Although her<br />

work largely focused on the difficulty of<br />

human relations, particularly between close<br />

<strong>The</strong> festival features world-class<br />

entertainment, savory traditional<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> cuisine and international delicatessens,<br />

awe-inspiring musicians and<br />

dancers in costumes that dazzle, a midway<br />

filled with games for children, a<br />

colorful parade, and vendors offering<br />

cultural treasures, jewelry and many<br />

other goods. Each evening ends with a<br />

“zabava” during which visitors can<br />

dance under the stars to a live band<br />

right on the street.<br />

For more information, readers may<br />

call 416-410-9956, e-mail info@ukrainianfestival.com<br />

or log on to www.<br />

ukrainianfestival.com.<br />

covert defection to the opposition camp. So,<br />

we are likely to witness more clampdowns<br />

on the opposition and the independent<br />

media, disguised as a “fight with corruption”<br />

and “restoring order” and, of course,<br />

“reforms.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> red line, however, that separates<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> authoritarians from their Russian,<br />

Belarusian and Central Asian counterparts<br />

has not yet been crossed. So far, the government<br />

in Ukraine, unlike elsewhere in the<br />

Commonwealth of Independent States<br />

(CIS), can be changed peacefully, in more<br />

or less democratic elections.<br />

Mr. Yanukovych and his associates seem<br />

to be rather reluctant to cross that line<br />

despite a very strong temptation.<br />

Remarkably, all the criminal accusations<br />

against their predecessors and political<br />

opponents concern some misuse of funds<br />

(which was actually typical for all <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

governments, with traditionally low budget<br />

discipline), but not their appropriation and<br />

personal enrichment. This means that the<br />

punishment for these crimes, if they are<br />

proven, would be rather mild, with the sentences<br />

probably suspended.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y may reflect an informal agreement<br />

among <strong>Ukrainian</strong> elites to avoid harsh penalties<br />

against their opponents, simply<br />

because of a fear that the wheel may turn<br />

around and today’s opponents might<br />

become tomorrow’s authorities who would<br />

implement the same harsh measures against<br />

them for the same misdeeds. Not a single<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> top official has been imprisoned<br />

over the past two decades, no matter what<br />

accusations of theft, embezzlement or money-laundering<br />

have been raised.<br />

If we happen to see this informal agreement<br />

broken, it would mean that Ukraine<br />

has become either a full-fledged democracy<br />

based on the rule of law, or a full-fledged<br />

authoritarian state with a firmly entrenched<br />

repressive regime that would never step<br />

down peacefully. <strong>The</strong> first development<br />

under the current regime looks unlikely. <strong>The</strong><br />

second is possible but still uncertain. <strong>The</strong><br />

sentences given to Ms. Tymoshenko and her<br />

associates will probably signal the real political<br />

ambitions – and perspicacity – of<br />

today’s rulers.<br />

relatives, her writing was often humorous.<br />

Her friends say Ms. Yablonska, who<br />

leaves behind a 3-year-old daughter, may<br />

have had an ominous feeling ahead of her<br />

flight to Moscow.<br />

On December 21, 2010, she wrote in her<br />

LiveJournal blog: “It seems to me that I<br />

have very little time left.”<br />

Copyright <strong>2011</strong>, RFE/RL Inc. Reprinted<br />

with the permission of Radio Free Europe/<br />

Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave. NW,<br />

Washington DC 20036; www.rferl.org. (See<br />

http://www.rferl.org/content/moscow_airport_bombing_domodedovo_ukraine_playwright/2287944.html.)<br />

New volume...<br />

(Continued from page 8)<br />

He concludes with an assessment of the hetman<br />

and his age that has long been controversial<br />

in <strong>Ukrainian</strong> historiography.<br />

<strong>The</strong> volume shows how Ukraine’s relations<br />

with Muscovy were strained by the<br />

Muscovites’ failure to help fend off devastating<br />

Polish and Crimean attacks, which<br />

prompted <strong>Ukrainian</strong> leaders to seek support<br />

elsewhere. Tensions were exacerbated by the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Muscovite dispute over<br />

Belarusian territory.<br />

When Charles X of Sweden attacked the<br />

Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1655,<br />

while Khmelnytsky was seeking to recover<br />

the western <strong>Ukrainian</strong> lands, a Swedish-<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> alliance seemed to be in the making.<br />

A military convention was concluded,<br />

but Charles, under pressure from his allies<br />

among the Polish nobility, would not cede<br />

western Ukraine to the Kozaks.<br />

After the Vilnius accord between<br />

Muscovy and the Commonwealth<br />

(November 1656), Khmelnytsky sought to<br />

form a Swedish-Transylvanian-<strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

league and supported the abortive effort by<br />

György Rákóczi II of Transylvania to gain<br />

the Polish throne. Hrushevsky’s exhaustive<br />

discussion of diplomatic affairs greatly<br />

advances understanding of the role of<br />

Ukraine and the countries of East Central<br />

Europe in the political crisis of the mid-17th<br />

century.<br />

In a comprehensive introduction to the<br />

Moscow moves...<br />

Russia Black Sea...<br />

(Continued from page 2)<br />

addition, one Mistral-class amphibious<br />

attack ship (out of four planned for procurement<br />

from France) is supposed to be allocated<br />

to Russia’s Black Sea Fleet.<br />

Russia’s naval presence in Ukraine underscores<br />

the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> government’s lax interpretation<br />

of the country’s non-bloc status.<br />

Ukraine’s current authorities have legislated<br />

for this status, and drastically curtailed the<br />

country’s cooperation with NATO, without<br />

developing a clear definition of the non-bloc<br />

status, or an international legal-political<br />

framework to ensure its observance. Within<br />

this grey area, Russia suggests that it would<br />

consider modernizing and operating the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> radars in Sevastopol and<br />

Mukachive, as contribution to a common<br />

anti-missile defense system (Hryhory<br />

Perepelitsya, “Ukraine’s Non-Bloc Status<br />

Evolution,” Diplomatic Academy of<br />

Ukraine International <strong>Weekly</strong>, December 28,<br />

2010).<br />

Russia’s entrenchment in Crimea has<br />

caught NATO, the United States and the<br />

European Union distracted and wrong-footed.<br />

Some other actors now seek to develop a<br />

soft-security answer.<br />

volume, Dr. Fedoruk considers issues of foreign<br />

policy, as well as the larger problem of<br />

national historiographies and their limitations<br />

with regard to the highly complex<br />

European situation. Dr. Sysyn analyzes<br />

Hrushevsky’s assessment of Khmelnytsky’s<br />

rule in Chapter 13 as a polemic with the conservative<br />

historian Viacheslav Lypynsky<br />

(1882-1931).<br />

Volume 9, Book 2, Part 2 of “History of<br />

Ukraine-Rus’ ” is available in a hardcover<br />

edition for $119.95 (plus taxes and shipping;<br />

outside Canada, prices are in U.S. dollars).<br />

<strong>The</strong> full set of the history is available at<br />

a subscription price of $1,100. Volumes 7 to<br />

10 (in six books), representing the “History<br />

of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Cossacks,” are available at<br />

a subscription price of $600.<br />

Orders can be placed via the secure online<br />

ordering system of CIUS Press at www.<br />

ciuspress.com or by contacting CIUS Press,<br />

4<strong>30</strong> Pembina Hall, University of Alberta,<br />

Edmonton, AB, Canada T6G 2H8; telephone,<br />

780-492-2973; e-mail, cius@ualberta.ca.<br />

* * *<br />

<strong>The</strong> Canadian Institute of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Studies (CIUS) is a leading center of<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> studies outside Ukraine that conducts<br />

research and scholarship in <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

and <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Canadian studies. For more<br />

information on the institute, readers may<br />

visit the website www.cius.ca, phone Dr.<br />

Bohdan Klid at 780-492-2972; or e-mail<br />

cius@ualberta.ca.<br />

(Continued from page 3)<br />

13, insisted that “no one has closed the<br />

library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature.” But he<br />

added that “there really were seized several<br />

books which are now being studied on the<br />

basis of our legislation which prohibits the<br />

distribution of nationalistic ideas.”<br />

In discussing both these cases, Grani.ru<br />

commentator Vitaly Portnikov says that “in<br />

contemporary Russia one must not be surprised<br />

by anything.” But in order to make<br />

sense of what Russian officials are now<br />

doing against <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s, he recalls an event<br />

in which he was a participant at the end of<br />

t h e 1 9 8 0 s ( g r a n i . r u / o p i n i o n /<br />

portnikov/m.185343.html).<br />

At that time, the Moscow city Komsomol<br />

organization summoned representatives of<br />

the recently founded Jewish, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> and<br />

Belarusian youth groups in the Russian capital<br />

to a meeting. <strong>The</strong> Komsomol city organization<br />

secretary wanted to know why Mr.<br />

Portnikov, who is Jewish, was involved with<br />

a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> club.<br />

“I somewhat angrily noted,” Mr.<br />

Portnikov recalls, “that until recently for the<br />

study of Hebrew, Jews had been sent to the<br />

camps, and now Jews are being blamed for a<br />

knowledge of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>. ‘<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s are<br />

worse than the Jews,’ the secretary responded.<br />

‘Jews will at least leave, but <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />

want to destroy our great land.’”<br />

At the time, Mr. Portnikov says, he “did<br />

not devote importance to this insane dialogue<br />

because I could not imagine that<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in Russia could find themselves<br />

in the position of Jews of the 1940s and<br />

1950s, that [Moscow officials] would stomp<br />

on their books with dirty boots” or close<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> institutions as they had done earlier<br />

with Jewish ones.<br />

But as the latest events show, he concludes<br />

with obvious sadness, “it turns out<br />

that even this is possible.”<br />

On <strong>January</strong> 20 in Strasbourg, the<br />

European Parliament’s Foreign Affairs<br />

Committee adopted a resolution on the full<br />

range of security challenges in the Black Sea<br />

region. Inspired by Romanian members of<br />

the European Parliament, and intended for<br />

submission to the European Parliament’s<br />

plenum, the resolution expresses particular<br />

concern about the extension of the Russian<br />

Black Sea Fleet’s lease on <strong>Ukrainian</strong> territory.<br />

<strong>The</strong> resolution suggests that the<br />

EU should develop a conflict-prevention and<br />

early-warning system. This would serve to<br />

build confidence throughout the region<br />

and help prevent threat of force, its use or<br />

escalation. Such a system would focus on<br />

arms transfers and naval activities. <strong>The</strong> proposal<br />

regards Russia as a desirable partner in<br />

such a system, alongside the EU and the<br />

Black Sea region’s countries (members or<br />

non-members of the EU). This area today<br />

faces key challenges that the EU cannot<br />

ignore (European Parliament press release,<br />

<strong>January</strong> 20).<br />

<strong>The</strong> article above is reprinted from<br />

Eurasia Daily Monitor with permission from<br />

its publisher, the Jamestown Foundation,<br />

www.jamestown.org.


No. 5<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

23<br />

OUT AND ABOUT<br />

<strong>January</strong> 31<br />

Cambridge, MA<br />

February 1<br />

Cambridge, MA<br />

February 4-27<br />

Chicago<br />

February 5<br />

Randolph, MA<br />

February 5<br />

Philadelphia<br />

Seminar by Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern, “Blanks<br />

from Starokonstantinov: Lenin’s Jewish Roots?”<br />

Harvard University, 617-495-4053<br />

Lecture by Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern, “Between<br />

Exile and Redemption: <strong>The</strong> Case of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Jewish Poet Moisei Fishbein,” Harvard University,<br />

617-495-4053<br />

Art exhibit, featuring works by Volodymyr<br />

Ilchyshyn, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Museum,<br />

312-421-8020<br />

Malanka, featuring music by Hrim, <strong>The</strong> Lantana,<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Educational Center of Boston,<br />

Skostecki108@comcast.net or<br />

www.ukrainiancenter.org<br />

Presentation of debutantes and ball, featuring<br />

music by Fata Morgana, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Engineers’<br />

Society of America – Philadelphia Chapter, Hyatt<br />

Hotel at the Bellevue, 610-277-1284 or<br />

215-635-7134<br />

February 5<br />

Movie night, “John Wayne ‘<strong>The</strong> Early Years,’”<br />

Lehighton, PA <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Homestead, 610-377-4621<br />

February 5<br />

New York<br />

February 6<br />

Whippany, NJ<br />

February 7<br />

Cambridge, MA<br />

February 10-11<br />

Stanford, CA<br />

February 12<br />

Perth Amboy, NJ<br />

Lecture by Valerii Zemba, “Edificatory Prose of<br />

the Kyivan Metropolitanate Between the Union of<br />

Florence and the Union of Brest,” Shevchenko<br />

Scientific Society, 212-254-51<strong>30</strong><br />

Super Bowl viewing party, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American<br />

Cultural Center of New Jersey, www.uaccnj.org<br />

Roundtable discussion, “Undoing Ukraine’s Orange<br />

Revolution? <strong>The</strong> First Presidential Year of Vktor<br />

Yanukovych,” Harvard University, 617-495-4053<br />

Film screenings, hosted by Yuri Shevchuk, “New<br />

Films and New Names from Ukraine,” Stanford<br />

University, http://creees.stanford.edu<br />

Valentine’s Day dance, featuring music by Anna-<br />

Maria Entertainment, Assumption <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Catholic Church, 732-826-0767<br />

February 12<br />

Valentine’s Day dinner and dance, <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Lehighton, PA Homestead, 610-377-4621<br />

February 12<br />

Whippany, NJ<br />

February 12<br />

New Haven, CT<br />

February 14<br />

Cambridge, MA<br />

Valentine’s Day dinner and dance, featuring music<br />

by Grupo Yuri Jazz, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Cultural<br />

Center of New Jersey, 973-867-8855<br />

Valentine’s Day dinner and dance, St. Michael<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church, 203-865-0388 or<br />

stmichaels@snet.net<br />

Lecture by Viktor Ostapchuk, “Toward the<br />

Roksolana / Hurrem Sultan Quincentenary, In<br />

Search of Roksolana / Hurrem’s Origins: <strong>The</strong><br />

Source of Evidence,” Harvard University,<br />

617-495-4053<br />

February 19<br />

Winter ball, featuring music by Hrim, L’Enfant<br />

Washington Plaza Hotel, zabavadc@gmail.com or 800-635-5056<br />

February 20<br />

Lehighton, PA<br />

February 26<br />

Parsippany, NJ<br />

February 28<br />

Cambridge, MA<br />

March 5<br />

Pittsburgh<br />

Geneology presentation by Mike Buryk, <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

Homestead, www.buryk.com or<br />

Michael.Buryk@verizon.net<br />

Debutante ball, featuring music by Hrim and<br />

Vorony, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Youth Association,<br />

Sheraton Hotel,<br />

http://cym.org/us/archives/Deb<strong>2011</strong>/<strong>2011</strong>Deb.asp<br />

Lecture by Jessica Allina Pisano, “Stalinism and the<br />

Tyranny of the Houshold Cow in Post- War<br />

Transcarpathia: Exploring Critical Alternatives to<br />

Concepts in Social Research,” Harvard University,<br />

617-495-4053<br />

Pre-Lenten dance, featuring music by Chervona<br />

Kalyna, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Community of Western<br />

Pennsylvania, Best Western Parkway Center Inn,<br />

412-897-0741 or www.ucowpa.org<br />

Entries in “Out and About” are listed free of charge. Priority is given to events<br />

advertised in <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>. However, we also welcome submissions<br />

from all our readers. Items will be published at the discretion of the editors<br />

and as space allows. Please send e-mail to mdubas@ukrweekly.com.


24<br />

THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />

No. 5<br />

ARE YOU A FORMER MEMBER<br />

OF THE NEWARK BRANCH<br />

OF PLAST?<br />

<strong>The</strong> Newark Plast branch will celebrate its 60th anniversary with a<br />

JUBILEE CAMPFIRE AND GET-TOGETHER on March 26, <strong>2011</strong>,<br />

at its new home, the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Cultural Center of New Jersey<br />

(located in Whippany, NJ).<br />

Current and former members of the Plast “stanytsia” will be invited to<br />

attend this jubilee celebration. In order to be included on the invitation<br />

list, former members are asked to e-mail or call event organizers:<br />

Christine Kochan, chrystia@optonline.net<br />

Zoriana Stawnychy, 973-283-0024.<br />

Group photos of Newark Plast debutante balls are being sought for a photo<br />

display. Anyone having such photos is asked to contact the organizers.<br />

PREVIEW OF EVENTS<br />

Saturday, February 5<br />

NEW YORK: <strong>The</strong> Shevchenko Scientific<br />

Society invites all to a lecture by Valerii<br />

Zema, research fellow, Institute of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />

History, National Academy of Sciences of<br />

Ukraine on the subject “Edificatory Prose of<br />

the Kyivan Metropolitanate Between the<br />

Union of Florence and the Union of Brest.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> speaker is presently a visiting Fulbright<br />

Scholar at the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Research Institute,<br />

Harvard University. <strong>The</strong> lecture will take<br />

place at the society’s building, 63 Fourth<br />

Avenue (between Ninth and 10th streets) at 5<br />

p.m. For additional information call 212-<br />

254-51<strong>30</strong>.<br />

Sunday, February 20<br />

LEHIGHTON, Pa.: Mike Buryk, a<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> American family researcher,<br />

will offer a workshop on Lemko and<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> genealogy focused on the Sanok<br />

region of Poland. <strong>The</strong> talk will cover local<br />

historical background, how to research<br />

your family tree, archives, online resources,<br />

and software and hardware tools. This<br />

session takes place at 1-4 p.m. at the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Homestead on Sunday,<br />

February 20. Snow date is February 27th.<br />

For travel directions: http://www.<br />

ukrhomestead.com/directx.html . For a<br />

flyer: http://www.buryk.com/our_patch/<br />

docs/ukrlemkogentoolkit02<strong>2011</strong>.pdf . An<br />

exhibit of books and maps is included.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is a $10 workshop fee. For additional<br />

information contact michael.buryk@<br />

verizon.net.<br />

PREVIEW OF EVENTS GUIDELINES<br />

Preview of Events is a listing of community events open to the public. It is a<br />

service provided at minimal cost ($20 per listing) by <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> to the<br />

<strong>Ukrainian</strong> community.<br />

To have an event listed in Preview of Events please send information, in English,<br />

written in Preview format, i.e., in a brief paragraph that includes the date, place, type<br />

of event, sponsor, admission, full names of persons and/or organizations involved,<br />

and a phone number to be published for readers who may require additional<br />

information. Items should be no more than 100 words long; longer submissions<br />

are subject to editing. Items not written in Preview format or submitted without all<br />

required information will not be published.<br />

Preview items must be received no later than one week before the desired date of<br />

publication. No information will be taken over the phone. Items will be published<br />

only once, unless otherwise indicated. Please include payment for each time<br />

the item is to appear and indicate date(s) of issue(s) in which the item is to be<br />

published.<br />

Information should be sent to: preview@ukrweekly.com or Preview of Events,<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>, 2200 Route 10, P.O. Box 280, Parsippany, NJ 07054; fax,<br />

973-644-9510. NB: If e-mailing, please do not send items as attachments;<br />

simply type the text into the body of the e-mail message.

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