Ukrainian Weekly, January 30, 2011 - The Ukrainian Weekly
Ukrainian Weekly, January 30, 2011 - The Ukrainian Weekly
Ukrainian Weekly, January 30, 2011 - The Ukrainian Weekly
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Inside:<br />
• Mykola Riabchuk on selective justice in Ukraine – page 6.<br />
• Metropolitan Constantine Bohachevsky, 1884-1961 – page 8.<br />
• An artist to watch: pianist Anna Shelest – page 13.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />
Published by the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association<br />
Vol. LXXIX No. 5 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
$1/$2 in Ukraine<br />
Ukraine’s Unity Day holiday manifests divisions in society<br />
Olena Harasovska/UNIAN<br />
Participants of the Unity Day human chain that stretched across Kyiv’s Paton<br />
Bridge to symbolically unite Ukraine on <strong>January</strong> 22. Unity Day, or “Den<br />
Sobornosty” in <strong>Ukrainian</strong>, has been a national holiday in Ukraine since 1999,<br />
when so designated by a presidential decree.<br />
by Zenon Zawada<br />
Kyiv Press Bureau<br />
KYIV – <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s were disunited as<br />
ever on Unity Day, holding three separate<br />
rallies in Kyiv on <strong>January</strong> 22, the day commemorating<br />
the unification of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
National Republic (of central and eastern<br />
Ukraine) and the Western <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
National Republic in 1919.<br />
<strong>The</strong> administration of President Viktor<br />
Yanukovych organized a rally on<br />
Independence Square. Supporters of former<br />
Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko took to<br />
St. Sophia Square, the site of the historic<br />
declaration, while Arseniy Yatsenyuk gathered<br />
those opposed to both leaders at<br />
Kontraktova Square.<br />
<strong>The</strong> commemoration offered evidence<br />
that <strong>Ukrainian</strong> politics has retained its tripolar<br />
structure of those supporting Mr.<br />
Yanukovych, those supporting Ms.<br />
Tymoshenko and those actively opposed to<br />
both. <strong>The</strong> division within the opposition<br />
benefits the current authoritarian government,<br />
observers said.<br />
“<strong>The</strong> government is interested in supporting<br />
the emergence of other opposition forces,”<br />
said Volodymyr Fesenko, board chairman<br />
of the Penta Center for Applied<br />
Political Research in Kyiv. He added, “<strong>The</strong><br />
government can play off the antagonism<br />
between different opposition currents.”<br />
Those organizing the rally on St. Sophia<br />
Square – where the Act of Union was<br />
declared on <strong>January</strong> 22, 1919 – lobbed<br />
sharp criticism against former Verkhovna<br />
Rada Chair Yatsenyuk of the Front of<br />
Change party and his allies for splitting the<br />
pro-Western opposition.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y shouted “Shame!” at Lilia<br />
Hrynevych of the Front of Change party<br />
when she addressed the crowd on St. Sophia<br />
Square.<br />
<strong>The</strong> famous “liubi druzi” (dear friends)<br />
who formed the financial backbone of former<br />
President Viktor Yushchenko’s political<br />
campaign – confectionary magnate Petro<br />
Poroshenko and natural gas trader Mykola<br />
Martynenko – were also on Kontraktova<br />
Square.<br />
Soviet-era dissident Bohdan Horyn<br />
accused the Yatsenyuk crowd of fulfilling<br />
commands from the Yanukovych administration<br />
to divide the opposition.<br />
“Perhaps Arseniy Yatsenyuk hasn’t<br />
matured to the realization that unity doesn’t<br />
mean separated national-democratic forces,<br />
but their unity for the sake of a grand goal –<br />
saving Ukraine at a time of great danger?”<br />
he wrote in a column published on the<br />
Ukrayinska Pravda website on <strong>January</strong> 25.<br />
Meanwhile, those who joined the St.<br />
Sophia Square event included opposition<br />
leader Ms. Tymoshenko, former Defense<br />
Minister Anatoliy Grytsenko, former<br />
Foreign Affairs Minister Borys Tarasyuk,<br />
nationalist orator Iryna Farion of the<br />
Svoboda party, Mykola Katerynchuk of the<br />
European Party of Ukraine and Mykola<br />
Kokhanivskyi of the Congress of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Nationalists.<br />
<strong>The</strong> event was organized by the<br />
Committee to Defend Ukraine, which<br />
includes the Batkivshchyna party led by Ms.<br />
Tymoshenko, the People’s Rukh of Ukraine<br />
led by Mr. Tarasyuk, the Svoboda party led<br />
by Oleh Tiahnybok, the Congress of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Nationalists led by Stepan<br />
Bratsiun and the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> World<br />
Coordinating Council led by Dmytro<br />
Pavlychko.<br />
Patriarch Filaret of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Orthodox Church–Kyiv Patriatch (UOC–<br />
KP), whose church is under persecution by<br />
the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Orthodox Church–Moscow<br />
Patriarchate (UOC–MP), led the Orthodox<br />
moleben initiating the event.<br />
It was interrupted by Ms. Tymoshenko<br />
and her entourage, who arrived late. She<br />
Volodymyr Musyak<br />
Thousands of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s gathered on St. Sophia Square to commemorate Unity<br />
Day on <strong>January</strong> 22, 92 years after the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Republic and the<br />
Western <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Republic declared their unification.<br />
drew the crowd’s attention and applause,<br />
which grew loud enough to interfere with<br />
the prayer and visibly irritate Patriarch<br />
Filaret, who kept his distance from the<br />
opposition leader for the remainder of the<br />
evening.<br />
Svoboda nationalists officially endorsed<br />
and supported the commemoration on St.<br />
Sophia Square, but its activists also attended<br />
the Kontraktova Square event, distributing<br />
the party’s newspaper and observing the<br />
vertep (Nativity Play) being performed there<br />
by Bohdan Beniuk, a regarded actor and<br />
Svoboda party member.<br />
“We sent our people to distribute our<br />
Human Rights Watch slams West<br />
for ‘cowardice’ on rights issues<br />
RFE/RL<br />
An international rights group has<br />
accused Western powers of not doing<br />
enough to pressure abusive regimes to<br />
protect basic human rights.<br />
<strong>The</strong> 648-page Human Rights Watch<br />
(HRW) report, a compendium of human<br />
rights abuses reported around the world<br />
in the past year, criticizes the democracies<br />
for their “soft reaction” to repressive<br />
regimes.<br />
<strong>The</strong> report singles out the United<br />
States, the European Union and the<br />
United Nations for failing to put enough<br />
pressure on abusive governments, highlighting<br />
what it called a “near-universal<br />
cowardice in confronting China’s deepening<br />
crackdown on basic liberties.”<br />
party newspaper,” said Yurii Sytoriuk, the<br />
party spokesman. “Why no go there and<br />
advertise Svoboda? We used it as party propaganda.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> For Ukraine party, a national-democratic<br />
force committed to Euro-Atlantic<br />
integration, took a similar approach, dispatching<br />
its leader Viacheslav Kyrylenko to<br />
the event on St. Sophia Square. He declined<br />
an offer to address the crowd, instead mingling<br />
with participants afterwards.<br />
<strong>The</strong> For Ukraine party officially<br />
endorsed the Kontraktova event, which Mr.<br />
(Continued on page 11)<br />
HRW also charged Western leaders,<br />
particularly U.N. Secretary-General Ban<br />
Ki-moon, European Union foreign policy<br />
chief Catherine Ashton, and U.S.<br />
President Barack Obama with focusing<br />
too much on dialogue and not enough on<br />
confronting abuses.<br />
It condemns as soft the EU’s response<br />
to authoritarian regimes in Uzbekistan<br />
and Turkmenistan, denouncing what it<br />
calls the bloc’s “obsequious approach”<br />
toward both countries and arguing that<br />
leaders of authoritarian governments<br />
welcome an emphasis on dialogue<br />
because it is likely to “remove the spotlight<br />
from human rights discussions.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> report coincides with a rare visit<br />
(Continued on page 11)
2<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
ANALYSIS<br />
Russian Black Sea Fleet<br />
strengthens presence in Ukraine<br />
by Vladimir Socor<br />
Eurasia Daily Monitor<br />
<strong>The</strong> Russian navy plans to increase its<br />
presence on <strong>Ukrainian</strong> territory by adding<br />
urban infrastructure and civilian manpower<br />
to its naval assets in Sevastopol. <strong>The</strong> command<br />
of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet intends to<br />
build a housing estate (“mikrorayon”) for<br />
20,000 personnel of the fleet, their dependents<br />
and civilian service providers to the<br />
Russian fleet in that city.<br />
<strong>The</strong> housing estate and associated service<br />
infrastructure is planned to occupy both<br />
sides of Kazachya Bay, alongside the base of<br />
a Russian “marine infantry” (amphibious<br />
landing troops) regiment.<br />
<strong>The</strong> government of Russia will finance<br />
this program from a fund dedicated to the<br />
socio-economic development of Sevastopol.<br />
That fund currently stems from the 2010<br />
arrangements to subsidize Ukraine’s consumption<br />
of Russian gas. <strong>The</strong> socio-economic<br />
fund’s value is deducted from the<br />
value of that subsidy. This portion, consequently,<br />
helps to consolidate Russia’s military<br />
foothold on <strong>Ukrainian</strong> territory.<br />
<strong>The</strong> head of the Sevastopol city administration<br />
(by law a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> government<br />
appointee), Valery Saratov, has expressed<br />
gratitude in announcing this Russian building<br />
program (Interfax-Ukraine, <strong>January</strong> 16).<br />
On April 21, 2010, Presidents Viktor<br />
Yanukovych and Dmitry Medvedev signed<br />
the agreement to prolong the Russian fleet’s<br />
basing rights in Ukraine beyond the 2017<br />
expiration date by another 25 years, with a<br />
further five-year extension option to 2047. In<br />
return, Russia agreed to grant a <strong>30</strong> percent<br />
discount on the price of Russian natural gas<br />
to Ukraine, if that price exceeds $336 per<br />
1,000 cubic meters (tcm).<br />
It now turns out, however, that an implementation<br />
mechanism and even a common<br />
understanding of that arrangement are lacking.<br />
On April 18, 2010, in Moscow, the<br />
Russian and <strong>Ukrainian</strong> finance ministers,<br />
by Claire Bigg<br />
and Yelena Polyakovskaya<br />
RFE/RL<br />
As Russia mourns the 35 victims of the<br />
bombing attack at Moscow’s Domodedovo<br />
airport, theater lovers are sparing a special<br />
thought for Anna Yablonska, a young<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> poet and playwright killed in the<br />
blast.<br />
Ms. Yablonska, a native of Odesa, had<br />
arrived in the Russian capital to pick up a<br />
literary prize when a presumed suicide<br />
bomber detonated explosives at the airport’s<br />
crowded arrivals terminal, sparking scenes<br />
of carnage. She was 29 years old.<br />
Ms. Yablonska was due to receive a prize<br />
from Cinema Art magazine at a ceremony in<br />
Moscow just hours after her plane landed at<br />
Domodedovo.<br />
<strong>The</strong> editor of Cinema Art, Daniil<br />
Dondurei, said she had been in high spirits<br />
that day.<br />
“She called at 4 p.m. after landing. She<br />
was worried about not making it for 6:<strong>30</strong><br />
p.m.,” Mr. Dondurei said. “<strong>The</strong> head of our<br />
selection board spoke to her. She was cheerful.<br />
She died 20 minutes later.”<br />
Charmed the jury<br />
Her colleagues describe Ms. Yablonska,<br />
Aleksei Kudrin and Fedir Yaroshenko,<br />
respectively, started negotiations on implementing<br />
the April 21, 2010, agreements. <strong>The</strong><br />
Russian side seems more interested in quibbling<br />
and stalling, than in delivering.<br />
Mr. Kudrin insisted that “a new agreement”<br />
must be negotiated to define “concrete<br />
terms and parameters, on which implementation<br />
would depend.” For his part, Mr.<br />
Yaroshenko seemed to plead for overcoming<br />
a deadlock: “For us it is important to reach a<br />
common interpretation, define a common<br />
methodology for implementing this agreement<br />
in real life” (Interfax-Ukraine, <strong>January</strong><br />
18).<br />
While Kyiv sounds anxious about<br />
Moscow delivering “in real life,” Moscow<br />
may well turn its side of the bargain into a<br />
dead letter. <strong>The</strong> price of gas seems unlikely<br />
to stay above $<strong>30</strong>0 per tcm (unless Moscow<br />
decides to practice overt extortion and by the<br />
same token subsidize its own extortion of<br />
Ukraine). Below that price level, Russia can<br />
still pressure Ukraine into further concessions,<br />
in return for further discounts on the<br />
gas price. This would probably be the “new<br />
agreement” to which Mr. Kudrin is alluding.<br />
Moscow is well-placed to implement the<br />
naval base extension agreement while bargaining<br />
over implementation of the gas price<br />
agreement. <strong>The</strong> April 2010 arrangements are<br />
asymmetrical in that the naval base agreement<br />
is self-enforcing while the gas agreement<br />
is not. Ukraine lacks the power to withhold<br />
implementation of the former, while<br />
Russia has ample means to set conditions for<br />
implementing the latter.<br />
Since those agreements were signed,<br />
Moscow has announced plans to replace old<br />
warships of its Black Sea Fleet with new<br />
ones, increase that fleet’s tonnage in net<br />
terms, and upgrade the fleet’s weaponry.<br />
Modernization plans as announced during<br />
2010 envisage adding one cruiser, several<br />
frigates and several submarines by 2015. In<br />
(Continued on page 22)<br />
Friends mourn <strong>Ukrainian</strong> playwright<br />
killed in Moscow airport bombing<br />
whose real name was Anna Mashutina, as<br />
an up-and-coming playwright whose plays<br />
had won numerous literary awards and were<br />
staged in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus.<br />
Mr. Dondurei said her latest play, “<strong>The</strong><br />
Pagans,” had charmed the jury, and she had<br />
won the competition hands down.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ater producer Mikhail Ugarov, who<br />
knew Ms. Yablonska well and attended the<br />
<strong>January</strong> 24 award ceremony, says organizers<br />
became concerned after she failed to turn up<br />
at the ceremony and stopped answering her<br />
phone.<br />
“Panic erupted at the ceremony,” Mr.<br />
Ugarov said. “<strong>The</strong>y waited for her until the<br />
last moment and ended up awarding her the<br />
prize in absentia. At that time, she was<br />
already dead.”<br />
Ms. Yablonska’s husband called her colleagues<br />
and friends later that evening to<br />
inform them she had been killed in the<br />
attack at Domodedovo.<br />
Mr. Ugarov says she will be sorely<br />
missed in Russia. “She was a very talented,<br />
bright person. She combined a very high<br />
emotionality with an extremely sharp, sober<br />
intellect,” he noted. “<strong>The</strong> professional community<br />
is deeply shocked because everyone<br />
liked her. She was friendly. She liked shar-<br />
(Continued on page 22)<br />
Yanukovych reacts to Moscow bombing<br />
KYIV – <strong>Ukrainian</strong> President Viktor<br />
Yanukovych in a phone conversation<br />
with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev<br />
condemned acts of terrorism and conveyed<br />
his condolences over a bomb<br />
attack at Moscow’s Domodedovo<br />
Airport. Mr., Yanukovych ordered<br />
Ukraine’s diplomatic missions and special<br />
services to reinforce measures to protect<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> citizens abroad, the presidential<br />
press service reported on <strong>January</strong><br />
25. <strong>The</strong> president also sent his condolences<br />
to the family of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> playwright<br />
Hanna Mashutina (who wrote under the<br />
pseudonym Yablonska), who was killed<br />
in the Moscow airport blast. In addition,<br />
the he ordered the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Foreign<br />
Affairs Ministry to render any required<br />
aid to relatives of any <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s killed<br />
in the blast. (Interfax-Ukraine)<br />
Security enhanced at Boryspil airport<br />
KYIV – Enhanced security measures<br />
were instituted at Kyiv’s Boryspil international<br />
airport due to the terrorist act<br />
that occurred at Moscow’s Domodedovo<br />
airport on <strong>January</strong> 24. <strong>The</strong> measures are<br />
aimed at preventing large gatherings of<br />
people at airport complexes and on airport<br />
property. Additional units of the<br />
Internal Affairs Ministry are working, as<br />
are Berkut forces and the canine service<br />
of the airport’s aviation security complex.<br />
At the same time, Boryspil representatives<br />
underscored on <strong>January</strong> 26 that the<br />
airport’s terminals are working in regular<br />
operation mode, and planes are departing<br />
and arriving on schedule. (Ukrinform)<br />
5,000 form human chain in Lviv<br />
LVIV – About 5,000 people have<br />
formed a human chain between the monuments<br />
to Taras Shevchenko and Stepan<br />
Bandera in Lviv on <strong>January</strong> 22 to celebrate<br />
Unity Day in Ukraine. Participating<br />
in the event were representatives of the<br />
Svoboda Party, the Party of Regions,<br />
activists of public organizations and local<br />
residents. <strong>The</strong> participants held national<br />
flags, and some people had painted<br />
national flags on their faces. (Interfax-<br />
Ukraine)<br />
NEWSBRIEFS<br />
Thousands denounce Ukraine’s president<br />
KYIV – Thousands of supporters of<br />
Ukraine’s former Prime Minister Yulia<br />
Tymoshenko massed in downtown Kyiv<br />
on <strong>January</strong> 22 to denounce her archrival,<br />
President Viktor Yanukovych, accusing<br />
him of being a Russian stooge. Some<br />
6,000 protesters gathered in St. Sophia<br />
square, answering a call by several opposition<br />
parties to mark the 92nd anniversary<br />
of the reunification of eastern and<br />
western Ukraine. Many carried banners<br />
calling for the dismissal of both President<br />
Yanukovych and Prime Minister Mykola<br />
Azarov. Ms. Tymoshenko asked the<br />
crowds: “Are you ready to take to the<br />
streets?” To which the resounding answer<br />
was “Yes.” Dmytro Pavlychko told the<br />
crowd: “Those who are in power take<br />
their orders from the Kremlin.” (Focus<br />
Information agency, Agence France-<br />
Presse)<br />
Day of Unity celebrated in Moscow<br />
MOSCOW – Events at the Library of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature in Moscow became<br />
the central event of celebrations of<br />
Ukraine’s Day of Unity held by diplomats<br />
of the Embassy of Ukraine in<br />
Russia. <strong>The</strong> Embassy press service<br />
reported that, during a meeting with representatives<br />
of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community,<br />
Ukraine’s Ambassador to Russia<br />
Volodymyr Yelchenko “confirmed the<br />
special importance attached by our state<br />
to the continuation of unhindered activities<br />
of the library as an important center<br />
of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> culture in the capital of<br />
Russia.” Also on <strong>January</strong> 22, on the territory<br />
of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Embassy in Russia,<br />
a ceremonial raising of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> flag<br />
took place. Ukraine’s ambassador and<br />
Embassy diplomats also participated in<br />
laying flowers at the monument to<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> poet Taras Shevchenko in<br />
Moscow. Earlier, the director of the<br />
Information Policy Department of the<br />
Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs<br />
(MFA), Oleh Voloshyn, stated that for the<br />
ministry the satisfaction of the culturaleducational<br />
rights of more than 2 million<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> community members in Russia<br />
(Continued on page 14)<br />
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<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>, <strong>January</strong> <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong>, No. 5, Vol. LXXIX<br />
Copyright © <strong>2011</strong> <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />
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No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
3<br />
WINDOW ON EURASIA<br />
Moscow moves to close down <strong>Ukrainian</strong> institutions in Russia<br />
by Paul Goble<br />
Apparently confident that now it can do<br />
so without objections from the Yanukovych<br />
administration in Kyiv, Moscow has disbanded<br />
the Federal National-Cultural<br />
Autonomy of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s of Russia and is<br />
Paul Goble is a long-time specialist<br />
on ethnic and religious questions in<br />
Eurasia who has served in various<br />
capacities in the U.S. State Department,<br />
the Central Intelligence Agency and the<br />
International Broadcasting Bureau, as<br />
well as at the Voice of America and<br />
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and<br />
t h e C a r n e g i e E n d o w m e n t f o r<br />
International Peace. Mr. Goble writes a<br />
blog called “Window on Eurasia”<br />
(http://windowoneurasia.blogspot.com/).<br />
This article above is reprinted with permission.<br />
setting the stage for closing the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
library in the Russian capital by continuing<br />
its seizures of “extremist” literature there.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Russian government, like its Soviet<br />
predecessor, has never been supportive of<br />
the more than 5 million ethnic <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />
living there, refusing to open any <strong>Ukrainian</strong>language<br />
state schools even as it has complained<br />
about closure of some of the many<br />
Russian-language schools operating in<br />
Ukraine.<br />
But in recent weeks, Moscow has moved<br />
against even the few <strong>Ukrainian</strong> institutions<br />
that do exist inside the Russian Federation.<br />
On the basis of a March 2010 appeal by the<br />
Russian Justice Ministry, the Russian<br />
Supreme Court on November 24, 2010, “liquidated”<br />
the Federal National-Cultural<br />
Autonomy of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s of Russia” as a<br />
legal entity.<br />
According to Vladimir Semenenko, the<br />
former head of that institution, the Justice<br />
Herman: No violations<br />
of rights in Ukraine<br />
Interfax-Ukraine<br />
KYIV – <strong>The</strong> new government of Ukraine<br />
does not infringe on the rights and freedoms<br />
of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> citizens, but there are some<br />
rumors that affect the president and the government<br />
in general, said the deputy head of<br />
the Presidential Administration, Hanna<br />
Herman.<br />
“I absolutely refute these statements [on<br />
pressure being applied to writers and journalists],<br />
[and] I would like to speak here<br />
only about several particular cases,” she said<br />
on Channel 5 on Sunday evening, <strong>January</strong><br />
23.<br />
In particular, Ms. Herman actions by the<br />
police in relation to writer Maria Matios “a<br />
lot of nonsense.”<br />
“Our police are as they are… it’s a<br />
pity, but we don’t have other police officers<br />
for our writers. But they [the police<br />
officers] should be educated, trained,<br />
[improved]. And I believe that it was a<br />
huge mistake [to search the writer’s<br />
apartment],” she commented.<br />
Ms. Herman said that the opposition had<br />
taken advantage of this situation.<br />
“I understand that the police have their<br />
own work to do, but apart from their work<br />
the police must have a head. And if the<br />
police do not have a head and brains, then<br />
they will do great harm to the president,”<br />
she noted.<br />
Ms. Herman also said she was sure that<br />
such cases would not happen in Ukraine in<br />
the future.<br />
In addition, the deputy head of the<br />
Presidential Administration said that the<br />
position of Freedom House, the U.S. nongovernmental<br />
organization that lowered<br />
Ukraine’s rating to the category of partly<br />
free countries, was biased.<br />
“I believe that Freedom House was biased<br />
against Ukraine… For us the greatest pledge<br />
of freedom is the economic freedom of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s… Freedom House also got some<br />
one-sided information,” Ms. Herman said.<br />
Activists charge Education Ministry<br />
“concept” will lead to Russification<br />
Interfax-Ukraine<br />
KYIV – <strong>The</strong> concept for language education<br />
proposed by the Ukraine’s Ministry of<br />
Education, Science, Youth and Sports will<br />
lead <strong>Ukrainian</strong> education toward<br />
Russification, the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> public organization<br />
Ne Bud Baiduzhym! (Don’t Be<br />
Indifferent!) has said.<br />
“This concept is a new method of<br />
Russification of Ukraine. I guess this concept<br />
will be adopted quickly, so that the<br />
public will not be able to oppose it. This is a<br />
new, invisible method of Russification of<br />
Ukraine,” a representative of the organization,<br />
Olena Podobed-Frankivska, said during<br />
a press conference hosted on <strong>January</strong> 19<br />
by the Interfax-Ukraine News Agency.<br />
According to Ms. Podobed-Frankivska,<br />
when the Education Ministry presented this<br />
concept at a public discussion, some regulations<br />
were violated – in particular, the term<br />
set for a public discussion.<br />
“A public discussion of this project<br />
should have been held for no less than a<br />
month,” she noted.<br />
In turn, sociolinguist Dr. Larysa Masenko<br />
said: “Why did you decide that the concept<br />
is aimed exactly at this [Russification]? ...<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are no clear regulations on a specified<br />
language. <strong>The</strong>se norms can be applied to<br />
both the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> and Russian languages.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is no definition on the main language<br />
of education in Ukraine.”<br />
At the same time, Ms. Masenko criticized<br />
the concept. “This concept will only<br />
deepen the split in the society, that’s why it<br />
is very dangerous, and in fact it practically<br />
returns us to the Soviet Union.”<br />
A senior researcher at the Institute of the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Language of the National<br />
Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Oksana<br />
Danylevska, said that the key principle of<br />
the proposed idea was a political quick fix.<br />
“I should say that this is a short-term concept<br />
for the current political situation.<br />
Unfortunately, it does not care about actual<br />
education,” she added.<br />
Ms. Podobed-Frankivska said that activists<br />
of Ne Bud Baiduzhym would bring a<br />
new doorplate reading “Education Ministry<br />
of Russia. Foreign Representative Office” to<br />
the Education Ministry in Kyiv. She noted,<br />
“We want to rename the ministry to match<br />
its deeds.”<br />
OSCE<br />
VILNIUS – <strong>The</strong> OSCE chairperson-in-<br />
Office, Lithuanian Foreign Minister<br />
Audronius Ažubalis, met representatives<br />
from international non-governmental<br />
organizations in Vilnius <strong>January</strong> 19 and<br />
invited them to take part in an open dialogue<br />
with Lithuania’s <strong>2011</strong> chairmanship<br />
of the Organization for Security and<br />
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).<br />
Minister Ažubalis met representatives<br />
from international non-governmental<br />
human rights organizations from the<br />
International Civic Initiative for the<br />
OSCE, offered to maintain a regular dialogue<br />
and urged them to actively participate<br />
in OSCE events and thereby contribute<br />
to the OSCE’s work.<br />
“OSCE is unique as we bring non-governmental<br />
organizations into the heart of<br />
our decision-making. Civil society’s participation<br />
in the work of the OSCE is<br />
greatly valued. Cooperation and a mutual<br />
exchange of views are very important,<br />
and Lithuania is ready to continue a lively<br />
and very open dialogue with civil society,“<br />
said Mr. Ažubalis, who emphasized<br />
that the promotion of media freedom and<br />
Ministry made three specific complaints<br />
about the group’s “diversions.” First, Mr.<br />
Semenko gave an interview to Radio<br />
Liberty. Second, the group organized a public<br />
conference on <strong>Ukrainian</strong> studies in<br />
Russia. And third, its leaders took part in<br />
commemorations of the Great Famine 1932-<br />
1933, or Holodomor.<br />
On <strong>January</strong> 13 Russian Foreign Minister<br />
Sergey Lavrov confirmed that the closure<br />
was based on the autonomy’s political activity.<br />
He said that that the autonomy had been<br />
shuttered because its leaders “were engaged<br />
in political activity directed at undermining<br />
Russian-<strong>Ukrainian</strong> relations” (globalist.org.<br />
ua/shorts/61127.html).<br />
Meanwhile, Russian Internal Affairs<br />
Ministry (MVD) officials have been conducting<br />
searches for “extremist” literature in<br />
the Library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature in<br />
Moscow. <strong>The</strong> latest of these occurred on<br />
<strong>January</strong> 14. Both <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Embassy officials<br />
and Russian ones insist the library has<br />
not been closed, but the librarians there say<br />
that a court case is hanging over them and it.<br />
Natalya Sharina, the library’s director,<br />
said the MVD officers had come from the<br />
anti-extremist section and had behaved in<br />
such a threatening way that members of her<br />
staff had called for emergency medical help.<br />
She acknowledged that the library was still<br />
open, but said the “criminal case” was going<br />
on “in parallel” (www.unian.net/rus/<br />
print/416293).<br />
Foreign Minister Lavrov, also on <strong>January</strong><br />
OSCE chair meets representatives<br />
of international human rights NGOs<br />
“Impossible to Forget” was the title<br />
of a feature published in the travel section<br />
of <strong>The</strong> New York Times on <strong>January</strong><br />
9. Among the five Times correspondents<br />
who recalled “the places they<br />
would go back to if they got the<br />
chance,” was Clifford J. Levy, who<br />
wrote about Lviv. Other places featured<br />
were: Phnom Penh, Cambodia;<br />
Lago Todos los Santos, Chile; Caserta,<br />
Italy; and the Orchids Hotel, Congo.<br />
Following is an excerpt from Mr.<br />
Clifford’s account. (<strong>The</strong> full text may<br />
be read at http://travel.nytimes.<br />
com/<strong>2011</strong>/01/09/travel/09lviv.html.)<br />
“…this city on the edge of the Soviet<br />
empire, at a crossroads of Europe, was a<br />
cobblestoned find. … winding streets…<br />
reflected the influences of centuries of<br />
overlapping cultures.<br />
“Lviv has gone by many names,<br />
thanks to its many rulers, from the<br />
Soviets to the Germans to the Poles.<br />
But it is the Austro-Hungarian Empire<br />
that seems to have had the strongest<br />
influence. As I roamed, I was reminded<br />
more of Vienna and Prague than<br />
(Continued on page 22)<br />
pluralism as well as tolerance, is among<br />
the priorities of Lithuania’s chairmanship.<br />
“We welcome constructive, focused<br />
and consolidated civil society recommendations<br />
on all issues concerning the<br />
OSCE human dimension,” he added.<br />
Mr. Ažubalis said he plans to meet representatives<br />
of civil society during his<br />
forthcoming visits to Moscow and<br />
Washington, as well as to countries with<br />
OSCE field operations in the South<br />
Caucasus, Eastern Europe, Central Asia<br />
and Southeastern Europe.<br />
<strong>The</strong> NGO representatives from<br />
Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Lithuania,<br />
Poland, Russia, the United Kingdom and<br />
Ukraine attending the <strong>January</strong> 19 meeting<br />
conveyed an appeal by the International<br />
Civic Initiative for the OSCE on cooperation<br />
during Lithuania’s chairmanship.<br />
<strong>The</strong> appeal calls for civil society’s role in<br />
the OSCE’s work to be strengthened and<br />
sets out guidelines and proposals for cooperation<br />
with the OSCE Chairmanship.<br />
Established in April 2010, the<br />
International Civic Initiative for the<br />
OSCE comprises 11 international nongovernmental<br />
human rights organizations.<br />
Lviv: impossible to forget<br />
Moscow. …<br />
“… what really distinguished Lviv<br />
was its decidedly international sensibility,<br />
more evident than in any city<br />
that I have visited in the former Soviet<br />
Union. This was obvious from the<br />
range of cathedrals making up the<br />
city’s skyline: <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Orthodox,<br />
Russian Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox<br />
and Roman Catholic.<br />
“Lviv is also base for the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Greek-Catholic Church, which in itself<br />
speaks to a melding: the church is loyal<br />
to Rome, but allows some priests to<br />
marry and follows the Eastern ceremonial<br />
rite. Lviv was also home to a thriving<br />
Jewish community before World<br />
War II, and I wandered past the ruins<br />
of one of the main synagogues. Not<br />
many Jews remain, but plans are being<br />
developed to rebuild the synagogue.<br />
“And so it went: I tried to work, but<br />
the city kept pulling me away. I went<br />
to interview an official at City Hall, but<br />
ended up at the observation deck on<br />
the building’s tower, admiring views of<br />
Lviv’s splendid architecture – classical,<br />
Baroque and other styles. …”
4<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
UWC appeals to Hungary<br />
about representation<br />
of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> minority<br />
TORONTO – On <strong>January</strong> 17 the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> World<br />
Congress (UWC) expressed its concern to Hungary’s<br />
Prime Minister Viktor Orban that the elections of the<br />
National <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Minority Self-Government in<br />
Hungary held on <strong>January</strong> 9 could undermine the representation<br />
of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> minority and jeopardize<br />
its effective participation in public life.<br />
According to a UWC member-organization, the<br />
Association of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Culture in Hungary, in several<br />
cases the electorate voting and the candidates<br />
running for the National <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Minority Self-<br />
Government are not part of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community<br />
and do not preserve the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> language, culture<br />
and traditions.<br />
“<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> World Congress calls upon the<br />
prime minister of Hungary to urgently appoint a<br />
senior government official to verify whether the<br />
electoral process, including the elections of the<br />
National <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Minority Self-Government in<br />
Hungary, was conducted in accordance with the fundamental<br />
principles governing such elections, and if<br />
not, to take approriate measures to rectify the situation,”<br />
stated UWC President Eugene Czolij.<br />
Plokhy’s “Yalta” nominated for Lionel Gelber Prize<br />
by Oksana Zakydalsky<br />
TORONTO – “Yalta: <strong>The</strong> Price<br />
of Peace” by Serhii Plokhy,<br />
Mykhailo Hrushevsky Professor of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> History at Harvard, has<br />
been shortlisted for the <strong>2011</strong> Lionel<br />
Gelber Prize.<br />
<strong>The</strong> jury citation for the book<br />
reads: “A work of outstanding<br />
scholarship which brings to light<br />
important interpretations based on<br />
newly available Russian documents.<br />
Going beyond the Western<br />
sources, this is a seminal treatment<br />
of a profoundly important moment<br />
in history.”<br />
Prof. Plokhy is the third holder<br />
of the endowed Hrushevsky chair<br />
in <strong>Ukrainian</strong> history at Harvard,<br />
which he assumed in the fall of<br />
2007. Before coming to Harvard,<br />
he was based at the University of<br />
Alberta, where he served as acting<br />
director of the Canadian Institute<br />
of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Studies (CIUS) and as<br />
associate director of the Peter<br />
Jacyk Center for <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Historical Research at CIUS.<br />
Called by <strong>The</strong> Economist “the<br />
world’s most important award for<br />
non-fiction,” the Lionel Gelber<br />
Prize was founded in 1989 by the<br />
Canadian diplomat and scholar. It<br />
is a literary award for the world’s<br />
best non-fiction book in English<br />
that seeks to deepen public debate<br />
on significant global issues. <strong>The</strong><br />
winning author receives $15,000.<br />
<strong>The</strong> prize is presented annually<br />
by <strong>The</strong> Lionel Gelber Foundation,<br />
in partnership with the Munk<br />
School of Global Affairs at the<br />
University of Toronto and Foreign<br />
Policy magazine. <strong>The</strong> winner of the<br />
<strong>2011</strong> Lionel Gelber Prize, to be<br />
announced on March 1, will deliver<br />
the annual Lionel Gelber Lecture at<br />
an award ceremony on March 29.<br />
<strong>The</strong> other four shortlisted works<br />
include: “Why the West Rules – for<br />
Now” by Ian Morris (U.S.A.);<br />
“Arrival City: <strong>The</strong> Final Migration<br />
and our Next World” by Doug<br />
Saunders (United Kingdom); “<strong>The</strong><br />
Hungry World: America’s Cold<br />
War Battle Against Poverty in<br />
Asia” by Nick Cullather (U.S.A.);<br />
and “Polar Imperative: A History<br />
of Arctic Sovereignty in North<br />
America” by Shelagh D. Grant (Canada).<br />
Last year’s winner of the Lionel Gelber<br />
Prize was “<strong>The</strong> Generalissimo: Chiang<br />
Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern<br />
China” by Jay Taylor.<br />
Amount Name City<br />
$400.00 L. Sygida-Peleschuk Stamford, CT<br />
$100.00 Y. Deychakiwsky N. Potomac, MD<br />
George Masiuk Alexandria, VA<br />
N. Slusar North Port, FL<br />
Neonila Sochan Morristown, NJ<br />
$75.00 S. Nachesty Northampton, PA<br />
M. Omelan Philadelphia, PA<br />
$60.00 Alexandra Ritter Bethlehem, PA<br />
$55.00 Maria and Leo East Windsor, NJ<br />
Chirovsky<br />
Stephen Lepki Cambridge, OH<br />
Daria Zachar<br />
Redondo Beach, CA<br />
$50.00 C. Bonacorsa Belleville, NJ<br />
Ulana Diachuk Rutherford, NJ<br />
J. Gudziak Syracuse, NY<br />
Daria Halaburda-Patti Clifton, NJ<br />
C. Holowinsky Belle Mead, NJ<br />
B. Kurylko Venice, FL<br />
A. Kushnir Bethesda, MD<br />
Stella Maciach Jersey City, NJ<br />
(in memory of Mary<br />
Maciach)<br />
M. McGrath Franklin Square, NY<br />
Marlene Milstead Rock Hill, SC<br />
Peter Myskiw<br />
Phoenix, AZ<br />
N. Popowych Park Ridge, IL<br />
Roman Olijnyk Radnor, PA<br />
$45.00 Daria Dykyj Forest Hills, NY<br />
Sophie Worobec Chicago, IL<br />
$<strong>30</strong>.00 Genya Blahy Beechhurst, NY<br />
Irena Nychay<br />
Bayonne, NJ<br />
Gregory Tkaczyk St. Catharines, ON<br />
$25.00 V. Andrushkiw Troy, MI<br />
W. Balko Ledgewood, NJ<br />
Michael Bilynsky Hollywood, FL<br />
B. Birakowsky College Point, NY<br />
O. Boraczok Madison, WI<br />
George Chomyn Weston, ON<br />
Ihor Chorneyko Dundas, ON<br />
D. Chromowsky Little Egg Harbor, NJ<br />
M. Durbak Chicago, IL<br />
K. Fedorijczuk Glenside, PA<br />
H. Gottschak Glen Ridge, PA<br />
Oksana Herus<br />
Eastchester, NY<br />
I. Hron Osprey, FL<br />
Z. Iwanonko Vestal, NY<br />
A. Jakubowycz Brecksville, OH<br />
M. Kebalo Briarwood, NY<br />
Andrea Kochanowsky Wayne, NJ<br />
W. Kornylo Rochester, NY<br />
T. Krupa Morristown, NJ<br />
J. Krupinski Scranton, PA<br />
S. Krysalka Mason, GA<br />
Mary Ann Kulish Bayonne, NJ<br />
T. Kulyk Plaut City, FL<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> Press Fund: December<br />
Bill Laschuk<br />
San Francisco, CA<br />
J. Lipsky Dearfield Beach, FL<br />
Michael Lotocky Huntington Beach, CA<br />
I. Lysyj Austin, TX<br />
Andrij Maryniuk Bay Harbor Island, FL<br />
A. Motyl New York, NY<br />
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Arnold Rudakewych Lorton, VA<br />
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D. Stachiw Middlesex, NJ<br />
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Larysa Szanc-Smarsh Brooklyn, NY<br />
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Brooklyn, NY<br />
W. Wowchuk Hawthorn Woods, IL<br />
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P. Wychrij Naples, FL<br />
$20.00 R. Bilak Kenosha, WI<br />
Lana Ginsberg Round Rock, TX<br />
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Natalka Maciukenas Portland, OR<br />
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G. Polansky Strongsville, OH<br />
$15.00 N. Bobak Meadowbrook, PA<br />
M. Bohdan Union, NJ<br />
J. Bortnyk Forked River, NJ<br />
Roman Drozd<br />
Broadview Heights, OH<br />
Lidia Jacynicz North Port, FL<br />
Roman Kokolskyj Sicklerville, NJ<br />
<strong>The</strong>odore Kuzio Granby, CT<br />
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G. Mutlos Halandale Beach, FL<br />
A. Rudakewych Lorton, VA<br />
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Jury and Helen Trenkler North Providence, RI<br />
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Matawan, NJ<br />
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$13.00 H. Wright Springfield, MA<br />
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W. Gerent W. Hartford, CT<br />
A. Goot Moretown, VT<br />
Olga Karmazyn Aliquippa, PA<br />
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Christine Matiash Corpus Christi, TX<br />
Peter Melnycky Edmonton, AB<br />
H. Mess Cincinnati, OH<br />
M. Myers Rochester, NY<br />
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A. Strilbyckyj Fort Wayne, IN<br />
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Jurkiewicz<br />
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Osnova <strong>Ukrainian</strong> FCU Parma, OH<br />
M. Plaskonos Hamden, CT<br />
Victor Rosynsky Ortonville, MI<br />
Lubomyr Zapar Chesterfield, VA<br />
$2.50 R. Korchynsky Horseheads, NY<br />
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TOTAL: $3,954.50<br />
Sincere thanks to all contributors to <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
<strong>Weekly</strong> Press Fund.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> Press Fund is the only fund<br />
dedicated exclusively to supporting the work of this<br />
publication.
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FORUM<br />
Jersey City UAYA members bring “koliada” to the UNA<br />
Mission<br />
Statement<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National<br />
Association exists:<br />
• to promote the principles of<br />
fraternalism;<br />
• to preserve the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>,<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> American and<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian heritage and<br />
culture; and<br />
• to provide quality financial<br />
services and products to its members.<br />
As a fraternal insurance society,<br />
the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National<br />
Association reinvests its earnings<br />
for the benefit of its members and<br />
the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community.<br />
Roma Hadzewycz<br />
PARSIPPANY, N.J. – Carolers, or “koliadnyky,” from the Jersey City, N.J., branch of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Youth<br />
Association, paid a visit to the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association’s Home Office on <strong>January</strong> 17. <strong>The</strong> group (seen above) sang<br />
carols, recited poetry and offered best wishes for the Christmas and New Year season to the employees of the UNA and its<br />
publications, Svoboda and <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>.<br />
UNA Branch 241 facilitates visit by St. Nicholas<br />
Read the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
National Association’s<br />
newspapers online:<br />
www.ukrweekly.com<br />
www.svoboda-news.com<br />
WOONSOCKET, R.I. – <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association Branch 241 in Woonsocket, R.I., hosted its annual St. Nicholas/<br />
Christmas party for the children of St. Michael’s <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church. Msgr. Roman Golemba and Janet Bardell, branch<br />
secretary, greeted the youngsters. Lydia Kusma Minyayluk and Lydia Zuk Klufas programmed the event with poems and<br />
songs. <strong>The</strong> parents prepared a delicious lunch. John Tkach, as well as several of the children, provided the musical entertainment.<br />
Of course, the highlight of the event came when St. Nicholas presented gifts to the eager children.<br />
– Lydia Z. Klufas<br />
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position, along with salary requirements, to: Editor-in-<br />
Chief, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>, 2200 Route 10, P.O. Box<br />
280, Parsippany, NJ 07054; or to staff@ukrweekly.com.<br />
THE UNA: 116 YEARS OF SERVICE TO OUR COMMUNITY
6<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />
A notable 20th anniversary<br />
Twenty years ago, on <strong>January</strong> 13, 1991, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>’s Kyiv Press<br />
Bureau was born. We noted that major milestone in our <strong>January</strong> 20, 1991, issue with a<br />
simple story on page 3 headlined “<strong>Weekly</strong> correspondent now in Kiev” (yes, that’s<br />
how we all used to spell the name of Ukraine’s capital city…). <strong>The</strong> lead read: “Marta<br />
Kolomayets, an associate editor of <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>, arrived on Sunday, <strong>January</strong><br />
13, in Kiev, where she will serve as a correspondent for <strong>The</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> and set up the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association’s press bureau.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> move was months in the making – and not a simple undertaking at that. It<br />
came about as a result of a resolution adopted at the UNA’s May 1990 convention<br />
which stated: “<strong>The</strong> convention urges the UNA Executive Committee to look into<br />
establishing a bureau in Kiev and/or Lviv which would provide direct news service on<br />
a regular basis to our UNA publications.” Our efforts to establish the bureau began in<br />
earnest in October 1990 when a UNA delegation (composed of Supreme President<br />
Ulana Diachuk, Supreme Secretary Walter Sochan, and Supreme Advisors Eugene<br />
Iwanciw and Roma Hadzewycz) attending the second congress of Rukh met with officials<br />
of the Foreign Affairs Ministry. Several months of dealing with red tape followed<br />
– it was, after all, still the Soviet era – and there were times when we thought our plans<br />
would come to naught. In the end, our persistence paid off.<br />
To say 1991 was an exciting year is an understatement. Our September 1 edition<br />
carried a big, bold headline: “Ukraine declares independence.” Three months later, our<br />
December 8 issue reported the results of the December 1 referendum on Ukraine’s<br />
independence with the headline “INDEPENDENCE” in 80-point type capital letters.<br />
Ms. Kolomayets reported on the USSR-wide referendum on a new union treaty and<br />
the poll on Ukraine’s state sovereignty, the return of the primate of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Catholic Church, Cardinal Mstyslav Lubachivsky and the rebirth of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Autocephalous Orthodox Church with Patriarch Mstyslav I at the helm. When Leonid<br />
Kravchuk, chairman of Ukraine’s Parliament, traveled to the U.S., Ms. Kolomayets<br />
was right there, on his plane with his entourage, reporting every move.<br />
Chrystyna Lapychak, who took the next six-month assignment, reported on<br />
President George Bush’s visit to Kyiv (and his “Chicken Kiev” speech), the dissolution<br />
of the Communist Party of Ukraine, the failed Soviet coup from Ukraine’s perspective,<br />
Ukraine’s proclamation of independence on August 24, 1991, and the<br />
December 1 vote that overwhelmingly approved independence and elected the newly<br />
independent county’s first president.<br />
And there were so many other major developments under the Kravchuk, Kuchma,<br />
Yushchenko and Yanukovych administrations that were reported from Kyiv by <strong>The</strong><br />
<strong>Weekly</strong>’s staffers. Ms. Kolomayets returned to Ukraine for several more tours; others<br />
who served as our Kyiv Press Bureau correspondents were: Khristina Lew and<br />
Roman Woronowycz (both did several tours of duty), as well as Andrew Nynka. Our<br />
current Kyiv editor, Zenon Zawada, has been on duty since 2005, except for a brief<br />
interlude in <strong>January</strong>-August 2008, when our bureau continued its work thanks to our<br />
Kyivan colleague Illya M. Labunka, who filled in admirably (during the summer he<br />
had the assistance of intern Danylo Peleschuk).<br />
For two decades our Kyiv Press Bureau has proven its worth countless times as it<br />
delivered the news that our community needed and wanted straight from the scene. It<br />
provided news and analyses that were simply unavailable elsewhere at a critical time in<br />
Ukraine’s history. Today it faithfully, responsibly and steadfastly continues its mission.<br />
For that, Dear Readers, we give kudos to all of our Kyiv correspondents and thanks<br />
to our publisher, the UNA, for this huge contribution to Ukraine and <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />
everywhere. Happy anniversary to our Kyiv Press Bureau!<br />
Feb.<br />
1<br />
2010<br />
Turning the pages back...<br />
Last year, Ukraine’s former President Leonid Kuchma said in<br />
an interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) on<br />
February 1, 2010, that Ukraine’s political system was dysfunctional<br />
and needed an infusion of fresh talent.<br />
Mr. Kuchma told Dmitry Volcheck of RFE/RL’s Russian Service that regardless of who<br />
won the February 7, 2010, runoff between Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and Viktor<br />
Yanukovych, Ukraine’s political institutions would remain incapable of dealing with the<br />
country’s pressing problems. “…Whatever the outcome [of the runoff elections], it will not<br />
bring political stability or resolve any economic problems in the country,” he observed.<br />
<strong>The</strong> promise of the 2004 Orange Revolution, he said, remained unfulfilled because of the<br />
bickering between President Viktor Yushchenko and Prime Minister Tymoshenko, destroying<br />
the people’s trust in the government’s ability to implement permanent positive reforms.<br />
Mr. Kuchma, who was president of Ukraine from 1994 to 2005, saw the stabilization of<br />
the country, but his regime is also accused of widespread corruption and of stifling the<br />
nascent free press. He is also suspected of involvement in the disappearance of the opposition<br />
journalist Heorhii Gongadze.<br />
Ukraine’s foreign policy agenda of Euro-integration under President Yushchenko, Mr.<br />
Kuchma said, accented the divisions between the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-speaking western regions and<br />
the largely Russian-speaking east. This differed from President Kuchma’s multi-vector foreign<br />
policy, which tried to maintain good relations with both Russia and the West.<br />
Regardless of how close Kyiv’s relations become with Moscow, there is little risk that<br />
Ukraine will imitate Russia’s authoritarian political model, Mr. Kuchma said.<br />
“I’m absolutely confident that such fears are groundless. Ukraine is really not Russia and<br />
we have different a mentality,” Mr. Kuchma said. “<strong>The</strong>re are three bosses for every two<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s, that’s true, and there is always some struggle at every level. So, I don’t think<br />
such a threat exists. Moreover, our parliamentary-presidential model protects the country<br />
from dictatorship.”<br />
Source: “Kuchma says Ukraine’s political system is dysfunctional,” (RFE/RL), <strong>The</strong><br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>, February 7, 2010.<br />
COMMENTARY<br />
Selective justice in Ukraine<br />
by Mykola Riabchuk<br />
A prison cell might be not the best place<br />
to spend the New Year and Christmas holidays.<br />
But for a good number of top<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> officials, including former<br />
Internal Affairs Minister Yuri Lutsenko and<br />
former Minister of the Economy Bohdan<br />
Danylyshyn, this was exactly the place<br />
where they had to relax and meditate on the<br />
whims of fortune.<br />
It comes as little surprise that virtually all<br />
of them belong to the “Orange” camp that is<br />
today’s political opposition. <strong>The</strong>ir leader, the<br />
former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko,<br />
was also summoned to the Procurator<br />
General’s Office but was spared arrest on<br />
condition she would not leave the city during<br />
the pending investigation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> tough measures against corrupt<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> officials might be well-received,<br />
both domestically and internationally insofar<br />
as Ukraine is one of the most corrupt<br />
countries in the world and the least attractive<br />
country in Europe for foreign investors.<br />
Any cause for cheer, however, soon fades<br />
away once we take a closer look at the who,<br />
how and why of the allegedly anti-graft<br />
measures.<br />
Who?<br />
<strong>The</strong> entire Party of Regions can be<br />
broadly perceived as a mafia-style organization<br />
with tight inner discipline and immeasurable<br />
shadow resources. And its power<br />
base, the Donbas region, has a well-earned<br />
reputation of a local Sicily. Whatever might<br />
have been the past of the party and of this<br />
region there are no signs that their present is<br />
any different.<br />
Ukraine’s president, Viktor Yanukovych,<br />
has never been absolved from the murky<br />
privatization of a huge government-owned<br />
estate near Kyiv, nor has he managed to cast<br />
off a parvenu lust for luxury cars, helicopters<br />
and other overpriced things bought with<br />
government money – despite broadly trumpeted<br />
austerity measures.<br />
Like master, like servants. His ministers,<br />
governors, mayors and other clerks have no<br />
restraint in their love for la dolce vita –<br />
apparently at the expense of the state. Every<br />
day the Internet carries something new<br />
about their extravagance, both at home and<br />
abroad.<br />
<strong>The</strong> deputy head of the president’s<br />
administration wears diamond watches<br />
worth $50,000 each and claims candidly<br />
that this is just an innocent birthday present<br />
from her party comrades, one of whom,<br />
incidentally, happens to be the mayor of<br />
Kharkiv, and the other a vice prime minister.<br />
Another mayor purchases benches for the<br />
city metro at $8,000 each – so that another<br />
diamond watch as a gift would certainly not<br />
be a problem. <strong>The</strong> head of DUSia (a Soviet<br />
relic that runs multiple facilities and supplies<br />
for the ruling nomenklatura) purchased<br />
a lawnmower for the national deputies’ hospital<br />
at a cost of $500,000. One can guess<br />
how many lawnmowers he could buy for<br />
this money on the free market.<br />
Few care about the fact that the head of<br />
the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) runs<br />
multiple private businesses; the vice prime<br />
minister in charge of investment and innovation<br />
endorses <strong>30</strong>0 million hrv for his own<br />
Mykola Riabchuk is an author and journalist<br />
from Ukraine, and a leading intellectual<br />
who is affiliated with the journal<br />
Krytyka.<br />
<strong>The</strong> article above is reprinted from the<br />
blog “Current Politics in Ukraine” (http://<br />
ukraineanalysis.wordpress.com/) created by<br />
the Stasiuk Program for the Study of<br />
Contemporary Ukraine, a program of the<br />
Canadian Institute of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Studies at<br />
the University of Alberta.<br />
enterprises; the prime minister responds<br />
favorably to the request of the Orthodox<br />
bishop (of the Moscow Patriarchate) lobbying<br />
for trade preferences for some Russian<br />
company, and so on. No one is prosecuted,<br />
fired or even reprimanded.<br />
<strong>The</strong> only rebuke that has occurred to date<br />
would make one laugh – or cry, depending<br />
on one’s sensitivity. It comes from a conversation<br />
between the two ministers recorded<br />
secretly by a journalist in the Parliament.<br />
One of them, Andriy Kliuyev, was in charge<br />
of construction of a fast road for the president<br />
to his rancho. He naturally used the<br />
occasion to stretch the road for a dozen<br />
more kilometers to his own estate. Borys<br />
Kolesnikov, his colleague, can be overheard<br />
chastising him – but not for the embezzlement<br />
of state funds. On the contrary, Mr.<br />
Kliuyev’s faux pas was much worse. He<br />
failed to extend the super highway for a few<br />
more kilometers to Mr Kolesnikov’s dacha<br />
nearby.<br />
This probably says enough about the<br />
team that is fighting corruption in Ukraine<br />
as well as about the ultimate prospects of<br />
this fight.<br />
Yet, one more actor of this tragicomedy<br />
should be mentioned. Viktor Pshonka, the<br />
new procurator general, heralds from<br />
Donetsk, as do most top officials. <strong>The</strong>re,<br />
reportedly, he made his career under Mr.<br />
Yanukovych’s governorship, providing a<br />
reliable legal service for good people. In<br />
2000, he became notorious as a person who<br />
allegedly tried to cover up the brutal murder<br />
of investigative journalist Ihor Aleksandrov.<br />
A vagrant was found who confessed to the<br />
crime, but no serious evidence was presented<br />
in court and the poor man was released,<br />
only to die shortly afterwards under mysterious<br />
circumstances. Remarkably, the last<br />
case investigated by Mr. Aleksandrov before<br />
his death was about alleged connections<br />
between Mr. Pshonka’s son Artem and local<br />
criminal bosses.<br />
Even if these allegations are false, the<br />
very way in which Mr. Pshonka understands<br />
his professional duty and the essence of the<br />
judiciary within the power structure leaves<br />
little doubt concerning his current and prospective<br />
role in Ukraine. In a recent TV discussion,<br />
he stated frankly: “As the procurator<br />
general, I am a member of the president’s<br />
team [eager] to implement all his<br />
decisions.” Enough said.<br />
How and why?<br />
<strong>The</strong> answer to this question comes mainly<br />
from the answer to the previous one. On<br />
the one hand, it is quite clear that the ruling<br />
team members, including the president, are<br />
not going to refrain in any noticeable way<br />
from their deeply rooted habits. On the<br />
other, it is also clear that the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> procurator<br />
– as a loyal member of this very team<br />
– would be neither willing nor able to<br />
restrain those habits from the outside.<br />
Political opposition and an independent<br />
mass media might be the only obstacles for<br />
the ruling team in its drive for uncontrolled<br />
accumulation of wealth and power. So, their<br />
destruction is a strategic goal for all branches<br />
of the government that are fully subordinated<br />
now to the president. <strong>The</strong> more this<br />
destruction can be represented as a fight<br />
against corruption, the better.<br />
<strong>The</strong> government is effectively killing two<br />
birds with one stone. It represses and<br />
destroys the opposition on seemingly nonpolitical<br />
grounds and, at the same time, it<br />
distracts people’s attention from its own<br />
misdeeds and even wins some popularity<br />
for purportedly re-establishing law and<br />
order. <strong>The</strong> short-term gains of this policy are<br />
undeniable. <strong>The</strong> long-term goals are simply<br />
not on the agenda of this band of political<br />
(Continued on page 22)
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
7<br />
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR<br />
Kurylas design:<br />
simple, elegant<br />
Dear Editor:<br />
Thank you for publishing Laryssa<br />
Kurylas’ description of her proposed<br />
Holodomor monument in Washington.<br />
What better memorial to those of our<br />
brothers and sisters who starved even<br />
though they lived in the breadbasket of<br />
Europe!<br />
<strong>The</strong> concept is beautiful, and the<br />
design simple and elegant. I am convinced<br />
that the monument as envisioned<br />
by Ms. Kurylas would draw the attention<br />
of many who would also read the story<br />
behind its erection.<br />
I hope there will be enough support in<br />
the diaspora to get this project under way.<br />
Christine Paclawskyj<br />
Kensington, Md.<br />
Thanks for articles<br />
on five designs<br />
Dear Editor:<br />
I would like to thank you for publishing<br />
the two articles concerning the proposed<br />
design for the Holodomor<br />
Memorial in Washington, (December 5,<br />
2010).<br />
I would especially like to commend<br />
you for your excellent editorial on<br />
December 19, 2010, concerning this very<br />
important matter. <strong>The</strong> lack of full information<br />
and transparency concerning this<br />
project is “deeply troubling” indeed. It is<br />
particularly so because increasingly it is<br />
becoming apparent that if the memorial is<br />
to be completed on time, much if not all<br />
the financing for this project will be<br />
borne by our community.<br />
<strong>The</strong> U.S. National Holodomor<br />
Committee has already paid about $100,<br />
000 for the preliminary studies of the<br />
memorial site, as required by D.C. regulations.<br />
However, the construction of the<br />
memorial is ultimately paid for, it is<br />
imperative that the U.S. National<br />
Holodomor Committee have an input<br />
regarding the design of the memorial.<br />
As of today, the committee has not<br />
been convened to decide which of the<br />
proposed designs it would recommend to<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> authorities.<br />
For my part, I showed the proposed<br />
designs for the Holodomor memorial to<br />
the executive committee of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
American Coordinating Council at its<br />
quarterly meeting on March 21, 2010.<br />
<strong>The</strong> committee unanimously chose the<br />
entry by the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American architect<br />
Larysa Kurylas as by far the one that<br />
most successfully conveys this great<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> tragedy of 1932-1933, not only<br />
in a most poignant and original manner<br />
but in a way that also manages to give the<br />
memorial an unmistakably <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
character while simultaneously achieving<br />
a vision that is on the same high level<br />
with the timeless designs of the best of<br />
the modern public monuments in the capital.<br />
Ihor Gawdiak<br />
Columbia, Md.<br />
<strong>The</strong> letter-writer is president of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Coordinating<br />
Council and vice-chairman of the U.S.<br />
National Holodomor Committee.<br />
A suggestion<br />
for diaspora<br />
Dear Editor:<br />
In view of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> President Viktor<br />
Yanukovych’s announcement that Stepan<br />
Bandera’s Hero of Ukraine award has<br />
now been officially revoked, I have this<br />
suggestion for diaspora <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s.<br />
From now on, resolutely refuse to<br />
accept any honorary awards and citations<br />
bestowed on them by Ukraine’s government<br />
or by any institutions closely linked<br />
to it.<br />
And do so for as long as that<br />
Russophile government continues its policy<br />
of strident anti-<strong>Ukrainian</strong>ism, falsification<br />
of history, and degradation of<br />
Ukraine’s hard-won democracy.<br />
Roman Czajkowsky<br />
New York<br />
A thesis writer<br />
seeks information<br />
Dear Editor:<br />
My name is Danielle Granville. I’m<br />
an American of non-<strong>Ukrainian</strong> descent,<br />
working on a D.Phil. in Politics at Oxford<br />
University (although I’m currently based<br />
in Washington, D.C.). My thesis explores<br />
the nature of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> diaspora communities’<br />
involvement in the Holodomor<br />
genocide recognition campaign.<br />
I’m interested in talking to anyone<br />
who’s been involved with this campaign<br />
in Great Britain or North America, or<br />
who has particular views on the topic. I<br />
can contact you either on the phone/<br />
Skype or via email. I’d love to learn<br />
more about how you became involved in<br />
this campaign and how you’ve pursued<br />
recognition; what you see as the goals of<br />
the campaign; how you feel about the<br />
level of recognition in Ukraine; what you<br />
see as the campaign’s greatest successes<br />
and obstacles; and much more.<br />
I can be reached at danielle.granville@<br />
gmail.com to set up a time to talk. All<br />
conversations will be conducted in<br />
English. Thanks in advance for your<br />
time and assistance.<br />
Danielle Granville<br />
Washington<br />
We welcome your opinion<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> welcomes letters<br />
to the editor and commentaries on a variety<br />
of topics of concern to the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
American and <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian communities.<br />
Opinions expressed by columnists,<br />
commentators and letter-writers are<br />
their own and do not necessarily reflect<br />
the opinions of either <strong>The</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> editorial<br />
staff or its publisher, the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
National Association.<br />
Letters should be typed and signed<br />
(anonymous letters are not published).<br />
Letters are accepted also via e-mail at<br />
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Please note that a daytime phone number<br />
is essential in order for editors to contact<br />
letter-writers regarding clarifications or<br />
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Please note: THE LENGTH OF<br />
LETTERS CANNOT EXCEED 500<br />
WORDS.<br />
From a Canadian Angle<br />
by Oksana Bashuk Hepburn<br />
<strong>The</strong> best and worst list: 2010<br />
Almost everyone has a favorite list this<br />
time of year – best movies, best books,<br />
persons of the year. For the eight year,<br />
here is my best and worst list comprising<br />
governments, individuals, publications<br />
and organizations that had an impact, for<br />
better or for worse, on the global<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> community in 2010.<br />
10 best<br />
1. Ukraine’s Kyiv Appellate Court – for<br />
finding Joseph Stalin, Viacheslav<br />
Molotov, Lazar Kaganovich, Pavlo<br />
Postyshev, Stanislav Kosior, Vlas Chubar,<br />
and Mendel Khatayevych responsible for<br />
the Holodomor, the genocidal starvation<br />
of some 10 million <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s; and then<br />
President Viktor Yushchenko – for calling<br />
for the creation of an international tribunal<br />
on Communist crimes.<br />
2. Canada’s Prime Minister Stephen<br />
Harper – for showing Western states how<br />
to deal with Ukraine’s threatened democracy:<br />
raise trade issues without compromising<br />
democratic values.<br />
3. Independent-minded <strong>Ukrainian</strong> journalists<br />
– for ongoing resistance to pressures<br />
undermining objective reporting, in<br />
particular their decision to boycott<br />
Mykhailo Checherov, Party of Regions,<br />
for lying about its members beating up<br />
four opposition deputies in Parliament;<br />
and Reporters Without Borders – for monitoring<br />
and warning against the decline.<br />
4. FOX media and Glenn Beck – for<br />
global exposure of atrocities committed<br />
by Communist regimes including<br />
Holodomor, in the series “Holocaust: Live<br />
Free or Die.”<br />
5. President Viktor Yanukovych – for<br />
reversing his position on Holodomor by<br />
partially reinstating the information on the<br />
president’s website in response to citizen’s<br />
pressure; a good sign in a democratic<br />
leader.<br />
6. Patriarch Filaret of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate –<br />
for mounting a robust 1021 anniversary of<br />
Christianity celebration as an antidote to<br />
the state’s Moscow Patriarch-adheringorthodox-only<br />
event with Russia’s religious<br />
and political hierarchy in attendance.<br />
7. Vera Fermiga – for using her considerable<br />
global vantage point as an<br />
Academy Award nominated actress to<br />
cheer her <strong>Ukrainian</strong> roots.<br />
8. <strong>The</strong> Rev. Dr. Borys Gudziak, rector,<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic University – for documenting<br />
the state’s intervention in the<br />
right of assembly creating a worldwide<br />
reaction to limitations on freedoms<br />
imposed by the government.<br />
9. C o m m e n t a t o r s l i k e Ye v h e n<br />
Sverstiuk, Alexander Motyl and Askold<br />
Lozynskyj – for providing opinion leadership<br />
on important yet underexposed issues<br />
vital to Ukraine as well as global peace<br />
and security.<br />
10. Timothy Snyder, Yale University<br />
historian – for shedding much needed<br />
light on the horrific toll of World War II in<br />
Ukraine and the gargantuan evils of two<br />
dictators equally responsible for the<br />
crimes in his book “Bloodlands: Between<br />
Hitler and Stalin.”<br />
10 worst<br />
1. “Patriotic” <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s – for failing to<br />
deliver a pro-Western president by denying<br />
Yulia Tymoshenko the 5 percent needed<br />
to beat pro-Russian Viktor<br />
Yanukovych, in particular members of<br />
President Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine<br />
party, women voters and the so-called<br />
“elite,” including writer Oksana<br />
Zabuzhko, who wasted her vote and<br />
served as an example for others by voting<br />
“for no one.”<br />
2. Ex-president Viktor Yushchenko –<br />
for ensuring the elections of a pro-Russian<br />
president by endorsing constitutional<br />
changes three days before the vote; urging<br />
voters to invalidate their ballots by voting<br />
“for no one,” and relentlessly undermining<br />
the pro-Western contender, Ms.<br />
Tymoshenko, (including by calling her<br />
“the worst mistake of my presidency.”)<br />
3. <strong>The</strong> Kharkiv agreements – for legitimizing<br />
a pro-Russian rather than what-isbest-for-Ukraine<br />
option including the<br />
25-year extension of the Russian Black<br />
Sea Fleet’s lease in Crimea and dropping<br />
consideration of NATO membership for<br />
Ukraine.<br />
4. Dmytro Tabachnyk, minister of education<br />
– for reverting to blunt Soviet-style<br />
governance minimizing Soviet abuses<br />
denigrating patriotic <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s and<br />
changing history texts to favor Russia’s<br />
world view.<br />
5. President Yanukovych – for failing<br />
to dismiss anti-<strong>Ukrainian</strong> ministers who<br />
openly spread discord among citizens, act<br />
as the fifth column for Russia and humiliate<br />
Ukraine globally.<br />
6. Moscow Patriarch Kirill – for badguest<br />
behavior in Ukraine by mixing politics<br />
and religion, preaching reunification<br />
of Ukraine with Russia, and demanding a<br />
name change for Hetman Ivan Mazepa<br />
Street.<br />
7. Western states, in particular France<br />
and Germany – for their consistent refusal<br />
to bring Ukraine, the largest European<br />
country, closer to the West via NATO and<br />
the European Union, thus granting carte<br />
blanche to Russian hegemony in the<br />
neighborhood.<br />
8. Michael Ignatieff, Canada’s leader of<br />
the Opposition – for ongoing faux pas<br />
with the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian electorate,<br />
starting with slurs in his little book followed<br />
by an inadequate apology; a noshow<br />
at their major <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Festival in<br />
Toronto; and no appointments from the<br />
group to his shadow Cabinet.<br />
9. <strong>The</strong> decision-makers at the Canadian<br />
Human Rights Museum – for singling out<br />
two groups for preferential treatment, thus<br />
undermining the experiences of others<br />
suffering human rights abuses.<br />
10. Canada’s former Ambassador to<br />
Ukraine, and later Russia, Christopher<br />
Westdal – for undermining Prime<br />
Minister Stephen Harper’s defense of<br />
human rights in Ukraine and thus one of<br />
the central pillars of Canada’s foreign<br />
policy.<br />
A special citation goes to Prime<br />
Minister Vladimir Putin – for turning<br />
Russia into a bad neighbor lately sniping<br />
that Russia did not need <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s to<br />
win World War II. If he keeps up the<br />
antagonism, he may find himself on the<br />
best list next year as <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s wake up<br />
en masse to the nastiness behind the “big<br />
brother” façade, particularly those with<br />
family members who served in the Red<br />
Army from Stalingrad to Berlin – most<br />
of the population.<br />
Oksana Bashuk Hepburn is an international<br />
commentator and editor of a<br />
quarterly magazine. She may be contacted<br />
at oksanabh@sympatico.ca.
8<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
NEWS AND VIEWS<br />
Metropolitan Constantine Bohachevsky 1884-1961<br />
by Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak<br />
Fifty years ago, on <strong>January</strong> 6, 1961, Constantine<br />
Bohachevsky, the first metropolitan of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Catholic Church in the United States, died. He was 73<br />
years old and had been the Catholic bishop for <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />
in the United States for 37 years.<br />
Pope Pius XI appointed Bohachevsky bishop for<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholics in the United States in 1924, when<br />
Bohachevsky was barely 40.<br />
That appointment was part of a complex arrangement<br />
that permitted the Vatican to formalize its relations with<br />
the new Polish state that had taken power over western<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> territories. <strong>The</strong> Poles continued their shortsighted<br />
persecution of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in Halychyna, and the<br />
Church was no exception.<br />
Bohachevsky was especially singled out for his clearcut<br />
and principled stand on nationality issues. He had<br />
been arrested in 1919 by the Polish regime for organizing<br />
the Peremyshl community relief program and for refusing<br />
to use Polish in official documents. He was freed only<br />
after the personal intervention of the Vatican nuncio to<br />
Poland, Cardinal Achille Ratti – the future Pope Pius XI.<br />
In 1923 the Polish administration would not recognize<br />
Bohachevsky as the newly appointed vicar-general of<br />
Peremyshl Diocese. In turn Pope Pius XI would not sign a<br />
Concordat with a Poland that openly discriminated<br />
against <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholics, as evidenced by Poland’s<br />
opposition to Bohachevsky’s appointment. By appointing<br />
Bohachevsky bishop in the United States the pope’s hand<br />
was freed, at least for the time being.<br />
All <strong>Ukrainian</strong> attempts at independence, except for the<br />
dubious existence of the Soviet <strong>Ukrainian</strong> republic, had<br />
failed. <strong>The</strong> country was impoverished. Metropolitan<br />
Andrey Sheptytsky, who spent the immediate post-World<br />
War I years as the papal vicar to America was as shocked<br />
by the condition of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Church in the United<br />
States, as he was by the abject failure of all <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
attempts at ensuring statehood. Metropolitan Sheptytsky<br />
opposed the appointment of any of the priests already in<br />
the United States to the position of bishop, and the search<br />
was expanded to include all possible candidates.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> parishes in the United States, lacking a<br />
bishop with legal authority over property issues, were in<br />
disarray, and the position of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> clergy was<br />
very difficult. Although the Russian government could no<br />
longer buy parishes for Orthodoxy, the newly established<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Autocephalous Church exercised an attractive<br />
force for those Catholic <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s who became dissatisfied<br />
with their parish. Parishioners fought each other on<br />
many issues.<br />
One of the most contentious was the relationship<br />
between the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s who came from Halychyna, and<br />
those who came from Transcarpathian territories. <strong>The</strong> latter<br />
chose to keep using the old name for <strong>Ukrainian</strong> –<br />
Ruthenians. To minimize that very visible – even within<br />
the Roman Catholic community – conflict, Pope Pius XI<br />
appointed not one, but two <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic bishops for<br />
the United States: Vasyl Takach for the Carpatho-Rusyns<br />
and Bohachevsky for the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s.<br />
So, when Bishop Bohachevsky came to the United<br />
States from a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community destroyed by the war,<br />
he was faced with another poor and increasingly contentious<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> population, this time immigrant. <strong>The</strong> new<br />
bishop was not as impressed by America’s wealth, as he<br />
was devastated by the poverty of most <strong>Ukrainian</strong> immigrants.<br />
He realized that <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in the United States,<br />
despite all their sacrifices – often at the cost of their own<br />
and their children’s needs – would not be able to help<br />
Ukraine in any significant manner unless their own standard<br />
of living improved.<br />
Lacking monetary resources, he thought that could<br />
accomplished only by education. While others bemoaned<br />
the inevitable Americanization of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> immigrants<br />
and used their energy to work on collecting whatever<br />
funds they could for the home country and its diplomatic<br />
representations, Bishop Bohachevsky made two momentous<br />
decisions: one, he would build up the Church and not<br />
embroil it in the quarreling among the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> political<br />
factions; second, he would promote <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic<br />
education on all levels to help the faithful grow in faith<br />
and wisdom.<br />
Bohachevsky focused on being the Catholic bishop for<br />
the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> diocese. He would build up that diocese,<br />
assure a sustainable livelihood for the priests and establish<br />
an orderly administration. He realized early on that the<br />
immigrants to America would not return to Ukraine,<br />
regardless of their passionate statements to the contrary.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> immigration was becoming an integral part<br />
of the multinational fabric of American society, and the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> component should be a complementary one to<br />
the United States, and not in opposition to it.<br />
He reasoned that the Church could preserve the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic heritage for <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s, and at the<br />
same time present their <strong>Ukrainian</strong> rite and culture to<br />
Americans in the United States.<br />
<strong>The</strong> bishop argued that <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s needed schools to<br />
help them out of the cycle of poverty that life in the industrial<br />
centers held in store for them. <strong>The</strong>y needed their own<br />
Church and their own schools to enable them to live the<br />
American dream without losing their rich <strong>Ukrainian</strong> heritage.<br />
Bohachevsky realized that the Church in America<br />
would need priests who could minister to those who only<br />
knew Ukraine from the church hall. He immediately<br />
began work to establish a whole network of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Catholic schools, from kindergarten to college. It took<br />
time for the community to understand the bishop’s vision.<br />
<strong>The</strong> bishop enlisted the help of the Sisters of St. Basil<br />
Metropolitan Constantine Bohachevsky<br />
the Great, and together they built grammar schools and<br />
high schools throughout the country, as well as two colleges<br />
– one for men and a junior one for women.<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church in America grew to be<br />
strong and united. New dioceses were formed and<br />
Bohachevsky was raised to metropolitan-archbishop. He<br />
was in the midst of more plans for the Metropolitanate<br />
and its schools when he was suddenly stricken by a fatal<br />
heart attack on the eve of Christmas according to the old<br />
Julian calendar, which the cathedral still used.<br />
By that time, many parishes had voted to use the newer<br />
Gregorian calendar, which was prevalent in the world, but<br />
Bohachevsky had promised his faithful that the cathedral<br />
would adhere to the old calendar in its celebration as long<br />
as even one parish continued to opt for it. <strong>The</strong> metropolitan<br />
honored his promise to the minority.<br />
When Metropolitan Bohachevsky died he was universally<br />
praised for the incontrovertible achievements of his<br />
tenure. But the full story of his dedicated pastoral service<br />
during a stormy period of the community’s history has yet<br />
to be told. That story has many lessons for all <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />
in the United States, as well as in Ukraine.<br />
BOOK NOTES: New volume of Hrushevsky’s “History of Ukraine-Rus’ ”<br />
EDMONTON, Alberta – <strong>The</strong> ninth volume<br />
of Mykhailo Hrushevsky’s “History of<br />
Ukraine-Rus’ ” is by far the longest in the<br />
10-volume series. Written in the late 1920s,<br />
after Hrushevsky had returned to Ukraine<br />
from exile, the volume is dedicated to a crucial<br />
period of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> history: the rule of<br />
Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky.<br />
In the English translation of the history<br />
prepared by the Peter Jacyk Center for<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Historical Research at CIUS and<br />
published by CIUS Press, this large volume<br />
appears in three separate books. Book 1 of<br />
Volume 9 was published in 2005; Book 2,<br />
Part 1, appeared in 2008; and 2010 Book 2,<br />
Part 2 was made available to readers and<br />
scholars in 2010.<br />
This book was translated by Marta Daria<br />
Olynyk, a Montreal-based translator, editor<br />
and broadcaster. It was edited by the director<br />
of the Jacyk Center, Dr. Frank E. Sysyn, and<br />
the consulting editor for the book, Dr.<br />
Yaroslav Fedoruk, a senior scholar at the<br />
Mykhailo Hrushevsky Institute of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Archaeography and Source Studies, National<br />
Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in Kyiv,<br />
with the assistance of CIUS Press Senior<br />
Editor Myroslav Yurkevich.<br />
Other scholars who advised on terminological<br />
and historical issues include Victor<br />
Ostapchuk, Sándor Gebei, Eduard Baidaus,<br />
András Riedlmayer, Vasil Varonin, Pavlo<br />
Sodomora, Erika Banski, Vera Chentsova<br />
and Bert Hall.<br />
<strong>The</strong> preparation of this volume for publication<br />
was funded by a generous donation<br />
from the prominent physician and philanthropist<br />
Dr. Maria Fischer-Slysh (Etobicoke,<br />
Ontario) in memory of her parents, Dr. Adolf<br />
Slyz and Olha Slyz.<br />
Dr. Fischer-Slysh was born in Kolomyia<br />
in western Ukraine in 1922 and spent her<br />
childhood in the historic town of Belz before<br />
moving with her family to Lviv in 1933. She<br />
attended the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Academic<br />
Gymnasium in Lviv, but after the Soviet<br />
occupation of western Ukraine she fled with<br />
her family and finished her secondary education<br />
in Kholm. She completed her medical<br />
studies in Munich in 1949 and emigrated<br />
with her family to the United States in 1950.<br />
She practiced as a pediatrician in<br />
Kankakee, Ill. In 1959 she married Dr.<br />
Rudolf Fischer, who was born in Straubing,<br />
Bavaria, and completed his medical studies<br />
at the Humboldt University in Berlin. Dr.<br />
Fischer passed away in 1982. Dr. Fischer-<br />
Slysh now resides in Toronto.<br />
She is a long-time member of the board<br />
of directors of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Medical<br />
Association of North America in Chicago,<br />
head of the Friends of the Academic<br />
Gymnasium in the Diaspora, and a board<br />
member of the Canadian Society of the<br />
Friends of Ukraine. She is also a member of<br />
the Shevchenko Scientific Society and the<br />
League of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Philanthropists.<br />
A generous donor to numerous scholarly<br />
undertakings in Ukraine and Canada, she has<br />
made the largest donation in the history of<br />
the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic University, an institution<br />
that is cooperating with CIUS in the<br />
new Petro Jacyk Program for the Study of<br />
Modern Society and History. In addition to<br />
this volume, Dr. Fischer-Slysh is sponsoring<br />
the publication of Volume 5 of Hrushevsky’s<br />
history.<br />
This tome, in which Hrushevsky analyzes<br />
the last two years of Hetman Khmelnytsky’s<br />
rule, consists of the final chapters (10–13) of<br />
Volume 9. Hrushevsky presents the most<br />
comprehensive discussion to date of<br />
Khmelnytsky’s foreign policy in the aftermath<br />
of the Treaty of Pereiaslav (1654), a<br />
topic closed to research in Soviet Ukraine<br />
from the 19<strong>30</strong>s to the 1980s.<br />
He also discusses Khmelnytsky’s<br />
renewed efforts to annex the western<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> territories and to control the<br />
Belarusian lands conquered by the Kozaks.<br />
(Continued on page 22)
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
9<br />
NEWS AND VIEWS<br />
Ukraine’s courts and the importance of acknowledging precedents<br />
by Bohdan A. Futey<br />
Ukraine’s Constitutional Court recently<br />
overturned the “political reform” of<br />
2004 that had dramatically altered the<br />
country’s system of government. Only a<br />
year and a half prior to that, however, the<br />
court refused to hear a similar procedural<br />
challenge to that reform. This change, of<br />
course, may cause legal confusion. In<br />
future decisions, the court should recognize<br />
the value of consistency that comes<br />
from respecting and acknowledging prior<br />
decisions.<br />
In Europe and around the world, many<br />
countries follow the civil law system,<br />
rather than the common law. Common<br />
law systems are hierarchical and unified,<br />
with a single high court atop the hierarchy,<br />
while civil law judicial systems<br />
sometimes lack a unified court system<br />
and instead rely on separate, specialized<br />
courts.<br />
In the present era of globalization,<br />
however, the distinction between the two<br />
systems has become blurred, and common<br />
law and civil law countries have<br />
incorporated some shared features. <strong>The</strong><br />
aim of either judicial system is to provide<br />
stability through the consistent application<br />
of the law and adherence to the<br />
Constitution, since arbitrary decisions<br />
can instill uncertainty and confusion not<br />
only in legal circles but also among the<br />
people of a given country and the international<br />
community.<br />
As a common law system, the United<br />
States and its experience with precedent<br />
should therefore be relevant to ensuring<br />
consistency in Ukraine’s legal system.<br />
In the United States, courts engage<br />
with precedent via the doctrine of stare<br />
decisis. Under this doctrine, appellate<br />
courts generally adhere to decisions of<br />
their own court, although they have the<br />
power to overturn those prior decisions.<br />
<strong>The</strong> United States Supreme Court has<br />
noted that following precedent “promotes<br />
the even-handed, predictable and consistent<br />
development of legal principles, fosters<br />
reliance on judicial decisions, and<br />
contributes to the actual and perceived<br />
integrity of the judicial process.” <strong>The</strong><br />
court also has written that the doctrine is<br />
“not an inexorable command” and that a<br />
court may correct “unworkable” or<br />
“badly reasoned” decisions.<br />
Because judges are not absolutely<br />
bound by precedent, courts sometimes<br />
consider the policies of stare decisis<br />
when ruling on cases. Three of those policies<br />
are relevant here. First, following<br />
precedent helps to ensure that statutes<br />
and rules are interpreted consistently and<br />
uniformly. Second, following precedent<br />
ensures predictable outcomes and discourages<br />
arbitrary decisions that vary<br />
from case to case. Third, the doctrine promotes<br />
judicial efficiency. If, in every<br />
case, a court had to write on a blank slate<br />
Bohdan A. Futey is a Judge on the<br />
United States Court of Federal Claims in<br />
Washington, appointed by President<br />
Ronald Reagan in May 1987. Judge<br />
Futey has been active in various rule of<br />
law and democratization programs in<br />
Ukraine since 1991. He has participated<br />
in judicial exchange programs, seminars<br />
and workshops, and has been a consultant<br />
to the working group on Ukraine’s<br />
Constitution and the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Parliament. He also served as an official<br />
observer during the parliamentary elections<br />
in 1994, 1998, 2002, and 2006, and<br />
presidential elections in 1994, 1999,<br />
2004 and 2010, and conducted briefings<br />
on Ukraine’s election law and guidelines<br />
for international observers.<br />
when determining the correct rule of law,<br />
the judicial system might collapse under<br />
the inevitable delays.<br />
Overturning “political reform”<br />
<strong>The</strong> decision of the Constitutional<br />
Court of Ukraine on the country’s “political<br />
reform” is an abrupt change of course.<br />
Although the substance of that decision<br />
was correct, the court should have<br />
explained in full its reasons for departing<br />
from its prior, recent rulings on this exact<br />
subject. <strong>The</strong> failure to do so, and the<br />
uncertainty created by the recent decisions,<br />
threatens legal chaos.<br />
<strong>The</strong> political reform was passed by the<br />
Verkhovna Rada in response to the fraudulent<br />
presidential run-off election in<br />
2004. <strong>The</strong> reform, embodied in Law No.<br />
2222-IV (the Law of Ukraine on<br />
Amending the Constitution of Ukraine),<br />
constituted a series of amendments to<br />
Ukraine’s Constitution. <strong>The</strong> amendments<br />
resolved the electoral crisis, but were<br />
hastily adopted and not passed in accordance<br />
with required constitutional procedures.<br />
According to a 2005 decision of<br />
the Constitutional Court, changes in the<br />
political system of Ukraine must be submitted<br />
to and approved by a national referendum,<br />
in addition to all other requirements.<br />
<strong>The</strong> political reform of 2004 was never<br />
subject to any such referendum. Many<br />
critics, including this writer believe that<br />
such a referendum was required because<br />
the reform changed the political system<br />
and converted Ukraine from a presidential<br />
system into a parliamentary system.<br />
<strong>The</strong> procedures for adopting the political<br />
reform were challenged as recently as<br />
2008. One hundred and two legislators<br />
petitioned the Constitutional Court to<br />
review the procedures for adopting Law<br />
No. 2222, but the court dismissed the<br />
challenge on February 8, 2008. <strong>The</strong> court<br />
ruled that when the law amending the<br />
Constitution became effective, its provisions<br />
were practically incorporated into<br />
the text of the Constitution. “Having<br />
become effective,” the court wrote, “the<br />
Law itself is functionless.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> Constitutional Court reversed<br />
course on September <strong>30</strong>, 2010. In decision<br />
№ 20-рп/2010, the court reviewed<br />
the constitutionality of the procedures for<br />
adopting the political reform. Without a<br />
proper explanation of why a challenge<br />
could now be brought to those procedures,<br />
the court found Law No. 2222<br />
invalid and restored the provisions of the<br />
Constitution of Ukraine that were amended,<br />
broadened, or excluded by Law No.<br />
2222.<br />
<strong>The</strong> decision is doubtlessly legitimate,<br />
since the procedures for enacting the<br />
political reform were unconstitutional.<br />
Despite that legitimacy, however, the<br />
decision has a number of far-reaching<br />
consequences.<br />
<strong>The</strong> decision may undermine the rule of<br />
law, since the court has now rendered<br />
inconsistent decisions. It is a risky practice<br />
for a democratic state to have its highest<br />
court issue conflicting decisions without<br />
thoroughly explaining that conflict. Legal<br />
reasoning can certainly change over time,<br />
but the court should have dealt with and<br />
explicitly invalidated its prior decisions to<br />
avoid legal inconsistency.<br />
Not so long ago I commented on the<br />
April 8, 2010, decision of the court concerning<br />
the possibility of forming a coalition<br />
by individual defecting deputies in<br />
the Verkhovna Rada. This decision<br />
reversed a decision of September 17,<br />
2008, dealing with the formation of coalitions.<br />
Legally, nothing had changed<br />
except for the government, and the sudden<br />
reversal raised questions of legitimacy.<br />
<strong>The</strong> recent change in course also raises<br />
issues of legal consistency and calls<br />
into question whether the judiciary has<br />
upheld the rule of law.<br />
<strong>The</strong> substance of the court’s decision<br />
restored the provisions of the 1996<br />
Constitution that were changed by Law<br />
No. 2222, but did so without including<br />
specific directives regarding the legitimacy<br />
of current state institutions. According<br />
to the court, reverting to the prior version<br />
of the Constitution ensures constitutional<br />
stability in Ukraine, and guarantees<br />
human rights and freedoms, as well as the<br />
integrity, inviolability and consistency of<br />
the Constitution as the supreme law of<br />
the land.<br />
Reversion without more, however, also<br />
throws into question the legitimacy and<br />
activity of all state bodies elected, convened<br />
or created during the last six years.<br />
This may impede future legal relations in<br />
the state, since people are uncertain<br />
which legal entities are legitimate and<br />
which have been overturned with the<br />
downfall of the political reform. <strong>The</strong><br />
court should have explained the legal<br />
force of laws and provisions adopted in<br />
accordance with the 2004 Constitution to<br />
avoid conflicts between rules of the 1996<br />
Constitution and laws adopted after the<br />
political reform became effective.<br />
In the coming months, Ukraine will<br />
have to confront one of the most apparent<br />
conflicts: elections. When do the parliamentary<br />
elections and elections to other<br />
state bodies take place? When will the<br />
presidential election take place? All of<br />
these officials were elected in accordance<br />
with the procedures established by a law<br />
that has now been ruled unconstitutional.<br />
Will the parliamentary elections be held<br />
in March <strong>2011</strong> (the last Sunday of the last<br />
year of terms) as foreseen in the 1996<br />
Constitution? Furthermore, pursuant to<br />
the 1996 Constitution, national deputies<br />
were elected for a four-year term, and the<br />
current composition of the Parliament<br />
was elected for five years.<br />
Unfortunately, the Constitutional Court<br />
kept silent about these and other questions.<br />
Respect for and confidence in the<br />
judiciary hinge on clear decision-making,<br />
and it is unfortunate that the<br />
Constitutional Court’s decision on a topic<br />
of such national importance left unanswered<br />
questions.<br />
IN THE PRESS: Ukraine’s leaders<br />
“Ukraine viewpoint: Novelist<br />
Andrey Kurkov,” BBC News, <strong>January</strong><br />
13:<br />
“…the coming months will certainly<br />
be busy for the country’s state prosecutors<br />
who have been told to draw up a list<br />
of illegal activities carried out by the government<br />
of former Prime Minister Yulia<br />
Tymoshenko. …<br />
“Yulia Tymoshenko is Mr. [Viktor]<br />
Yanukovych’s chief political opponent.<br />
“Unless her party is destroyed now,<br />
and unless she is prevented from standing<br />
at the next presidential elections, she will<br />
become Ukraine’s next president. …<br />
“It seems Mr. Yanukovych is little<br />
worried by Western or local views about<br />
the situation in the country. He has made<br />
encouraging statements about how<br />
Ukraine is striving towards the European<br />
Union, about how <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s will soon<br />
be able to travel to Schengen countries<br />
without a visa and about how democracy<br />
and free speech will continue to flourish<br />
in Ukraine.<br />
“But all the while, the president and<br />
those around him are clearly molding a<br />
Russian form of government and, if possible,<br />
they would like to reform the country<br />
into a ‘controlled democracy’ as in<br />
neighboring Russia. While a real opposition<br />
exists in the country, this is going to<br />
be very difficult. …”<br />
“Myroslava Gongadze: Yanukovych<br />
team may be ‘more brutal’ than<br />
Kuchma,” interview by Olesia<br />
Oleshko, Kyiv Post, <strong>January</strong> 21:<br />
“Kyiv Post: On <strong>January</strong> 13, Freedom<br />
House published a report saying that<br />
Ukraine had lost its democratic achievements.<br />
Does it mean that the West has<br />
finally officially recognized the decline<br />
of democratic freedoms and civil liberties<br />
in Ukraine?<br />
“Myroslava Gongadze: <strong>The</strong> West is<br />
totally aware of the usurpation of power<br />
by a certain political group that is pursuing<br />
its own financial interests. <strong>The</strong> thing<br />
is that the Western governments have<br />
already gotten used to the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
elite’s political manipulations and, frankly<br />
speaking, have no desire to interfere in<br />
that process. Of course, the West would<br />
like to have Ukraine develop as a democratic<br />
state, but neither Washington nor<br />
Brussels is going to do the job for<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s.<br />
“<strong>The</strong> West respects the people’s will in<br />
electing Yanukovych. But the recent<br />
reports on the situation in Ukraine, critical<br />
comments from Western experts and<br />
even state officials imply that the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> government went too far.<br />
Given the situation in authoritarian<br />
Russia and Belarus, the West is feeling<br />
that it’s losing its last hope for democracy<br />
and pluralism in Ukraine, which soon<br />
might lead to very sad consequences. <strong>The</strong><br />
repressions and prosecutions are becoming<br />
a bad disease in Ukraine, an abscess<br />
that will burst if not treated.”<br />
* * *<br />
“KP: Do you see any parallels<br />
between Ukraine now and Ukraine of<br />
2000?<br />
“MG: <strong>The</strong>re are a lot of parallels, but I<br />
have a feeling that the new authorities<br />
can and will be even more brutal than<br />
Kuchma’s regime. That’s why it’s so dangerous.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y are trying to persuade society<br />
that they won’t let up any time soon.<br />
“Was it possible to prevent all these<br />
events that are now taking place – raiding<br />
of businesses, arrests of opposition leaders,<br />
crackdown on human rights activists<br />
and political opponents? Yes, but the<br />
leaders of the Orange Revolution who<br />
pledged to put bandits in jail failed to fulfill<br />
their promise and establish the rule of<br />
law. Had they done so we would have<br />
had a totally different Ukraine. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
people should blame themselves first of<br />
all.”<br />
“Will Yanukovych oust nation’s top<br />
oligarchs?” by Anders Aslund, Kyiv<br />
Post, <strong>January</strong> 20:<br />
“<strong>The</strong> economic situation in Ukraine is<br />
quite easy to assess. President Viktor<br />
Yanukovych is fully in charge, and he is<br />
quickly consolidating power.<br />
“So far he is balancing between two<br />
oligarchic groups – the so-called<br />
RosUkrEnergo group and the Donetsk<br />
clan. <strong>The</strong> big question is whether he will<br />
continue to do so, or oust the oligarchs to<br />
(Continued on page 21)
10<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
11<br />
Ukraine's Unity Day...<br />
(Continued from page 1)<br />
Fesenko said indicated an interest in merging<br />
forces with the Front of Change for the<br />
next parliamentary elections, which are likely<br />
to occur in 2012.<br />
On the “maidan” (Independence Square),<br />
thousands of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s waved blue-andyellow<br />
flags and listened to a concert organized<br />
by the Kyiv City State Administration,<br />
which is led by Oleksander Popov of the<br />
Party of Regions.<br />
Former Presidents Leonid Kravchuk and<br />
Leonid Kuchma joined President<br />
Yanukovych and Prime Minister Mykola<br />
Azarov in attending a formal ceremony and<br />
concert held at the Ukrayina Palace. <strong>The</strong><br />
Yanukovych administration organized commemorations<br />
throughout Ukraine on<br />
<strong>January</strong> 22.<br />
“<strong>The</strong> government is trying to find its own<br />
format of humanitarian policy in order to<br />
neutralize the blame and criticisms,” Mr.<br />
Fesenko said. “It’s a separate issue whether<br />
that’s working.”<br />
Indeed, the Party of Regions has found<br />
that money works for most of its supporters.<br />
Journalists in Kyiv discovered that many<br />
participants were paid between $15 and<br />
$17.50 by the Party of Regions (led by Mr.<br />
Yanukovych) to attend the maidan rally and<br />
wave national flags.<br />
Alcohol occasionally works as well. <strong>The</strong><br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>’s correspondent<br />
Volodymyr Musyak reported that an alarming<br />
number of participants were intoxicated<br />
at the maidan concert.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Party of Regions’ dirty practices<br />
were displayed on the Internet for the world<br />
to see that night after more than 150 participants<br />
gathered at the party headquarters in<br />
central Kyiv to demand their money for<br />
attending the rally.<br />
<strong>The</strong> same night, leading journalist<br />
Mustafa Nayem recorded on video how<br />
Party of Regions members – led by Andrii<br />
Nadosha, son of national Deputy Oleh<br />
Nadosha – paid participants at a Kyiv café<br />
afterwards with the help of lists.<br />
Meanwhile, the Batkivshchyna Party<br />
reported their buses of supporters were yet<br />
again stopped by traffic police and prevented<br />
from traveling to the capital from cities<br />
that included Lviv, Odesa and<br />
Dnipropetrovsk.<br />
Those illegal methods on the part of the<br />
government were expected by the opposition<br />
forces, which were more frustrated<br />
with Mr. Yatsenyuk’s decision to hold a<br />
separate rally.<br />
“<strong>The</strong>re’s a moral<br />
aspect to the meeting<br />
on St. Sophia<br />
Square, which was<br />
to a certain extent<br />
s u p p o s e d t o<br />
become moral support<br />
for the opposition<br />
that’s under<br />
pressure from the<br />
government,” Mr.<br />
F e s e n k o s a i d .<br />
“From that moral<br />
point of view, there<br />
is criticism.”<br />
Mr. Yatsenyuk<br />
held the separate<br />
commemoration<br />
strictly as a political<br />
tactic to promote<br />
his new political<br />
force to the<br />
public and show<br />
the support he’s<br />
mustered, Mr. Fesenko said. It was not<br />
intended to weaken the opposition, though<br />
such accusations were made.<br />
To prove it has none of the antagonism<br />
toward Ms. Tymoshenko that former<br />
Volodymyr Musyak<br />
On St. Sophia Square (from right) are: Batkivschyna Party<br />
Chair Yulia Tymoshenko, For Ukraine Party Chair<br />
Viacheslav Kyrylenko and European Party of Ukraine Chair<br />
Mykola Katerynchuk.<br />
President Yushchenko demonstrated, the<br />
Front of Change party dispatched one of its<br />
leaders, Ms. Hrynevych, to the event on St.<br />
(Continued on page 16)<br />
Patriarch Filaret of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Orthodox Church - Kyiv Patriarchate<br />
on St. Sophia Square in Kyiv.<br />
Soviet-era political prisoner Lev<br />
Lukianenko addressed the <strong>January</strong> 22<br />
Unity Day commemoration led by former<br />
Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko<br />
on St. Sophia Square.<br />
<strong>The</strong> administration of President Viktor Yanukovych led a Unity Day commemoration<br />
on <strong>January</strong> 22 on Independence Square, which the opposition boycotted.<br />
Thousands attended – many of whom were paid.<br />
Human Rights...<br />
(Continued from page 1)<br />
to Brussels on <strong>January</strong> 24 by Uzbek<br />
President Islam Karimov.<br />
“Meaningless dialogues”<br />
<strong>The</strong> report notes that defending human<br />
rights “may sometimes interfere with other<br />
governmental interests,” adding that if so,<br />
“they should at least have the courage to<br />
admit it, instead of hiding behind meaningless<br />
dialogues and fruitless quests for cooperation.”<br />
Wenzel Michalski, the communications<br />
director for Human Rights Watch’s<br />
Germany office, calls this year’s report<br />
“forceful” in addressing diplomacy and<br />
rights efforts used in the West.<br />
“It became very fashionable in the last<br />
couple of years to prefer dialogue – socalled<br />
dialogue and silent diplomacy – to<br />
naming and shaming. And we think it didn’t<br />
do any good for human rights worldwide,”<br />
Mr. Michalski says. “It showed, actually,<br />
that talk behind closed doors doesn’t lead to<br />
any improvement in this area.”<br />
European Commission (EC) spokeswoman<br />
Pia Ahrenkilde Hansen, asked about<br />
the HRW report at a news briefing in<br />
Brussels on <strong>January</strong> 24, declined to respond<br />
to specific criticisms.<br />
But she said EC President José Manuel<br />
Barroso would bring up rights concerns during<br />
the visit by Mr. Karimov.<br />
“<strong>The</strong>re is absolutely no question of trading<br />
off one interest in exchange for the other<br />
as far as the EU is concerned,” she said.<br />
“And I think we’ve had many occasions to<br />
demonstrate that. Human rights is nonnegotiable.”<br />
Mr. Michalski notes, meanwhile, that<br />
Western criticism tends to be more strident<br />
the less the country has to offer in terms of<br />
economic interests.<br />
“So when it’s up to criticize countries<br />
like Belarus, for example, the Western powers,<br />
the EU, America, all have a very strong<br />
voice. <strong>The</strong>y all expressed their concerns<br />
about the vote-rigging and the threatening of<br />
the opposition. Why is that? Why are countries<br />
like Germany talking strong, and have<br />
a strong voice, name and shame human<br />
rights abuses in countries like Belarus and<br />
not, for example, in China?” Mr. Michalski<br />
asks.<br />
“That is simply because we don’t deal<br />
with Belarus so much. We don’t make so<br />
much business. Belarus doesn’t have any<br />
natural resources which would be interesting<br />
for us. So it’s easy to name and shame<br />
countries like these.”<br />
“Deeply negative”<br />
In Russia, Human Rights Watch says, the<br />
rights climate remains “deeply negative”<br />
In Ukraine, rights<br />
activists continue<br />
to face issues of<br />
censorship and<br />
pressure, despite<br />
pledges by President<br />
Viktor Yanukovych<br />
“to protect<br />
freedom and media<br />
pluralism.”<br />
despite some positive rhetoric from the<br />
authorities. It says President Dmitry<br />
Medvedev’s “rhetorical commitments to<br />
human rights and the rule of law have not<br />
been backed by concrete steps to support<br />
civil society.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> report says rights activists, especially<br />
those working in the North Caucasus<br />
region, “remain vulnerable to harassment<br />
and attacks,” including legal prosecution.<br />
And despite official pledges to reform the<br />
police force, the group says a draft law<br />
“falls short of what is necessary to best pre-<br />
vent human rights violations.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> report also says that in Ukraine,<br />
rights activists continue to face issues of<br />
censorship and pressure, despite pledges by<br />
President Viktor Yanukovych “to protect<br />
freedom and media pluralism.”<br />
On Iran, it says the regime continued to<br />
use torture and intimidation to pressure critics<br />
and consolidate power amid what it<br />
called a “deepening human rights crisis.”<br />
It accuses security forces in Iran of using<br />
torture to extract confessions, on which the<br />
judiciary relied to sentence to long prison<br />
terms and even death people arrested during<br />
protests against President Mahmud<br />
Ahmadinejad’s disputed reelection in 2009.<br />
It said authorities intimidated human<br />
rights lawyers, preventing them from effectively<br />
representing political detainees.<br />
Human Rights Watch also criticized Iran<br />
for continuing to discriminate against religious<br />
minorities, including Sunnis, adherents<br />
to the banned Bahai faith, Sufis and<br />
Christian converts.<br />
Compiled by RFE/RL with agency<br />
reports.<br />
Copyright <strong>2011</strong>, RFE/RL Inc. Reprinted<br />
with the permission of Radio Free Europe/<br />
Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave. NW,<br />
Washington DC 20036; www.rferl.org. (See<br />
http://www.rferl.org/content/human_rights_<br />
watch_report_/2285529.html.)
12<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
Conductor Kirill Karabits debuts with National Symphony Orchestra<br />
by Yaro Bihun<br />
Special to <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />
WASHINGTON – It was an exceptional<br />
debut performance for the young<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> conductor Kirill Karabits with<br />
the National Symphony Orchestra, and he<br />
presented himself to the Washington<br />
audience in an appropriately unique fashion.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first selection on the concert program<br />
performed at the John F. Kennedy<br />
Center for three evenings, <strong>January</strong> 13-15,<br />
was Valentin Silvestrov’s “Elegy for<br />
Strings.”<br />
Not only was it the NSO’s first performance<br />
of any piece by this contemporary<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> composer, it carried a special<br />
meaning with Karabits as conductor. <strong>The</strong><br />
origin of Silvestrov’s piece was an unfinished<br />
musical sketch penned by composer-conductor<br />
Ivan Karabits, Kirill’s<br />
father.<br />
As Kirill Karabits recalled in an interview<br />
on the Voice of America <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
television program “Chas-Time” after the<br />
first performance, he and Mr. Silvestrov<br />
found the sketches in his father’s notebook<br />
upon his death in 2002. Mr.<br />
Silvestrov promised to complete it, did so<br />
May we help you?<br />
within a matter of days, and dedicated it<br />
to his father.<br />
“Rather than coming to the NSO with<br />
a bang, Karabits came with a personal,<br />
even intimate touch,” was how <strong>The</strong><br />
Washington Post music critic Anne<br />
Midgette characterized it.<br />
In her review, Ms. Midgette also pointed<br />
to another unusual aspect of the<br />
Karabits debut. Long-known for having a<br />
Russian association, at least from the<br />
time Mstislav Rostropovich was the<br />
music director of the National Symphony,<br />
she said, “‘Russian’ is a misnomer for<br />
three of the (Karabits) program’s four<br />
innovations.” She pointed out that the<br />
34-year-old conductor is <strong>Ukrainian</strong>, as is<br />
the composer Mr. Silvestrov, and the solo<br />
violinist playing in Dmitri Shostakovich’s<br />
Violin Concerto No. 2, Op. 129, Sergey<br />
Kachatryan, is Armenian.<br />
After intermission, the program concluded<br />
with Jean Sibelius’ Symphony No.<br />
1 in E minor, Op. 39.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Washington audience rewarded<br />
the performers enthusiastically and with<br />
standing ovations throughout the three<br />
concerts.<br />
Asked in the VOA interview if he considers<br />
himself a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> conductor, Mr.<br />
To reach <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> call (973) 292-9800,<br />
and dial the appropriate extension (as listed below).<br />
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Yaro Bihun<br />
Natalia Motsyk, wife of Ukraine’s ambassador to the United States, greeted conductor<br />
Kirill Karabits with flowers after his debut series of performances with<br />
the National Symphony Orchestra in Washington.<br />
Karabits said that, of course, he is<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>. But to be successful, a<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> artist must also become a man<br />
of the world. “One must learn foreign<br />
languages, travel and play <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
music abroad, discuss it, and do so intelligently.<br />
<strong>The</strong>n they will become interested.”<br />
“And who should be doing this if not<br />
I,” he added.<br />
Kirill Karabits, now in his second season<br />
as the principal conductor of the<br />
Bournemouth Symphony Orchestra in<br />
Britain, began studying conducting and<br />
composition in Kyiv, at the Lysenko<br />
Music School and the Tchaikovsky Music<br />
Academy. Since then, he has been guest<br />
conductor with numerous European<br />
orchestras, among them the London<br />
Philharmonic, the BBC Symphony<br />
Orchestra, the Royal Philharmonic, the<br />
Danish National Symphony, the<br />
Amsterdam Concertgebauw, the<br />
Rotterdan Philharmonic and the Berlin<br />
Konzerthaus.<br />
Since his North American debut with the<br />
Houston Symphony in 2009, he has also<br />
conducted the Los Angeles Philharmonic,<br />
the Minnesota Orchestra, and – a week<br />
before coming to Washington – the San<br />
Francisco Symphony, where the headline to<br />
the review in the San Francisco Chronicle<br />
characterized his appearance as a “Grand<br />
debut.”
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
13<br />
Pianist Anna Shelest: “An appealing freshness of spirit”<br />
by Helen Smindak<br />
NEW YORK – I’d been told by two or<br />
three fellow New Yorkers that <strong>Ukrainian</strong>born<br />
pianist Anna Shelest was an artist to<br />
watch, a musician who was on the way to<br />
becoming a standout in New York music<br />
circles.<br />
I had also heard that the Cincinnati<br />
Enquirer noted she plays “with an appealing<br />
freshness of spirit,” and the Cincinnati<br />
Post described her as “the most exciting<br />
young pianist to have appeared in<br />
Cincinnati in recent years.” <strong>The</strong><br />
Twentsche Courant Tubantia in the<br />
Netherlands called her a “keyboard lioness.”<br />
I learned firsthand of Ms. Shelest’s talents<br />
when I heard her solo performance<br />
last month at the Golden Key Music<br />
Institute, interpreting Moussorgsky’s masterful<br />
work “Pictures at an Exhibition,” a<br />
piano suite of 10 passages illustrating<br />
sketches and watercolors created by his<br />
close friend, the architect and sometimes<br />
painter Victor Hartmann.<br />
<strong>The</strong> piece reflects the mood of each<br />
painting, opening with a “promenade”<br />
theme that re-emerges throughout as a<br />
transition amid the changing moods of the<br />
various pictures. Through the composer’s<br />
picturesque writing, the pianist achieves<br />
mystery, frenzy, humor and grandeur.<br />
Ms. Shelest was in her element as her<br />
fingers flew gracefully over the keyboard,<br />
conjuring up visions of a gnome-shaped<br />
nutcracker in a mad dance, a troubador<br />
singing a doleful lament outside an ancient<br />
castle, children quarreling at play in a<br />
park, a lumbering wooden ox-cart and<br />
peeping chicks hatching from their shells.<br />
With finesse and sensitivity, she portrayed<br />
an argument between two Jews, one<br />
wealthy and vain, the other poor and garrulous,<br />
shrill women vendors in a bustling<br />
marketplace, the eerie gloom of catacombs<br />
beneath the streets of Paris and the crazed<br />
flight of the folklore witch Baba Yaga.<br />
In the final movement, “<strong>The</strong> Great Gate<br />
of Kiev,” Ms. Shelest re-created the blazing<br />
glory of a grand and stately procession<br />
passing through the archway, accompanied<br />
by the jubilant pealing of church bells.<br />
<strong>The</strong> offspring of a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> mother<br />
and a <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Russian father, Ms.<br />
Shelest gained her consummate piano artistry<br />
through studies in prime schools in<br />
Ukraine and the U.S., outstanding teachers,<br />
an active concert career and daily<br />
practice sessions. She graduated from<br />
New York’s prestigious Juilliard School in<br />
the spring of 2010 and made her New<br />
York debut the same year in recitals at<br />
Alice Tully Hall and Stern Auditorium at<br />
Carnegie Hall.<br />
Her repertoire of solo, concert and<br />
ensemble works, from baroque to contemporary,<br />
includes a gamut of composers –<br />
Bach and Beethoven pieces to<br />
Tchaikovsky études and the “<strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Rhapsody” of composer Oleksandr Zhuk.<br />
She won first prize at several international<br />
competitions in recent years, including<br />
the 2009 Bradshaw-Buono<br />
International Piano Competition in New<br />
York, the 2005 Kawai American<br />
Recording Contest and the 2005 Louisiana<br />
International Piano Competition.<br />
She has recorded two CDs – an all-<br />
Rachmaninoff CD featuring his “Études-<br />
Tableaux, Op. 39, and Moments-<br />
Musicaux, op.16,” and “Beyond<br />
Oblivion,” a collaborative recording with<br />
Cleveland Symphony Orchestra trombonist<br />
Cristian Ganicenco.<br />
All of this came to light as she and her<br />
handsome husband and manager, Dmitri<br />
Sarnov, chatted with me over lunch at a<br />
cheery midtown restaurant, a pleasant<br />
interlude from the frenzy of a metropolitan<br />
city dealing with the aftermath of the blizzard<br />
of 2010.<br />
Early piano studies<br />
A poised, elegant<br />
young woman who<br />
spoke with a charming<br />
accent, Ms. Shelest modestly<br />
reviewed her early<br />
musical experiences: she<br />
began piano studies at<br />
the age of 6 when her<br />
aunt, who lived in Paris,<br />
bought a piano for her.<br />
(Not everyone was<br />
happy about it, she said,<br />
because the instrument<br />
took up so much space<br />
in the family’s small<br />
apartment.)<br />
With her mother’s<br />
encouragement and a<br />
piano teacher’s guidance,<br />
she was soon ready<br />
to enter the Kharkiv<br />
Special Music School<br />
for Gifted Children,<br />
where she studied with<br />
Gary Gelfat and Sergei<br />
Polusmiak.<br />
At 11, as the youngest<br />
prize-winner of the<br />
M i l o s z M a g i n<br />
International Piano<br />
Competition, she performed<br />
at the winners’<br />
concert at UNESCO<br />
Headquarters in Paris,<br />
her first experience on a<br />
large stage. “It was the<br />
biggest hall I had been<br />
to, it was huge and the<br />
piano seemed so little; it<br />
was so unusual to be in<br />
the center of such a large<br />
place, with so many people<br />
looking at you,” she<br />
recalled. <strong>The</strong> following<br />
year, she made her<br />
orchestral debut with the<br />
Kharkiv Symphony<br />
Orchestra, playing<br />
Rachmaninoff’s Piano<br />
Concerto No.1.<br />
When her family<br />
moved to the U.S. in<br />
1999, she enrolled at<br />
Northern Kentucky<br />
University, where she<br />
won numerous scholarships<br />
and awards,<br />
including the Regent’s<br />
Award, and recognition<br />
as an outstanding senior in the College of<br />
Arts and Sciences. Upon graduation with a<br />
Bachelor of Music degree, she moved to<br />
Cincinnati to study privately for a year<br />
with professors from the Cincinnati<br />
Conservatory of Music, Elizabeth and<br />
Eugene Pridonoff.<br />
Ms. Shelest and Mr. Sarnov were close<br />
friends and classmates at Northern<br />
Kentucky University; in fact, they’ve<br />
known each other since middle school.<br />
Over the years, their friendship blossomed<br />
into romance, and they were married in<br />
March 2007 in the U.S. In July 2010, they<br />
travelled to Ukraine for a traditional<br />
church wedding, with all family members<br />
present for the celebration.<br />
N o w m a k i n g t h e i r h o m e o n<br />
Manhattan’s Upper West Side, the couple<br />
enjoys a vibrant lifestyle. Ms. Shelest continues<br />
her appearances as a performing artist,<br />
attends rehearsals and teaches privately.<br />
It’s a constantly changing schedule,<br />
always something new, she said. Mr.<br />
Sarnov is president of DSW Worldwide,<br />
an organization specializing in career<br />
management for classical musicians.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y travel to Ukraine each summer to<br />
visit their families. “We’d like to go more<br />
often, but our schedules don’t allow it,”<br />
Mr. Sarnov said.<br />
Anna Shelest<br />
Ms. Shelest is delighted that her piano<br />
expertise has taken her to some of the<br />
world’s greatest stages, including Carnegie<br />
Hall, the Palacio de Bellas Artes in<br />
Mexico City and the Great Hall of<br />
Moscow Conservatory. Her career encompasses<br />
solo performances with some of the<br />
world’s most renowned orchestras – the<br />
Netherland Symphony, the St. Petersburg<br />
Philharmonic and the Montreal Symphony<br />
– as well as orchestras in Cincinnati,<br />
Corpus Christi, Florida, Kentucky and<br />
California.<br />
She said she likes to perform “in as<br />
many kinds of music as I can; solo recitals<br />
are probably my favorite, because you<br />
really have enormous freedom when<br />
you’re on a stage by yourself, but there is<br />
so much great music written for piano in<br />
an orchestra and collaborative piano, as<br />
well as chamber music, that I like to take<br />
part in everything.”<br />
Preparation for performances calls for<br />
some practical decisions in selecting<br />
stage apparel, Ms. Shelest said, because<br />
“I try to choose a gown that matches the<br />
mood of a piece, or the formality of the<br />
occasion, and I also need to be comfortable<br />
while I’m seated at the piano.” For<br />
all performances, she likes to wear her<br />
hair up and arranged in a chignon at the<br />
Cathy Lions<br />
nape of her neck “so it won’t fly into my<br />
face and eyes when I’m playing.”<br />
Coincidentally, the sophisticated hairdo<br />
and stylish gowns admirably flatter her<br />
slender, 5-foot-10 figure.<br />
Whenever there’s time, she likes to<br />
cook. “I find it very relaxing, and it’s very<br />
satisfying to blend various ingredients and<br />
come up with a finished product,” she<br />
commented. But trying to duplicate dishes<br />
her grandmother frequently served is<br />
sometimes frustrating. “Grandma used to<br />
say, a little bit of salt, a little bit of sugar –<br />
my mom is the same – but I need to know<br />
exactly how much in order to make the<br />
dish.”<br />
Currently awaiting the release of a new<br />
CD that includes Moussorgsky’s “Pictures<br />
at an Exhibition” and Tchaikovsky and<br />
Glinka pieces, Ms. Shelest said she was<br />
also looking forward to her next performance,<br />
a <strong>January</strong> 23 collaboration with the<br />
winners of a vocal competition at<br />
Carnegie Hall’s Weill Auditorium.<br />
Mr. Sarnov said a recital at a distinguished<br />
New York venue is in the offing,<br />
but this is still a nebulous event that<br />
requires serious thought and planning.<br />
When it happens, it will undoubtedly be<br />
another triumph in Ms. Shelest’s burgeoning<br />
career.
14<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
NEWSBRIEFS<br />
(Continued from page 2)<br />
is one of top priority items on the agenda<br />
of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Russian relations. On the<br />
instruction of Foreign Affairs Minister<br />
Kostyantyn Gryshchenko, the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Embassy in Russia is working toward<br />
normalizing as soon as possible the situation<br />
surrounding the Library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Literature; investigatory actions held by<br />
Russian law-enforcement bodies do not<br />
hinder the use of the library funds. In<br />
December 2010 over 50 books were<br />
withdrawn from the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> library in<br />
Moscow for psychological-linguistic<br />
expert examination. On <strong>January</strong> 12<br />
Ukraine’s MFA stated that the Library of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature in Moscow had fully<br />
resumed its normal work. On <strong>January</strong> 14<br />
authorities conducted a new search in the<br />
library, during which the library’s servers<br />
were seized. (Ukrinform)<br />
Germany to support rights in Ukraine<br />
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KYIV – Germany is ready to earmark<br />
nearly 100,000 euros in <strong>2011</strong> to support<br />
human rights projects in Ukraine,<br />
Germany’s Ambassador to Ukraine Hans-<br />
Jurgen Heimsoeth told reporters on<br />
<strong>January</strong> 26. “This year, the German government<br />
will provide more funds to support<br />
projects in the field of human rights<br />
throughout the world. And, if Ukraine<br />
submits good projects, then I assume this<br />
year, like the last year, we will be ready<br />
to support these projects,” the diplomat<br />
said. He added that Germany supports all<br />
organizations that are doing everything<br />
possible to ensure that basic human rights<br />
principles are strengthened. Mr.<br />
Heimsoeth reported that in 2010<br />
Germany supported four projects in<br />
Ukraine, allocating a total of 104,000<br />
euros. (Ukrinform)<br />
Lutsenko: I am a political prisoner<br />
KYIV – Former <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Internal<br />
Affairs Minister Yuriy Lutsenko, who<br />
leads the People’s Self-Defense Party,<br />
said he is innocent and described himself<br />
as a political prisoner. “I swear before<br />
God and people that I am not guilty of<br />
what I’m being accused of at the highest<br />
command of the Procurator General’s<br />
Office. <strong>The</strong> only reason for my imprisonment<br />
in a condemned cell at Lukianivka<br />
jail is to deprive me of any chance to<br />
speak out about the resumption of bandit<br />
democracy in Ukraine,” the press service<br />
of the People’s Self-Defense Party on<br />
<strong>January</strong> 19 quoted Mr. Lutsenko as saying.<br />
He also said that he had become “a<br />
prisoner of war of criminals who seized<br />
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power in Ukraine.” Mr. Lutsenko said<br />
that the goal of the current authorities is<br />
“to destroy their political opponents and<br />
establish an atmosphere of fear in order<br />
to rob the country and the people without<br />
any obstacles.” Mr. Lutsenko called on<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s to unite, and added that “the<br />
resistance of people is the only thing the<br />
authorities are afraid of.” He said, “<strong>The</strong><br />
pendulum of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> history has<br />
swung into a dark time. It all depends on<br />
the ability of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s to protect their<br />
families, their souls and their history.<br />
Don’t lose your heart! Don’t be silent!<br />
We are united!” he said. On December<br />
13, 2010, Mr. Lutsenko and his former<br />
driver Leonid Prystupliuk were charged<br />
with large-scale embezzlement of state<br />
property worth 360,000 hrv, as well as<br />
the abuse of power and the use of forged<br />
documents. On December 26 Mr.<br />
Lutsenko was detained near his house.<br />
On December 27 the Pecherskyi District<br />
Court of Kyiv ordered Mr. Lutsenko to be<br />
jailed for two months. On December 28 it<br />
became known that Mr. Lutsenko had<br />
been moved from a Security Service of<br />
Ukraine (SBU) prison to Lukianivka<br />
Prison No. 13. On <strong>January</strong> 17 Lutsenko’s<br />
lawyer Ihor Fomin filed a complaint to<br />
the European Court of Human Rights<br />
charging that Mr. Lutsenko’s arrest was<br />
illegal. (Interfax-Ukraine)<br />
Investigator denies Tymoshenko’s request<br />
KYIV – An investigator with the<br />
Procurator General’s Office (PGO), said<br />
on <strong>January</strong> 25 that the request of the exprime<br />
minister and leader of the<br />
Batkivschyna party, Yulia Tymoshenko,<br />
for permission to travel to Brussels was<br />
denied since she presented the invitation<br />
without proper clearance. “Allowing exit<br />
to a person who is under house arrest is<br />
not a duty but a right of the investigator,<br />
that is, his direct procedural competence,”<br />
the liaison department of the<br />
Procurator General’s Office reported. <strong>The</strong><br />
investigator also did not grant Ms.<br />
Tymoshenko’s appeal to close the criminal<br />
case opened against her on charges of<br />
committing a serious crime under Part 3,<br />
Article 365 of the Criminal Code (abuse<br />
of power or official authority, resulting in<br />
grave consequences). <strong>The</strong> department<br />
also noted that Ms. Tymoshenko’s charges<br />
against prosecutors are nothing but an<br />
attempt to put pressure on the investigation<br />
and to discredit it. Investigators of<br />
the PGO on <strong>January</strong> 17 reopened the<br />
criminal case against Ms. Tymoshenko at<br />
her request and on the appeal of her attorney.<br />
In December 2010 the PGO filed<br />
charges that Ms. Tymoshenko, as prime<br />
minister, “acting intentionally, in her own<br />
interests,” decided on the use of funds<br />
received from the sale of quotas for<br />
greenhouse gases for specific purposes to<br />
cover state budget revenues, primarily to<br />
pay pensions. <strong>The</strong> total amount of allegedly<br />
misused funds was 380 million<br />
euros. (Ukrinform)<br />
Yanukovych heading to Davos<br />
KYIV – President Viktor Yanukovych<br />
will visit Switzerland to attend the World<br />
Economic Forum (WEF), which will be<br />
held in Davos on <strong>January</strong> 26-28, the head<br />
of the Presidential Administration, Serhiy<br />
Lyovochkin, said. He said that the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> president was expected to meet<br />
with heads of international organizations,<br />
as well as with the leaders of some countries,<br />
particularly members of the Group<br />
of Eight. Mr. Yanukovych is also to meet<br />
with the leaders of the World Bank, the<br />
International Monetary Fund, the<br />
European Bank for Reconstruction and<br />
Development and Secretary-General of<br />
the United Nations Ban Ki-moon. In<br />
addition, a <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Polish lunch is to<br />
be held in Davos with the participation of<br />
President Yanukovych and Polish<br />
President Bronislaw Komorowski; the<br />
lunch will be dedicated to the holding of<br />
the Euro-2012 European Football<br />
Championship. (Ukrinform)<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> school faces closure<br />
DONETSK, Ukraine – One of the oldest<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>-language schools in<br />
Donetsk is facing closure, RFE/RL’s<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Service reported on <strong>January</strong><br />
20. Donetsk city authorities say they are<br />
closing the school in the Petro district<br />
because many schools in the city are only<br />
half full and some shutdowns were needed.<br />
But teachers and parents of students<br />
enrolled at the <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-language school<br />
have asked officials why it, and not a<br />
Russian-language school, was chosen to<br />
be shut down. School principal Svitlana<br />
Babenko told RFE/RL that closing the<br />
school has been under discussion for four<br />
months. She said it was very likely her<br />
school would be closed as it is operating<br />
at only 51 percent of capacity and is near<br />
two other schools that also have low<br />
enrollment. Former principal Ivan<br />
Zhuravka told RFE/RL the school had<br />
just marked its 90th anniversary and that<br />
former graduates include parents and<br />
grandparents of many current students.<br />
He expressed hope that local authorities<br />
would reverse their decision. Meanwhile,<br />
teachers and parents have signed an open<br />
letter to the Donetsk municipal authorities<br />
urging them not to close the school.<br />
Of the more than 200 schools in Donetsk,<br />
only 36 provide instruction in <strong>Ukrainian</strong>.<br />
In the last <strong>30</strong> years of the Soviet Union,<br />
all schooling in Donetsk was conducted<br />
in Russian. Although there is an almost<br />
equal number of ethnic Russians and<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in Donetsk, use of the<br />
Russian language predominates in the<br />
city, which has a population of about 1<br />
million. (RFE/RL)<br />
Two bombings rock Makiyivka<br />
KYIV – <strong>Ukrainian</strong> officials said two<br />
explosions that rocked Makiyivka in the<br />
Donetsk region early on <strong>January</strong> 20 were<br />
criminal acts, and that more bombings<br />
have been threatened. Police say the two<br />
simultaneous, early-morning blasts near a<br />
coal company building and a central market<br />
in Makiyivka damaged nearby buildings,<br />
but that no one was hurt. <strong>The</strong><br />
Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) said a<br />
note was found near the scene demanding<br />
$5.4 million and threatening five more<br />
bombings later in the day if the sum was<br />
not paid. <strong>The</strong> note said bombs had<br />
already had been placed around the city.<br />
Investigators said they were not ruling<br />
out the possibility that the attacks were<br />
acts of terrorism. (Voice of America)<br />
Ukraine is IMF’s second largest debtor<br />
KYIV – Ukraine remained the second<br />
largest debtor of the International<br />
Monetary Fund (IMF) as of <strong>January</strong> 6,<br />
after Romania (with special drawing<br />
rights of 9.8 billion) in terms of funds<br />
disbursed under the current stand-by<br />
loans, with its liabilities being SDR 9.25<br />
billion (about $14.2 billion U.S.). <strong>The</strong><br />
IMF’s third largest debtor is Greece with<br />
SDR 9.13 billion. <strong>The</strong> IMF Executive<br />
Board on December 22, 2010, decided to<br />
allocate to Ukraine a second tranche<br />
under the Stand-By Arrangement at $1.5<br />
billion. <strong>The</strong> funds could be transferred to<br />
Ukraine after the launch of pension<br />
reform. <strong>The</strong> program of cooperation<br />
between Ukraine and the IMF, which was<br />
approved in July 2010, foresees the provision<br />
of a $15.15 billion loan to Ukraine<br />
for two and a half years. (Ukrinform)<br />
More movement across western border<br />
KYIV – On the western sector of<br />
Ukraine’s border, the passenger flow of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in 2010 as compared to 2009<br />
grew by almost one-fourth. In 2010, 23.5<br />
(Continued on page 15)
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
15<br />
NEWSBRIEFS<br />
(Continued from page 14)<br />
million persons crossed the western sector<br />
of the border, 1.5 million more than in<br />
2009, the State Border Guard Service of<br />
the western region reported. <strong>The</strong> number<br />
of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s, who crossed the border in<br />
2010, increased by 22 percent, and the<br />
number of foreigners fell by 8 percent. As<br />
the head of the State Border Guard press<br />
service, Volodymyr Sheremet, noted on<br />
<strong>January</strong> 17, this trend most likely is related<br />
to the active issuance of cards for local<br />
border movement by the consulates of<br />
European countries bordering Ukraine. As<br />
concerns foreigners, the reduction in their<br />
number at ground checkpoints is explained<br />
by the fact that there is no need for them to<br />
travel to Ukraine for <strong>Ukrainian</strong> goods as<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s now bring the goods into their<br />
countries. At the same time, at airports, the<br />
number of foreigners increased, testifying<br />
to an increase in tourism and business,<br />
border guards reported. (Ukrinform)<br />
Tymoshenko on library in Moscow<br />
KYIV – Former <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Prime<br />
Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who is the<br />
leader of the Batkivschyna Party, said on<br />
<strong>January</strong> 19 that <strong>Ukrainian</strong> authorities<br />
should be concerned about the fate of the<br />
Library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature in Moscow<br />
and protect the interests of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in<br />
Russia. “We are very concerned that the<br />
new <strong>Ukrainian</strong> authorities humiliate the<br />
spirituality of the people and humiliate<br />
national shrines... This, in fact, is a blow to<br />
the heart of our nation. One of these unfortunate<br />
cases is our <strong>Ukrainian</strong> library, which<br />
our authorities should now protect, in<br />
another state. It seems to me that claims by<br />
the authorities that it’s not our library are<br />
just unacceptable,” she told journalists in<br />
Kyiv on <strong>January</strong> 4, before her latest round<br />
of interrogation at the main investigation<br />
department of the Procurator General’s<br />
Office. Ms. Tymoshenko said that opposition<br />
groups would by all means defend the<br />
interests of the Library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Literature in Moscow and provide support<br />
and assistance. During an interview with<br />
Channel 5 TV on <strong>January</strong> 18 Prime<br />
Minister Mykola Azarov said the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
government proposed opening a library in<br />
Moscow that would be <strong>Ukrainian</strong> property.<br />
Mr. Azarov said that the current library is<br />
owned by the Russian government. “I<br />
thought about this [the possibility of proposing<br />
to Russia to build a <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
library in Moscow as the property of<br />
Ukraine], and we, I think, will consider this<br />
question and resolve it soon,” Mr. Azarov<br />
said. (Interfax-Ukraine)<br />
Kravchuk predicts acute situation<br />
KYIV – Leonid Kravchuk predicts an<br />
acute political situation in Ukraine in<br />
<strong>2011</strong> due primarily to the continuation of<br />
constitutional reform. Referring to the<br />
opinion of the Venice Commission and<br />
the foreign political elite, Mr. Kravchuk<br />
said that constitutional reform in Ukraine<br />
is incomplete and not quite legitimate,<br />
therefore, whether the president wants<br />
this or not, he will have to continue<br />
reforming the political system in Ukraine<br />
based on the country’s Constitution. It is<br />
also necessary to continue reform of the<br />
economy and judicial systems, the former<br />
president added. Upcoming parliamentary<br />
elections, the date of which is still<br />
under debate, will add urgency to the situation.<br />
According to Mr. Kravchuk,<br />
“Most politicians believe that the elections<br />
should be held in <strong>2011</strong>, others cite<br />
the year of 2012. But the issue is that<br />
everything must proceed under the valid<br />
Constitution, rather than the one that was<br />
effective in the past. We must respect the<br />
rules of the Constitution.” Mr. Kravchuk<br />
made his comments in a <strong>January</strong> 3 interview<br />
with InterMediaConsulting.<br />
(Ukrinform)<br />
Most important political events of 2010<br />
KYIV – Just over 40 percent of the people<br />
surveyed in December 2010 by the<br />
Sofia social research center believe that<br />
the most important event in the political<br />
life of Ukraine in 2010 was the election of<br />
Viktor Yanukovych as president of<br />
Ukraine. Respondents were asked to<br />
choose from a proposed list the three<br />
events they considered most important in<br />
political life. <strong>The</strong> results: 40.3 percent<br />
cited Mr. Yanukovych’s election; 20.2 percent<br />
cited the protests against the adoption<br />
of the tax code; and 17.6 percent pointed<br />
to the election of local authorities. Another<br />
14.3 percent believe the most important<br />
event was signing of the agreement with<br />
Russia on the extension of the Russian<br />
Black Sea Fleet’s lease in Sevastopol until<br />
2042; 13.8 percent – adoption of the tax<br />
code; 13.5 percent – visits to Ukraine by<br />
Russian President Dmitry Medvedev; 12.4<br />
percent – an international audit of the previous<br />
government of Yulia Tymoshenko;<br />
10.9 percent – adoption by the Verkhovna<br />
Rada of the law on the principles of<br />
domestic and foreign policy; 6.8 percent –<br />
renewal of the 1996 Constitution; 6.6 percent<br />
– creation of a political coalition in<br />
parliament and government formation; 6.3<br />
percent – other events. <strong>The</strong> survey results<br />
were released on December 31, 2010.<br />
(Ukrinform)<br />
Yanukovych named politician of the year<br />
KYIV – President Viktor Yanukovych<br />
was the most popular politician of 2010,<br />
according to an experts’ poll conducted by<br />
the Democratic Initiatives Foundation.<br />
DIF director Iryna Bekeshkina told reporters<br />
that second and third place, according<br />
to the poll, were taken by the chief of the<br />
Presidential Administration, Serhiy<br />
Lyovochkin, and the leader of the Svoboda<br />
party, Oleh Tiahnybok. Meanwhile,<br />
according to Ms. Bekeshkina, the least<br />
successful politicians in 2010, according<br />
to experts, was the leader of the<br />
Batkivschyna party, Yulia Tymoshenko,<br />
former President Viktor Yushchenko, and<br />
Vice Prime Minister Sergey Tigipko. <strong>The</strong><br />
survey was conducted on December<br />
15-23, 2010, with 45 <strong>Ukrainian</strong> experts<br />
participating. (Ukrinform)<br />
Russian paper hails Yanukovych<br />
KYIV – <strong>The</strong> Russian newspaper<br />
Vedomosti recognized President Viktor<br />
Yanukovych of Ukraine as 2010<br />
Politician of the Year. <strong>The</strong> publication<br />
stressed that, after coming to power, Mr.<br />
Yanukovych proved himself not only as a<br />
businessman, but also as a diplomat. In<br />
April he signed the Kharkiv treaty with<br />
Russia on the extension of lease for the<br />
bases of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in<br />
the Crimea from 2017 to 2042 in<br />
exchange for a discount on Russian gas<br />
to $40 billion over 10 years; the contract<br />
removed the reasons for gas and Crimean<br />
wars, the newspaper noted. Mr.<br />
Yanukovych did not quarrel with Europe<br />
and the U.S. either, the newspaper noted.<br />
And, although he declined to seek entry<br />
into NATO, he sought EU membership<br />
for Ukraine. <strong>The</strong> authors of the article in<br />
the popular Russian newspaper pointed<br />
out that Mr. Yanukovych has an authoritarian<br />
style, which is seen from the tightening<br />
of the law on elections, closed<br />
information policy and reprisals against<br />
Yulia Tymoshenko and her allies. Yet,<br />
they added, Mr. Yanukovych is able to<br />
compromise with opponents. He has a<br />
surprisingly good command of the art of<br />
the possible, the art of politicians taking<br />
power seriously and for the long haul, the<br />
publication noted. (Ukrinform)<br />
Shevchenko U. to have scientific park<br />
KYIV – A scientific park will be established<br />
at Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko<br />
University. Documents on the new venture<br />
Maria Olijnyk<br />
were signed by the heads of 12 academic<br />
institutions, including the Institute of<br />
Geochemistry, Institute of Electric<br />
Welding, Institute of Microbiology,<br />
Institute of Applied and <strong>The</strong>oretical<br />
Physics, and others. According to the Kyiv<br />
University rector, Leonid Hubersky, the<br />
creation of the Science Park Kyiv Taras<br />
Shevchenko University in association with<br />
the National Academy of Sciences of<br />
Ukraine will facilitate the most efficient<br />
use of the university as an international<br />
scientific and educational center. <strong>The</strong> science<br />
park will also help create new jobs,<br />
and facilitate employment of university<br />
graduates, development of innovation<br />
infrastructure, and improve conditions for<br />
attracting investment. (Ukrinform)<br />
Kraft Foods investing $40 million<br />
KYIV – <strong>The</strong> closed joint stock company<br />
Kraft Foods Ukraine is investing $40<br />
million in the development of productive<br />
capacities at the Trostianets chocolate factory.<br />
A new biscuit plant will open in the<br />
third quarter of <strong>2011</strong>, said the factory’s<br />
director, Ihor Kharchenko. CJSC Kraft<br />
Foods Ukraine, which employs 865 people,<br />
is part of the Kraft Foods corporation,<br />
one of the world’s top food producers. <strong>The</strong><br />
Trostianets factory manufactures chocolate<br />
under the brand names Korona and Milka,<br />
Vedmedik Barnі and Tuk biscuits, Lux<br />
potato chips, and Jacobs, Carte Noire and<br />
Maxwell House coffee. About 80 percent<br />
of the products are imported into neighboring<br />
countries. (Ukrinform)<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s afraid of losing jobs<br />
KYIV – Forty-seven percent of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s polled expressed uncertainty<br />
about their employment in <strong>2011</strong>. <strong>The</strong>se are<br />
the results, released on <strong>January</strong> 4, of the<br />
13th annual survey of consumer sentiments<br />
conducted by Deloitte. Forty-two<br />
percent of the respondents expressed confidence<br />
that they will keep their jobs, and<br />
10 percent said they were unemployed. At<br />
the same time, the majority of the respondents<br />
remain confident that the welfare of<br />
their families will not deteriorate and<br />
might even improve. Of those polled, 29<br />
percent said they expect the same state of<br />
well-being in <strong>2011</strong>, while 38 percent have<br />
hope for an improving financial situation.<br />
Researchers have concluded that the most<br />
optimistic are young people. <strong>The</strong> study<br />
involved more than 700 people age 18 to<br />
65. <strong>The</strong> survey was conducted via Internet<br />
questionnaires. (Ukrinform)<br />
Most popular children’s names<br />
KYIV – Children in Ukraine were<br />
most often named Oleksander, Anastasia<br />
and Sofia in 2010, Justice Minister<br />
Oleksander Lavrynovych said on <strong>January</strong><br />
4, referring to his ministry’s civil registration<br />
bodies. According to Mr.<br />
Lavrynovych, these names have not lost<br />
their popularity in Ukraine for at least the<br />
last decade. Also popular in 2010 were<br />
such female names as Maria, Hanna,<br />
Daria (Daryna), Viktoria, Polina,<br />
Kateryna, Yelyzaveta, Alina, Oleksandra,<br />
Krystyna and Solomia, and such male<br />
names as Maksym, Artem, Danylo,<br />
Mykyta, Vladyslav, Denys, Andrii,<br />
Dmytro, Kyrylo, Ivan, Nazar and<br />
Bohdan. Among other names that were<br />
often given to children in Ukraine in<br />
2010 were such female names as<br />
Veronika, Diana, Marharyta, Yulia, Olha,<br />
Ariana, Tetiana, Kyra, Yana, Yeva and<br />
Maryna, and such male names as<br />
Bohdan, Roman, Mykhailo, Yehor,<br />
Yaroslav, Tymofii, Yevhen, Mark,<br />
Volodymyr, Serhii, Matvii, Hlib, Vitalii,<br />
Davyd, Yurii, Oleksii, Tymur and<br />
Mykola. Rare names in 2010 included:<br />
Herman, Rodion, Vlas, Lev and Myron<br />
for boys, and Anzhelika, Nonna, Yuliana<br />
and Neonilla for girls. (Ukrinform)<br />
89, a long term resident of Pittsburgh PA, and most recently of Mountain<br />
Lakes, NJ, entered into eternal rest and joy on December 12, 2010, after<br />
a 5 year battle with lung cancer.<br />
Born in Oszmiana, Lithuania, she witnessed first hand as a young woman<br />
the devastation of war in Ukraine and Germany during the 1940’s. After<br />
the war, she was a civilian employee of the US Army in Ansbach,<br />
Germany, and then immigrated in 1948 with her husband and daughter to<br />
the US, where they settled in Pittsburgh, PA, in 1949.<br />
Maria, along with her husband and brother-in-law, was a founder of<br />
Olijnyk Brothers Meat Packing Co., which for many years was well-known<br />
for its custom meats, especially their highly popular kielbasa. She was<br />
very active and strongly supported various <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American causes;<br />
Maria valued her membership in the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Women’s League<br />
of America and was a long-term parishioner at St. John the Baptist<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church in Pittsburgh, PA.<br />
Maria was a woman who impressed all whom she met with her great<br />
patience, courage and selflessness, and will be missed by many. She is<br />
survived by her husband of 68 years, Michael, her brother-in-law, Basilus,<br />
her daughter, Helena Mazur, and son-in-law, Leonard, of Mountain Lakes,<br />
NJ. She is also survived by 3 grandchildren, Maria, Michael and Irene,<br />
her great grandchildren, Walter, Helena and Evelyn, and a great-great<br />
granddaughter, Alicia. Other survivors include her nephew Janusz Szydlo,<br />
and numerous family members in Ukraine and Poland.<br />
Funeral services were held on December 14, 2010, at St. John the<br />
Baptist <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church in Whippany, NJ, followed by interment<br />
in St. Mary’s cemetery in Jenkintown, PA.<br />
In honor of Maria, donations to St. John the Baptist <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic<br />
Church Building Fund, 60 N. Jefferson Rd., Whippany, NJ 07981 would<br />
be greatly appreciated.
16<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
Chicago program focuses on the reality of human trafficking<br />
by Ivanka Bryan<br />
CHICAGO – <strong>The</strong> Alla Horska branch of<br />
the Women’s Association for the Defense of<br />
the Four Freedoms for Ukraine (WADFFU),<br />
hosted a community awareness evening<br />
about human trafficking on October 9,<br />
2010. This event was held under the auspices<br />
of the Blue Heart Campaign of the<br />
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime<br />
(UNODC), whose goal is to increase the<br />
understanding of, and to create urgency<br />
around the issue in order to motivate coordinated<br />
efforts to fight this horrendous crime,<br />
which affects more than 4 million men,<br />
women and children annually.<br />
<strong>The</strong> audience ranged in age from university<br />
students to those in their golden years.<br />
Among the participants were clergy of the<br />
Chicago metropolitan area as well as representatives<br />
of various community organizations,<br />
including: Sister Luisa Tsupa, director<br />
of the Catechetical Institute of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Catholic University and vice-chair of the<br />
Patriarchal Catechetical Commission;<br />
Andrij Filipchuk, vice-consul of the<br />
Consulate General of Ukraine in Chicago;<br />
Vera Eliashevsky, chair of the Chicago-Kyiv<br />
Sister Cities Committee; and David Pavlik,<br />
a candidate for Alderman from Chicago’s<br />
32nd ward.<br />
<strong>The</strong> evening’s program began with a<br />
clip from a public service film in the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> language that was produced with<br />
sponsorship from the U.S. Agency for<br />
International Development (USAID), in<br />
cooperation with various <strong>Ukrainian</strong> antitrafficking<br />
organizations and the<br />
International Organization for Migration.<br />
Many people are unaware of the trafficking<br />
epidemic and those who are informed don’t<br />
think that they could become victims themselves.<br />
<strong>The</strong> threat usually comes in the guise<br />
of an opportunity to work abroad, especially<br />
for students during school vacations. In a<br />
country racked with a high unemployment<br />
percentage, this is an attractive proposition.<br />
<strong>The</strong> film helps educate young people by<br />
creating awareness and outlining the specific<br />
requirements for working abroad so that<br />
they can ensure that offers they entertain are<br />
legitimate.<br />
Orysia Sushko outlined the efforts of the<br />
Blue Heart campaign and what Chicago’s<br />
community organizations can do to combat<br />
this atrocious crime against humanity. Mrs.<br />
Sushko is a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian community<br />
activist, chair of the Anti-Trafficking<br />
Commission of the World Federation of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Women’s Organizations<br />
(WFUWO), appointee to the prestigious<br />
Order of Canada, and immediate past-president<br />
of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian Congress.<br />
Rachel Durschlag, founder and executive<br />
director of the Chicago Alliance Against<br />
Sexual Exploitation (CAASE), continued<br />
the discussion from a local perspective. Ms.<br />
Durschlag made the startling revelation that<br />
trafficked women pass through our very<br />
own neighborhoods and that we must reach<br />
out to advocacy groups like CAASE, an<br />
organization that works to eliminate sexual<br />
exploitation through litigation and advocacy,<br />
organizing and policy reform, and prevention<br />
and resource development, to help<br />
these victims.<br />
Victor Malarek, a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Canadian<br />
journalist and author of two internationally<br />
published books about the travesty of sexual<br />
enslavement of women, “<strong>The</strong> Natashas” and<br />
“<strong>The</strong> Johns,” gave the closing remarks. Mr.<br />
Malarek travels the globe speaking out<br />
against the epidemic of modern-day slavery<br />
and chastises governments for their lack of<br />
action on the matter. He does not sugarcoat<br />
the human rights violations endured by trafficked<br />
persons.<br />
After the program, the enthusiastic audience<br />
asked questions of the panel of speakers.<br />
Finally, a basket generously donated by<br />
<strong>The</strong> Body Shop was raffled off as a door<br />
prize. Representatives from <strong>The</strong> Body Shop<br />
were on hand throughout the evening to collect<br />
signatures for a petition that calls on<br />
governments throughout the world to give<br />
children greater protection against trafficking<br />
and to increase “safe harbor” laws.<br />
Earlier in the day, WADFFU hosted a<br />
luncheon with Mrs. Sushko and Mr.<br />
Malarek to discuss what the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community<br />
at large can do to combat human<br />
trafficking. Among those in attendance were<br />
Chrystya Wereszczak, head of the national<br />
executive of WADFFU, and Olya Kolody,<br />
president of the Alla Horska WADFFU<br />
branch in Chicago.<br />
<strong>The</strong> day’s events were a success in that<br />
they educated people on the issue of human<br />
trafficking and all of its forms – sexual<br />
Sue Kryzanowicz-Milanez<br />
Members of the Alla Horska branch of the Women’s Association for the Defense<br />
of Four Freedoms for Ukraine with guest speakers (seated, from left) Orysia<br />
Sushko, Victor Malarek and Rachel Durschlag.<br />
exploitation, harvesting of human organs,<br />
involuntary servitude, illegal migrant work,<br />
mail-order brides and mercenaries.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Alla Horska branch is encouraging<br />
other WADFFU branches and <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
National Women’s League of America<br />
(UNWLA) branches throughout the U.S. to<br />
take up this issue and inform the public of<br />
the crimes committed against women and to<br />
reach out to their local organizations to help<br />
stop the “traffick.” Adding a link to the Blue<br />
Heart campaign on organizational websites<br />
also helps raise awareness.<br />
Readers can find more information about<br />
the Blue Heart Campaign by visiting the<br />
websites of the World Federation of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Women’s Organizations (www.<br />
wfuwo.com/Projects-Serdenko.html) and<br />
the United Nations Office on Drugs and<br />
Crime (www.unodc.org/blueheart/index.<br />
html).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Board of Directors of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of America<br />
cordially invites you to meet the artist and view the exhibition<br />
URBAN LANDSCAPES<br />
by<br />
Valery Tsarikovsky<br />
Sue Kryzanowicz-Milanez<br />
Orysia Sushko, Victor Malarek and Rachel Durschlag field questions from the<br />
audience.<br />
Artist’s reception on Friday, February 11, 6 - 8 PM<br />
<strong>The</strong> exhbition continues through March 6, <strong>2011</strong><br />
Exhibition hours are Tuesday - Sunday, 12 - 6 PM<br />
“Art at the Institute” is presented by the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of America<br />
2 East 79th Street, New York, NY 10075<br />
T 212.288.8660 • F 212.288.2918<br />
Programs@<strong>Ukrainian</strong>Institute.org<br />
www.<strong>Ukrainian</strong>Institute.org<br />
Ukraine's Unity Day...<br />
(Continued from page 11)<br />
Sophia Square.<br />
“<strong>The</strong>re’s a significant portion of opposition<br />
voters who don’t trust either<br />
Tymoshenko or Tiahnybok,” Mr. Fesenko<br />
said. “That’s a potential electorate for<br />
Yatsenyuk. From his own political interests,<br />
he’s supposed to separate himself and act<br />
independently.”<br />
For doing that, however, Mr. Yatsenyuk<br />
has drawn suspicion from other opposition<br />
leaders who say he’s cooperating with the<br />
Party of Regions to act as a controlled opposition.<br />
Those claims are baseless when considering<br />
Mr. Yatsenyuk’s sharp and vocal<br />
criticism of the <strong>2011</strong> budget, Mr. Fesenko<br />
said.<br />
“It’s incorrect to think there’s one opposition,<br />
and everyone else is against<br />
Tymoshenko and on the side of the government,”<br />
he said. “I don’t support monopolizing<br />
the status of opposition, or the notion<br />
that if Tymoshenko’s under attack, then<br />
she’s the only true opposition.”<br />
Among the redeeming events of Unity<br />
Day was a human chain formed across the<br />
Paton Bridge in Kyiv to symbolically unite<br />
both sides of the Dnipro River, which are<br />
typically divided on geo-political issues.<br />
Hundreds of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s of all ages and<br />
backgrounds waved <strong>Ukrainian</strong> flags, painted<br />
their faces blue-and-yellow, sang folks<br />
songs and locked their arms across the<br />
bridge in unity and love for Ukraine.<br />
No political parties were involved.
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
17<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of Modern Art prepares to mark 40th anniversary<br />
by Andrij Hudzan<br />
As another productive and eventful<br />
year comes to an end, we look forward<br />
with excitement to celebrating the 40th<br />
anniversary of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of<br />
Modern Art. Much as for individuals, 40<br />
years of an institution’s existence is a<br />
remarkable threshold, which validates the<br />
ideas and efforts of those who founded it.<br />
During the past 40 years, UIMA has<br />
hosted hundreds of cultural events that<br />
include countless modern art exhibitions,<br />
concerts of classical and experimental<br />
music, literary programs, creative meetings,<br />
theatrical plays, international artistic<br />
and educational programs, and political<br />
lectures and discussions.<br />
Early on, the Institute outgrew its original<br />
mission of serving as a gallery where<br />
artists of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> origin with experimental<br />
and unconventional vision could<br />
exhibit their works as well as propagate<br />
modern <strong>Ukrainian</strong> art.<br />
<strong>The</strong> UIMA enlarged its commitment to<br />
modern art by exhibiting the works of<br />
diverse artists and trends in contemporary<br />
art by trying to cover a larger sphere of<br />
international talents.<br />
Now the UIMA is well respected<br />
among Chicago artists and throughout<br />
America, and has earned international<br />
recognition as one of the leading artistic<br />
institutions in our city.<br />
<strong>The</strong> UIMA is truly unique. While<br />
many institutions in the United States and<br />
internationally were founded by<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> immigrants who were active<br />
collectors and exhibitors, none of them<br />
are fully focused on modern, contemporary<br />
and experimental art of multiple<br />
artistic forms.<br />
<strong>The</strong> UIMA’s permanent collection is<br />
notable for its quality and quantity; it<br />
Andriy Hudzan is administrator of the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of Modern Art.<br />
A view of the exhibit “Synchronized Combination of the Three Artists: Corinne<br />
Peterson, Anna Antonovych and Malgorzata Niespodziewana.”<br />
“Dialog III” by Vasyl Yarych of Lviv.<br />
contains over 800 pieces by well-known<br />
artists of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> origin, and prominent<br />
artists from Chicago and around the<br />
globe. Its permanent collection has been<br />
praised often by noted critics and collectors.<br />
But for the UIMA, its valuable collection<br />
is of far greater significance as an<br />
invaluable and irreplaceable repository of<br />
memories that define our roots and<br />
achievements, our community, our country<br />
and our voice.<br />
As the anniversary year approaches,<br />
let’s take a moment to assess 2010 and<br />
the many events mounted at the UIMA<br />
that attracted a wide range of visitors who<br />
were introduced to bold, young and even<br />
unknown talents.<br />
Let us recall some of them. <strong>The</strong> retrospective<br />
exhibit of Andriy Kovalenko, a<br />
relatively unknown artist, showed us a<br />
multi-faceted world. He was born in 1913<br />
in Ukraine, lived from 1947 to 1956 in<br />
Belgium, and then immigrated to<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of Modern Art in Chicago.<br />
America and settled in Chicago. He lived<br />
modestly, studied in the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community,<br />
and remained completely devoted<br />
to his muse until his death in 1989.<br />
While some regarded him as a<br />
reserved, quiet, almost hermit-like person,<br />
others recognized him as a man with<br />
a good heart and an intellectual frame of<br />
mind. <strong>The</strong> exhibit revealed his wideranging<br />
craftsmanship – early watercolors<br />
and oils created in<br />
Europe reflecting the influence<br />
of Cubism and made<br />
with the use of “found<br />
objects.” Viewers were<br />
impressed by his multitechnical<br />
abilities and<br />
unique, emotional and<br />
unconventional vision.<br />
<strong>The</strong> exhibit of the wellknown<br />
Chicago artist<br />
Anatoly Kolomayets, in<br />
contrast, presented works<br />
by an artist of considerable<br />
experience and professional<br />
excellence. His works stand<br />
out for the richness of technique<br />
and impressive colorism.<br />
Some viewers were<br />
surprised to see the works<br />
“not in his style.”<br />
Even as every person<br />
experiences some kinds of<br />
changes in their life, artists<br />
radiate on canvas or paper<br />
their particular concerns<br />
and feelings. Especially<br />
memorable in this sense<br />
were two works by Mr.<br />
Kolomayets that were created<br />
shortly after the death<br />
of his father, and they evidence<br />
the emotional distress<br />
this loss meant to him.<br />
<strong>The</strong> anniversary exhibit<br />
of Gladys Nillson’s work<br />
was a joint collaboration by<br />
UIMA and the Illinois<br />
Committee for the National<br />
Museum of Women in the<br />
Arts. Her work is wellknown<br />
in Chicago’s art<br />
world, as well as throughout<br />
America, and the exhibit<br />
at the UIMA resonated<br />
with our viewers.<br />
In the late 1960s, she<br />
became a member of the<br />
artistic group, Hairy Who,<br />
which was linked to the<br />
Chicago Imagists. Ms.<br />
Nillson was instrumental in<br />
winning national attention<br />
for Chicago-based artists.<br />
Her works are filled with<br />
humor and rich imagination.<br />
<strong>The</strong> exhibit served to<br />
bring together numerous<br />
skilled professionals and students.<br />
Particularly memorable was an evening<br />
interview with Ms. Nillson during which<br />
she shared her recollections and revealed<br />
some of her artistic secrets.<br />
“Neosymbolism – Bridges into the<br />
Unknown: brought together a group of<br />
international artists: Tom Besson, Klaus<br />
Aytinh, Thor Detviller, William Platz,<br />
(Continued on page 21)<br />
Icon by Andriy Kovalenko created with found<br />
objects.<br />
“African Motif 1” by Chicago artist Anatole<br />
Kolomayets.
18<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
COMMUNITY CHRONICLE<br />
Greater Boston celebrates extended Christmas (Rizdvo) season<br />
by Peter T. Woloschuk<br />
BOSTON – On the first two Sundays in<br />
December 2010 the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic<br />
community of greater Boston kicked off<br />
the traditional Christmas season with visits<br />
by St. Nicholas and Santa Claus to St.<br />
John the Baptist Parish in Salem, Mass.,<br />
and St. Nicholas to Christ the King parish<br />
in Boston while the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Orthodox<br />
community of Boston celebrated its patronal<br />
feast of St. Andrew the First Called<br />
with a traditional fish dinner at the same<br />
time. <strong>The</strong>y continued the festivities on<br />
<strong>January</strong> 1, 6 and 16 with festive dinners.<br />
After a sung liturgy which used<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>, English and Old Church<br />
Slavonic, the Salem community gathered<br />
in the parish hall for a festive buffet that<br />
was prepared by the parishioners and<br />
then watched a play, delivered in English,<br />
which featured Santa Claus meeting St.<br />
Nicholas in heaven and discussing Salem<br />
and the good people of St. John’s.<br />
<strong>The</strong> play was written and produced by<br />
Eva Sacharuk, who also played an angel.<br />
Stephanie Wolfe provided a musical<br />
interlude, playing both American and<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> carols on the piano, and she<br />
was joined by those in attendance who<br />
caroled along.<br />
A week later the sung liturgy at Christ<br />
the King in Boston was followed by a<br />
presentation of a Christmas play written<br />
in <strong>Ukrainian</strong> by the students of the<br />
“Ridna Shkola” (School of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Studies) in the parish house and a visit by<br />
St. Nicholas who came bearing gifts.<br />
That same day, the parishioners of St.<br />
Andrew’s gathered in their church hall<br />
following the sung liturgy for their annual<br />
commemoration of the parish’s patron<br />
with a fish dinner prepared by the men of<br />
the community under the supervision of<br />
chef Michael Maggiani (a non-<strong>Ukrainian</strong>,<br />
non-parishioner) who has been volunteering<br />
for the event for a number of years.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ambitious menu included lobster<br />
bisque and filet of sole. During the dinner,<br />
the youth of the parish put on a play<br />
in English titled “Charlie Brown’s<br />
Christmas Dilemma.”<br />
Each of the two New Years – old and<br />
new calendar – was celebrated with pot<br />
luck luncheons in the appropriate parishes.<br />
On Epiphany (<strong>The</strong>ophany/Yordan)<br />
evening, <strong>January</strong> 6, both Boston parishes<br />
held services; Christ the King a liturgy<br />
Vsevolod Petriv<br />
St. Andrew Parish youth present “Charlie Brown’s Christmas Dilemma.”<br />
marking Epiphany and St. Andrew’s pre-<br />
Christmas vespers, which were followed<br />
up with the traditional “Sviata Vechera”<br />
(Holy Eve Dinner) for parishioners who<br />
opted not to celebrate at home. Because<br />
Christ the King follows the new calendar<br />
and yet has numbers of Fourth Wave<br />
immigrants who follow the old calendar,<br />
its meal marked both Epiphany and<br />
Christmas.<br />
<strong>The</strong> men of St.Andrew’s Parish cook dinner.<br />
Vsevolod Petriv<br />
Tania Mychajlyshyn-D’Avignon<br />
Little angels who welcomed St. Nicholas to Christ the King Parish.<br />
Trenton UAYA donates $100,000 to campground in Ellenville, N.Y.<br />
by Oksana Bartkiv<br />
NEW YORK – A meeting of the Trenton,<br />
N.J., members of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American<br />
Youth Association with UAYA national<br />
board members, Andriy Bihun (president)<br />
and Bohdan Harhaj (former president), was<br />
held on <strong>January</strong> 13 at the home of Mychajlo<br />
and Daria Laszyn.<br />
Trenton UAYA Branch members present<br />
included Mykhajlo Dzubas (branch president),<br />
Daria Lashyn (recording and finance<br />
secretary), Nadia Lytwyn, Mykhajlo Lashyn<br />
and Volodymyr Lytwyn. <strong>The</strong> branch presented<br />
a donation of $100,000 for the<br />
Capital Improvement Project Campaign at<br />
the UAYA camground in Ellenville, N.Y.<br />
<strong>The</strong> main focus of this meeting was to<br />
update the branch on the latest progress,<br />
infrastructure projects and updates that are<br />
being done at the UAYA grounds in<br />
Ellenville, which are known as “Oselia.”<br />
Within the past two years, the UAYA<br />
national board and the UAYA Oselia board,<br />
who under the direction of Roman Kolinsky<br />
(director) and Andrij Stasiw (administrator),<br />
put in place a main goal to raise $1 million<br />
towards capital improvements and restorations<br />
of the Oselia.<br />
<strong>The</strong> plan was approved by the UAYA<br />
national board and information of the fund<br />
raising campaign was quickly disseminated<br />
to all the UAYA branches throughout the<br />
country.<br />
<strong>The</strong> UAYA oselia in Ellenville has been<br />
operating for over 50 years. It has allowed<br />
summer and occasionally winter camps to<br />
be held on its premises for UAYA youth.<br />
<strong>The</strong> oselia also holds several other yearround<br />
functions such as jamborees, congresses,<br />
sporting events, festivals, familyoriented<br />
events and other <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community<br />
events.<br />
<strong>The</strong> feedback towards the Capital<br />
Improvement Project Campaign has been<br />
positive. Foremost, generous contributions<br />
have been obtained by UAYA members and<br />
branches throughout the entire United<br />
States, as well as financial institutions such<br />
as SUMA (Yonkers) Federal Credit Union,<br />
Self Reliance New York Federal Credit<br />
Union, Self Reliance <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American<br />
Federal Credit Union, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Legacy<br />
Foundation of Chicago, as well as members<br />
of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> community throughout the<br />
country.<br />
<strong>The</strong> UAYA Trenton branch understood<br />
the dire need for campaign funds and therefore<br />
pledged and donated $100,000, earning<br />
them the title and status of “Visionaries of<br />
Mykhajlo Dzubas (right), president of the Trenton, N.J., branch of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
American Youth Association, presents a $100,000 donation to UAYA National<br />
President Andriy Bihun (second from right). Looking on are (from right): Daria<br />
Lashyn, Volodymyr Lytwyn, Nadia Lytwyn and Mykhajlo Lashyn.<br />
the UAYA National Board.”<br />
UAYA National President Bihun humbly<br />
accepted the donation, thanking and recognizing<br />
the founders and members of the<br />
UAYA Trenton, branch for their hard work<br />
throughout the years. He acknowledged that<br />
the branch’s efforts and generous donation<br />
was made possible by all prior members of<br />
the branch and thanked them for their years<br />
service.
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
19<br />
COMMUNITY CHRONICLE<br />
St. Nicholas Parish of Passaic celebrates its centennial<br />
At the centennial gala of St. Nicholas <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church (from left) are:<br />
Dr. Michael Lewko, the Rev. Andriy Dudkevych, Ken Wanio, and Vice-President<br />
in charge of operations Jaroslaw Fedun and CEO Val Bogattchouk of the Self<br />
Reliance (NJ) Federal Credit Union.<br />
by Tom Hawrylko<br />
PASSAIC, N.J. – St. Nicholas <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Catholic Church of Passaic, N.J., celebrated<br />
its 100th anniversary on October 24, 2010,<br />
with a liturgy celebrated<br />
b y A r c h b i s h o p -<br />
Metropolitan Stefan Soroka<br />
of the Archeparchy of<br />
Philadelphia; Bishop Hlib<br />
Lonchyna, Eparchy of<br />
Great Britain; Bishop Basil<br />
Losten, eparch emeritus of<br />
Stamford, Conn.; Bishop<br />
William Skurla, Ruthenian<br />
Diocese of Passaic; and St.<br />
Nicholas pastor, the<br />
Rev. Andriy Dudkevych.<br />
Afterwards, a centennial<br />
program and gala dinner,<br />
with over <strong>30</strong>0 guests<br />
attending, was held at the<br />
Royal Manor in nearby<br />
Garfield.<br />
Among the distinguished<br />
guests present<br />
were local officials and<br />
U.S. Rep. Bill Pascrell<br />
(D-N.J.), who was present-<br />
ed with a commemorative pysanka by the<br />
Rev. Dudkevych.<br />
Self Reliance (NJ) Federal Credit<br />
Union made a $10,000 donation to the<br />
church at the gala.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Rev. Andriy Dudkevych presents a commemorative<br />
pysanka to Rep. Bill Pascrell.<br />
Making contact with <strong>The</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />
Readers/writers who send information to <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong><br />
are kindly asked to include a daytime phone number and a complete<br />
mailing address. Please note that a daytime phone number is essential<br />
in order for editors to contact correspondents regarding clarifications.<br />
Youth of the parish offer a traditional <strong>Ukrainian</strong> greeting.<br />
Wilmington parish holds “Prosfora”<br />
WILMINGTON, Del. – On Sunday,<br />
<strong>January</strong> 16, over 250 parishioners and<br />
friends gathered in the church hall of St.<br />
Nicholas <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church in<br />
Wilmington, Del., for “Prosfora” Christmas<br />
dinner. At St. Nicholas the parishioners gather<br />
several times throughout the year for various<br />
events to celebrate as a church family.<br />
Guests of honor included the current pastor,<br />
the Rev Volodymyr Klanichka as well<br />
as former pastor, the Rev William Gore. <strong>The</strong><br />
occasion also marked the first birthday of<br />
Father Klanichka’s twins. Marko and<br />
Deanna.<br />
Also in attendance were longtime secretary<br />
of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Association<br />
Branch 173 Peter Serba, along with his son,<br />
UNA Auditor Eugene Serba.<br />
presents<br />
UTRECHT STRING QUARTET<br />
from the Netherlands<br />
performing:<br />
Schubert - String Quartet No. 8 in B Flat Major<br />
J. P. Sweelinck/Ch. Meijering - Mein junges Leben hat (k)ein End.<br />
Tchaikovsky - String Quartet No. 2 in F Major<br />
on February 12 at 8 pm<br />
at the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of America<br />
2 East 79th Street, New York City<br />
Admission: $<strong>30</strong>, UIA members and Seniors $25, students $20<br />
Concert will be followed by a reception<br />
Eugene Serba<br />
<strong>The</strong> Rev. Volodymyr Klanichka, his wife, Natalia, and their year-old twins,<br />
Marko and Deanna, at the “prosfora” of St. Nicholas <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church<br />
in Wilmington, Del.<br />
For tickets or information please call 212-288-8660
20<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
21<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> pro sports update: vintage football<br />
Mike Ditka: More than a Hall of Fame player<br />
Mike Ditka was a rugged competitor<br />
on the gridiron and a disciplined coach<br />
on the sideline. In many ways Ditka personified<br />
the vintage years of yesterday’s<br />
football. He had a quick temper, usually<br />
showing up everywhere in a nasty mood.<br />
He was Mr. No-Nonsense as a coach, yet<br />
very respected by his players.<br />
For the Hall of Fame tight end coaching<br />
was the next obvious step, given he<br />
had a great understanding of the X’s and<br />
O’s of the game. His coaching success<br />
paralleled that of his playing career – the<br />
highlight being winning the 1985 Super<br />
Bowl, the ultimate reward in a football<br />
player’s or coach’s life. Ditka’s love and<br />
passion for the game of football has<br />
earned him a permanent spot in National<br />
Football League history.<br />
Old-school attitude<br />
Coach Ditka was a perfect example of<br />
the classic football coach – the meaner<br />
the look, the more fearsome the team.<br />
During his run with the Chicago Bears<br />
the mustachioed mastermind expected<br />
perfection from his players. Any doubts<br />
regarding the high level of expectations<br />
was met with a frightening look on the<br />
sidelines that promised immediate ramifications<br />
for poor play. Ditka ruled with an<br />
iron fist as a football authority from a<br />
prior era of old-school warriors who<br />
commanded respect.<br />
Ditka’s coaching philosophy mirrored<br />
his style as an active player: defensively<br />
stingy, relentless in pursuit of the opposition;<br />
offensively conservative, preferring<br />
to grind it out by running the ball. He<br />
believed in detailed preparation, always<br />
having his team on a search-and-destroy<br />
mission. <strong>The</strong> 1985 Bears defense was<br />
built out of the Ditka mold, one of the<br />
best ever.<br />
Ditka played the final four years of his<br />
career with the Dallas Cowboys where he<br />
was a vital part of the Cowboys’ first<br />
Super Bowl championship team in 1971.<br />
<strong>The</strong> time he spent in Dallas provided him<br />
with additional benefits, serving as<br />
Ditka’s introduction to coaching. After<br />
Ditka retired following the 1972 season,<br />
head coach Tom Landry hired him as an<br />
assistant coach, in Dallas where he dutifully<br />
worked for nine years. <strong>The</strong> assistant<br />
coach was part of Landry’s second Super<br />
Bowl winning team in 1977.<br />
Coaching da Bears<br />
Ditka departed Dallas in 1982, when<br />
his dream job was realized with an opportunity<br />
to return to Chicago as head coach.<br />
He went on to coach the Bears for over<br />
10 feisty and quite controversial years.<br />
He suffered through several disputes with<br />
the NFL and many controversies with the<br />
media, and his temper got him into trouble<br />
with his own players. <strong>The</strong> 10 year<br />
training program under Landry in Dallas<br />
did not smooth out Ditka’s rough edges.<br />
Ditka’s coaching personality was more<br />
maniacal, like George Halas, his first<br />
coach as a player, than the stoic demeanor<br />
of Landry.<br />
Ditka’s coaching highlight was the<br />
1985 season, when his Bears lost only<br />
one game all season before thoroughly<br />
routing the New England Patriots in one<br />
of the most lopsided Super Bowls ever.<br />
Ditka became just the second person ever<br />
to win Super Bowls as a head coach,<br />
assistant coach and player. <strong>The</strong> first, Tom<br />
Flores, didn’t play in a Super Bowl, but<br />
dressed as a third-string quaterback in the<br />
1969 game.<br />
After 1985 the Bears turned in strong<br />
seasons and were perennial contenders,<br />
but never made it back to the Super<br />
Bowl. Time eventually took its toll on<br />
Ditka as the physical punishment from<br />
his playing days caught up to him. He<br />
had a noticeable limp on the sidelines<br />
toward the end of his stint with Chicago.<br />
Being the testy, temperamental type,<br />
Ditka’s relationship with the Bears’ front<br />
office deteriorated and he was ultimately<br />
fired. Thirty-plus years in the NFL as a<br />
player and coach came to an end – but<br />
only for five years. Ditka was hired by<br />
the struggling New Orleans Saints franchise<br />
in 1997, the final entry on his<br />
coaching resume, which lasted three<br />
years. A hugely controversial trade more<br />
or less sealed his destiny during those<br />
three losing years. After the Saints job,<br />
Ditka returned to Chicago to babysit his<br />
famous restaurant and resumed a successful<br />
broadcasting career he had begun a<br />
few years back.<br />
His tendency to freely speak his mind<br />
made him a natural for the bright lights of<br />
television. While on NBC with Bob<br />
Costas, his personality injected humor<br />
and insight to the game of football. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
days he speaks of football on ESPN,<br />
offering an encyclopedia of knowledge<br />
gathered over the course of 50-plus years<br />
involved with the sport.<br />
Have fun and win. Be loose, enjoy the<br />
competition, but show your grit. Ditka’s<br />
Chicago Bears were part of a brotherhood,<br />
inspired by their head coach. His<br />
1985 Super Bowl Champions even<br />
recorded a best-selling song, “<strong>The</strong> Super<br />
Bowl Shuffle,” strictly for the fun of it.<br />
This was all part of the coach’s let’s have<br />
fun, let’s win mentality that made him a<br />
winner.<br />
One of his greatest strengths was<br />
Ditka’s ability to understand his players<br />
and eliminate stress. As an ex-player, he<br />
completely understood the preparation,<br />
techniques and motivation from the point<br />
of view of a player, and was good at sharing<br />
his expertise with them. Most NFL<br />
coaches were not blessed with great success<br />
on the gridiron. Ditka knew what it<br />
was to get hurt and to be part of a big<br />
by Ihor Stelmach<br />
play. He was truly a player’s coach.<br />
No Saintly move<br />
Ditka’s two biggest career gambles<br />
came late in his coaching career and neither<br />
one paid off. His 1997 return from<br />
retirement to coach the horrendous New<br />
Orleans Saints were, by his own admission,<br />
“the three worst years” of his life.<br />
His drafting of running back Ricky<br />
Williams in 1999 was his bottoming out<br />
moment.<br />
Williams was an all-time NCAA rushing<br />
record breaker at the University of<br />
Texas in 1999, a superstar NFL prospect.<br />
He was still available at No. 5 in the first<br />
round of the NFL draft, and Ditka went<br />
all out to get him for the Saints. He made<br />
an offer the Washington Redskins could<br />
not refust for their fifth overall pick. <strong>The</strong><br />
Redskins received all of New Orleans’<br />
draft picks that year and an added bonus<br />
of the No. 1 and No. 3 picks in 2000. <strong>The</strong><br />
football world was stunned.<br />
Promoting the deal as a new page in<br />
Saints history, Ditka wore a dreadlock<br />
wig on TV (mimicking Williams’ look),<br />
then later posed with Williams on a magazine<br />
cover wearing a wedding dress<br />
(symbolizing a marriage made in heaven).<br />
In his rookie year, Williams rushed for<br />
884 yards with two touchdowns and six<br />
fumbles. <strong>The</strong> Saints went 3-13, and Ditka<br />
was fired.<br />
Today, he’s still involved, mixing his<br />
serious attitude and wealth of intelligence<br />
with his funny, low-key approach as an<br />
analyst and occasional commentator.<br />
When it comes to football, Ditka, the son<br />
of a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> coal miner from Carnegie,<br />
Pa., has done it all. He played, he<br />
coached and he continues to cover his<br />
sport in the broadcast media.<br />
One might say he’s a triple threat.<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute...<br />
(Continued from page 17)<br />
Stanislav Grezdo and Christina Katrakis.<br />
Through their creativity, they responded<br />
to the psychological, social and political<br />
forces of a rapidly changing culture in the<br />
20th and 21st centuries.<br />
In their figurative and conceptual art<br />
they use both simple and sophisticated<br />
symbols and images, revealing their artistic<br />
and humanistic position in today’s<br />
global society. <strong>The</strong> exhibition encouraged<br />
viewers to engage in serious discussions<br />
In the press...<br />
(Continued from page 9)<br />
build his own power hierarchy. …<br />
“<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> government has just<br />
been changed and slimmed down. In<br />
terms of structure, this makes much more<br />
sense. <strong>The</strong> balance between the<br />
RosUkrEnergo camp (billionaire co-owner<br />
Dmytro Firtash, Energy Minister Yurii<br />
Boiko, presidential chief of staff Serhiy<br />
Lyovochkin and Security Service of<br />
Ukraine chief Valeriy Khoroshkovsky)<br />
and the Donetsk group (wealthy and<br />
influential businessmen Rinat Akhmetov,<br />
Andriy Kliuyev and Borys Kolesnikov)<br />
appears to be maintained…<br />
“With Yanukovych supremely in<br />
charge, one question is whether he will<br />
remove Prime Minister Mykola Azarov.<br />
and thereby capture the essence of creative<br />
execution.<br />
A significant event for the UIMA as<br />
well as the city was an exhibit of imprints<br />
titled, “Anchor Graphics and Chicago<br />
Print Makers Collaborative – 20 Years of<br />
Printmaking,” which emphasized the<br />
commonalities among the best masters of<br />
this craft in Chicago. This exhibit also<br />
caught the interest of both professionals<br />
and students who jointly benefited from<br />
the art on view.<br />
“Synchronized Combination of the<br />
Three Artists: Corinne Peterson, Anna<br />
My suspicion is that he will do so,<br />
because Yanukovych has appointed<br />
Sergei Arbuzov as chairman of the<br />
National Bank of Ukraine and two other<br />
young loyalists as heads of the State Tax<br />
Administration and the tax police. …<br />
“Yanukovych undermined Azarov by<br />
vetoing the tax code and changing it substantially.<br />
Azarov has repeatedly objected<br />
to raising the retirement age, which<br />
Yanukovych supports publicly. …<br />
“If Azarov would be ousted, I think<br />
that Deputy [Vice] Prime Minister Sergiy<br />
Tigipko is likely to take his place, not<br />
because he is strong but because he is<br />
weak. Yanukovych wants a prime minister<br />
who is a moderator rather than a force<br />
in his own right, and he does not have<br />
any person purely of his own to appoint<br />
as yet. …”<br />
A n t o n o v y c h a n d M a l g o r z a t a<br />
Niespodziewana” was the UIMA’s concluding<br />
exhibit in 2010. Each of these<br />
artists has had different life experiences<br />
and works with different materials and<br />
techniques. Yet in the gallery they were<br />
united by a harmony of space, composition,<br />
color and philosophical thought.<br />
Ms. Peterson did not initially choose<br />
the artistic life. As a student of Carl Jung,<br />
she became interested in analyzing her<br />
own dreams and decided that she should<br />
work with clay. <strong>The</strong> rest, as they say, is<br />
history. Today, she occupies a worthy<br />
place among Chicago’s sculptors.<br />
Ms. Antonovych, on the other hand,<br />
traveled the physical world and discovered<br />
beauty in everything she saw – in<br />
the cracked walls of old buildings and the<br />
debries of wrecked roads.<br />
Ms. Niespodziewana, a Polish artist,<br />
had always been fascinated by the human<br />
body, and its depiction by the culture and<br />
philosophy of India. <strong>The</strong> graciousness of<br />
forms, compositions and colors presented<br />
by her art served to created a perfect<br />
background for a contemporary music<br />
concert by the Maverick ensemble.<br />
Creative work can also be collaborative,<br />
as evidenced by the artistry of<br />
Svitlana and Vasyl Yarych, a married<br />
couple from Lviv. <strong>The</strong>y are connected<br />
and inspired in both their married and<br />
artistic lives. <strong>The</strong>ir works are filled with<br />
warmth and color, and reflect the eternal<br />
themes of life and love.<br />
During this anniversary year, the<br />
UIMA will continue with fund-raising to<br />
support its programs and to complete the<br />
renovations of its building. <strong>The</strong> second<br />
phase of renovation involving the museum’s<br />
main entrance and office is completed,<br />
and the new space is light and<br />
airy.<br />
Future plans will focus on the creation<br />
of an educational-research center, a<br />
sculpture garden, and the expansion of<br />
storage space for the museum’s holdings.<br />
(We’d like to know that our members and<br />
benefactors support these expansion ideas<br />
and we invite everyone to comment and<br />
share their thoughts.)<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Institute of Modern Art<br />
was pleased with the success of its<br />
December 4, 2010 event, “Members of<br />
the Institute Invite New Friends!” – a<br />
reception during the beginning of the<br />
UIMA’s 40th anniversary.<br />
During <strong>2011</strong>, the UIMA will kicks off<br />
a series in which we reflect on specific<br />
periods in UIMA’s its history, We’ll be<br />
profiling major donors and supporters,<br />
highlighting groundbreaking exhibits<br />
from the past, while striving throughout<br />
to encourage enthusiasts to become members<br />
by joining us in volunteer activities<br />
that support our its mission to present<br />
innovative art from the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> and<br />
larger American communities.<br />
And the UIMA will cap off the year<br />
with a gala banquet in October celebrating<br />
its 40th anniversary and heralding the<br />
next 40 years.
22<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
Toronto <strong>Ukrainian</strong> festival<br />
set for September 16-18<br />
TORONTO – <strong>The</strong> annual Bloor West<br />
Village Toronto <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Festival will<br />
be held Friday, September 16, through<br />
Sunday, September 18. Located on Bloor<br />
Street West between the Runnymede and<br />
Jane TTC stations, this event in 2010<br />
attracted 514,000 people eager to experience<br />
a new culture, get in touch with their<br />
roots or just be part of one of the city’s<br />
best annual street events.<br />
With its goal of being bigger and<br />
better every year, the <strong>2011</strong> festival will<br />
be especially grand, as it celebrates the<br />
120th anniversary of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> settlement<br />
in Canada as well as its own 15th<br />
anniversary.<br />
Selective justice...<br />
(Continued from page 6)<br />
leaders.<br />
<strong>The</strong> selective application of law is the<br />
main feature of the system they have built. It<br />
is at the heart of the institutionalized blackmail<br />
whimsically employed as a tool of state<br />
domination. <strong>The</strong> system was correctly analyzed<br />
more than 10 years ago by Keith<br />
Darden as consisting of three major elements:<br />
(1) widespread corruption that is tolerated<br />
and even encouraged by the authorities;<br />
(2) tight surveillance that enables the<br />
authorities to collect compromising materials<br />
against everyone and keep each subject<br />
on the hook; (3) selective punishment of any<br />
politically disloyal subject for seemingly<br />
non-political wrongdoings.<br />
Former President Leonid Kuchma had<br />
gradually constructed such a model. <strong>The</strong><br />
Orange Revolution shook the system, but<br />
failed to dismantle it and replace it with<br />
functional democratic institutions based on<br />
the rule of law. Hence, the old system did<br />
not work because it required the full control<br />
of all branches of power by the executive<br />
that neither President Viktor Yushchenko<br />
nor Prime Minister Tymoshenko had. Yet,<br />
no new system was introduced in its place.<br />
So, the country became, as a result, virtually<br />
unmanageable.<br />
President Yanukovych has successfully<br />
monopolized power, subordinated all the<br />
branches of government, the Parliament and<br />
the judiciary to his office, and re-established<br />
a kind of order. He has made institutions<br />
more or less manageable, but this has meant<br />
moving back towards Kuchma-era authoritarianism<br />
than any step forward toward<br />
functioning democracy. Stagnation, backwardness,<br />
lawlessness and rampant corruption<br />
are likely to be preserved and<br />
entrenched in such an environment.<br />
<strong>The</strong> only conclusion Mr. Yanukovych<br />
seems to have made from Mr. Kuchma’s<br />
failure is that the system was not repressive<br />
enough. Indeed, Mr. Kuchma lost because<br />
he had not completely marginalized the<br />
opposition – as Russia’s Vladimir Putin or<br />
Belarus’ Alyaksandr Lukashenka did – and<br />
had not prevented his allies from overt and<br />
Friends mourn...<br />
(Continued from page 2)<br />
ing ideas and helped other playwrights with<br />
advice.”<br />
Ominous feeling<br />
Ms. Yablonska’s fame had started spreading<br />
beyond the former Soviet Union. <strong>The</strong><br />
Royal Court <strong>The</strong>ater in London plans a<br />
reading of “<strong>The</strong> Pagans” in April.<br />
<strong>The</strong> play tells the story of a young<br />
woman who slowly regains a taste for life<br />
after a failed suicide attempt. Although her<br />
work largely focused on the difficulty of<br />
human relations, particularly between close<br />
<strong>The</strong> festival features world-class<br />
entertainment, savory traditional<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> cuisine and international delicatessens,<br />
awe-inspiring musicians and<br />
dancers in costumes that dazzle, a midway<br />
filled with games for children, a<br />
colorful parade, and vendors offering<br />
cultural treasures, jewelry and many<br />
other goods. Each evening ends with a<br />
“zabava” during which visitors can<br />
dance under the stars to a live band<br />
right on the street.<br />
For more information, readers may<br />
call 416-410-9956, e-mail info@ukrainianfestival.com<br />
or log on to www.<br />
ukrainianfestival.com.<br />
covert defection to the opposition camp. So,<br />
we are likely to witness more clampdowns<br />
on the opposition and the independent<br />
media, disguised as a “fight with corruption”<br />
and “restoring order” and, of course,<br />
“reforms.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> red line, however, that separates<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> authoritarians from their Russian,<br />
Belarusian and Central Asian counterparts<br />
has not yet been crossed. So far, the government<br />
in Ukraine, unlike elsewhere in the<br />
Commonwealth of Independent States<br />
(CIS), can be changed peacefully, in more<br />
or less democratic elections.<br />
Mr. Yanukovych and his associates seem<br />
to be rather reluctant to cross that line<br />
despite a very strong temptation.<br />
Remarkably, all the criminal accusations<br />
against their predecessors and political<br />
opponents concern some misuse of funds<br />
(which was actually typical for all <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
governments, with traditionally low budget<br />
discipline), but not their appropriation and<br />
personal enrichment. This means that the<br />
punishment for these crimes, if they are<br />
proven, would be rather mild, with the sentences<br />
probably suspended.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y may reflect an informal agreement<br />
among <strong>Ukrainian</strong> elites to avoid harsh penalties<br />
against their opponents, simply<br />
because of a fear that the wheel may turn<br />
around and today’s opponents might<br />
become tomorrow’s authorities who would<br />
implement the same harsh measures against<br />
them for the same misdeeds. Not a single<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> top official has been imprisoned<br />
over the past two decades, no matter what<br />
accusations of theft, embezzlement or money-laundering<br />
have been raised.<br />
If we happen to see this informal agreement<br />
broken, it would mean that Ukraine<br />
has become either a full-fledged democracy<br />
based on the rule of law, or a full-fledged<br />
authoritarian state with a firmly entrenched<br />
repressive regime that would never step<br />
down peacefully. <strong>The</strong> first development<br />
under the current regime looks unlikely. <strong>The</strong><br />
second is possible but still uncertain. <strong>The</strong><br />
sentences given to Ms. Tymoshenko and her<br />
associates will probably signal the real political<br />
ambitions – and perspicacity – of<br />
today’s rulers.<br />
relatives, her writing was often humorous.<br />
Her friends say Ms. Yablonska, who<br />
leaves behind a 3-year-old daughter, may<br />
have had an ominous feeling ahead of her<br />
flight to Moscow.<br />
On December 21, 2010, she wrote in her<br />
LiveJournal blog: “It seems to me that I<br />
have very little time left.”<br />
Copyright <strong>2011</strong>, RFE/RL Inc. Reprinted<br />
with the permission of Radio Free Europe/<br />
Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave. NW,<br />
Washington DC 20036; www.rferl.org. (See<br />
http://www.rferl.org/content/moscow_airport_bombing_domodedovo_ukraine_playwright/2287944.html.)<br />
New volume...<br />
(Continued from page 8)<br />
He concludes with an assessment of the hetman<br />
and his age that has long been controversial<br />
in <strong>Ukrainian</strong> historiography.<br />
<strong>The</strong> volume shows how Ukraine’s relations<br />
with Muscovy were strained by the<br />
Muscovites’ failure to help fend off devastating<br />
Polish and Crimean attacks, which<br />
prompted <strong>Ukrainian</strong> leaders to seek support<br />
elsewhere. Tensions were exacerbated by the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Muscovite dispute over<br />
Belarusian territory.<br />
When Charles X of Sweden attacked the<br />
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1655,<br />
while Khmelnytsky was seeking to recover<br />
the western <strong>Ukrainian</strong> lands, a Swedish-<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> alliance seemed to be in the making.<br />
A military convention was concluded,<br />
but Charles, under pressure from his allies<br />
among the Polish nobility, would not cede<br />
western Ukraine to the Kozaks.<br />
After the Vilnius accord between<br />
Muscovy and the Commonwealth<br />
(November 1656), Khmelnytsky sought to<br />
form a Swedish-Transylvanian-<strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
league and supported the abortive effort by<br />
György Rákóczi II of Transylvania to gain<br />
the Polish throne. Hrushevsky’s exhaustive<br />
discussion of diplomatic affairs greatly<br />
advances understanding of the role of<br />
Ukraine and the countries of East Central<br />
Europe in the political crisis of the mid-17th<br />
century.<br />
In a comprehensive introduction to the<br />
Moscow moves...<br />
Russia Black Sea...<br />
(Continued from page 2)<br />
addition, one Mistral-class amphibious<br />
attack ship (out of four planned for procurement<br />
from France) is supposed to be allocated<br />
to Russia’s Black Sea Fleet.<br />
Russia’s naval presence in Ukraine underscores<br />
the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> government’s lax interpretation<br />
of the country’s non-bloc status.<br />
Ukraine’s current authorities have legislated<br />
for this status, and drastically curtailed the<br />
country’s cooperation with NATO, without<br />
developing a clear definition of the non-bloc<br />
status, or an international legal-political<br />
framework to ensure its observance. Within<br />
this grey area, Russia suggests that it would<br />
consider modernizing and operating the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> radars in Sevastopol and<br />
Mukachive, as contribution to a common<br />
anti-missile defense system (Hryhory<br />
Perepelitsya, “Ukraine’s Non-Bloc Status<br />
Evolution,” Diplomatic Academy of<br />
Ukraine International <strong>Weekly</strong>, December 28,<br />
2010).<br />
Russia’s entrenchment in Crimea has<br />
caught NATO, the United States and the<br />
European Union distracted and wrong-footed.<br />
Some other actors now seek to develop a<br />
soft-security answer.<br />
volume, Dr. Fedoruk considers issues of foreign<br />
policy, as well as the larger problem of<br />
national historiographies and their limitations<br />
with regard to the highly complex<br />
European situation. Dr. Sysyn analyzes<br />
Hrushevsky’s assessment of Khmelnytsky’s<br />
rule in Chapter 13 as a polemic with the conservative<br />
historian Viacheslav Lypynsky<br />
(1882-1931).<br />
Volume 9, Book 2, Part 2 of “History of<br />
Ukraine-Rus’ ” is available in a hardcover<br />
edition for $119.95 (plus taxes and shipping;<br />
outside Canada, prices are in U.S. dollars).<br />
<strong>The</strong> full set of the history is available at<br />
a subscription price of $1,100. Volumes 7 to<br />
10 (in six books), representing the “History<br />
of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Cossacks,” are available at<br />
a subscription price of $600.<br />
Orders can be placed via the secure online<br />
ordering system of CIUS Press at www.<br />
ciuspress.com or by contacting CIUS Press,<br />
4<strong>30</strong> Pembina Hall, University of Alberta,<br />
Edmonton, AB, Canada T6G 2H8; telephone,<br />
780-492-2973; e-mail, cius@ualberta.ca.<br />
* * *<br />
<strong>The</strong> Canadian Institute of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Studies (CIUS) is a leading center of<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> studies outside Ukraine that conducts<br />
research and scholarship in <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
and <strong>Ukrainian</strong>-Canadian studies. For more<br />
information on the institute, readers may<br />
visit the website www.cius.ca, phone Dr.<br />
Bohdan Klid at 780-492-2972; or e-mail<br />
cius@ualberta.ca.<br />
(Continued from page 3)<br />
13, insisted that “no one has closed the<br />
library of <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Literature.” But he<br />
added that “there really were seized several<br />
books which are now being studied on the<br />
basis of our legislation which prohibits the<br />
distribution of nationalistic ideas.”<br />
In discussing both these cases, Grani.ru<br />
commentator Vitaly Portnikov says that “in<br />
contemporary Russia one must not be surprised<br />
by anything.” But in order to make<br />
sense of what Russian officials are now<br />
doing against <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s, he recalls an event<br />
in which he was a participant at the end of<br />
t h e 1 9 8 0 s ( g r a n i . r u / o p i n i o n /<br />
portnikov/m.185343.html).<br />
At that time, the Moscow city Komsomol<br />
organization summoned representatives of<br />
the recently founded Jewish, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> and<br />
Belarusian youth groups in the Russian capital<br />
to a meeting. <strong>The</strong> Komsomol city organization<br />
secretary wanted to know why Mr.<br />
Portnikov, who is Jewish, was involved with<br />
a <strong>Ukrainian</strong> club.<br />
“I somewhat angrily noted,” Mr.<br />
Portnikov recalls, “that until recently for the<br />
study of Hebrew, Jews had been sent to the<br />
camps, and now Jews are being blamed for a<br />
knowledge of <strong>Ukrainian</strong>. ‘<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s are<br />
worse than the Jews,’ the secretary responded.<br />
‘Jews will at least leave, but <strong>Ukrainian</strong>s<br />
want to destroy our great land.’”<br />
At the time, Mr. Portnikov says, he “did<br />
not devote importance to this insane dialogue<br />
because I could not imagine that<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong>s in Russia could find themselves<br />
in the position of Jews of the 1940s and<br />
1950s, that [Moscow officials] would stomp<br />
on their books with dirty boots” or close<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> institutions as they had done earlier<br />
with Jewish ones.<br />
But as the latest events show, he concludes<br />
with obvious sadness, “it turns out<br />
that even this is possible.”<br />
On <strong>January</strong> 20 in Strasbourg, the<br />
European Parliament’s Foreign Affairs<br />
Committee adopted a resolution on the full<br />
range of security challenges in the Black Sea<br />
region. Inspired by Romanian members of<br />
the European Parliament, and intended for<br />
submission to the European Parliament’s<br />
plenum, the resolution expresses particular<br />
concern about the extension of the Russian<br />
Black Sea Fleet’s lease on <strong>Ukrainian</strong> territory.<br />
<strong>The</strong> resolution suggests that the<br />
EU should develop a conflict-prevention and<br />
early-warning system. This would serve to<br />
build confidence throughout the region<br />
and help prevent threat of force, its use or<br />
escalation. Such a system would focus on<br />
arms transfers and naval activities. <strong>The</strong> proposal<br />
regards Russia as a desirable partner in<br />
such a system, alongside the EU and the<br />
Black Sea region’s countries (members or<br />
non-members of the EU). This area today<br />
faces key challenges that the EU cannot<br />
ignore (European Parliament press release,<br />
<strong>January</strong> 20).<br />
<strong>The</strong> article above is reprinted from<br />
Eurasia Daily Monitor with permission from<br />
its publisher, the Jamestown Foundation,<br />
www.jamestown.org.
No. 5<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
23<br />
OUT AND ABOUT<br />
<strong>January</strong> 31<br />
Cambridge, MA<br />
February 1<br />
Cambridge, MA<br />
February 4-27<br />
Chicago<br />
February 5<br />
Randolph, MA<br />
February 5<br />
Philadelphia<br />
Seminar by Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern, “Blanks<br />
from Starokonstantinov: Lenin’s Jewish Roots?”<br />
Harvard University, 617-495-4053<br />
Lecture by Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern, “Between<br />
Exile and Redemption: <strong>The</strong> Case of the <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Jewish Poet Moisei Fishbein,” Harvard University,<br />
617-495-4053<br />
Art exhibit, featuring works by Volodymyr<br />
Ilchyshyn, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> National Museum,<br />
312-421-8020<br />
Malanka, featuring music by Hrim, <strong>The</strong> Lantana,<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Educational Center of Boston,<br />
Skostecki108@comcast.net or<br />
www.ukrainiancenter.org<br />
Presentation of debutantes and ball, featuring<br />
music by Fata Morgana, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Engineers’<br />
Society of America – Philadelphia Chapter, Hyatt<br />
Hotel at the Bellevue, 610-277-1284 or<br />
215-635-7134<br />
February 5<br />
Movie night, “John Wayne ‘<strong>The</strong> Early Years,’”<br />
Lehighton, PA <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Homestead, 610-377-4621<br />
February 5<br />
New York<br />
February 6<br />
Whippany, NJ<br />
February 7<br />
Cambridge, MA<br />
February 10-11<br />
Stanford, CA<br />
February 12<br />
Perth Amboy, NJ<br />
Lecture by Valerii Zemba, “Edificatory Prose of<br />
the Kyivan Metropolitanate Between the Union of<br />
Florence and the Union of Brest,” Shevchenko<br />
Scientific Society, 212-254-51<strong>30</strong><br />
Super Bowl viewing party, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American<br />
Cultural Center of New Jersey, www.uaccnj.org<br />
Roundtable discussion, “Undoing Ukraine’s Orange<br />
Revolution? <strong>The</strong> First Presidential Year of Vktor<br />
Yanukovych,” Harvard University, 617-495-4053<br />
Film screenings, hosted by Yuri Shevchuk, “New<br />
Films and New Names from Ukraine,” Stanford<br />
University, http://creees.stanford.edu<br />
Valentine’s Day dance, featuring music by Anna-<br />
Maria Entertainment, Assumption <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Catholic Church, 732-826-0767<br />
February 12<br />
Valentine’s Day dinner and dance, <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Lehighton, PA Homestead, 610-377-4621<br />
February 12<br />
Whippany, NJ<br />
February 12<br />
New Haven, CT<br />
February 14<br />
Cambridge, MA<br />
Valentine’s Day dinner and dance, featuring music<br />
by Grupo Yuri Jazz, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Cultural<br />
Center of New Jersey, 973-867-8855<br />
Valentine’s Day dinner and dance, St. Michael<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Catholic Church, 203-865-0388 or<br />
stmichaels@snet.net<br />
Lecture by Viktor Ostapchuk, “Toward the<br />
Roksolana / Hurrem Sultan Quincentenary, In<br />
Search of Roksolana / Hurrem’s Origins: <strong>The</strong><br />
Source of Evidence,” Harvard University,<br />
617-495-4053<br />
February 19<br />
Winter ball, featuring music by Hrim, L’Enfant<br />
Washington Plaza Hotel, zabavadc@gmail.com or 800-635-5056<br />
February 20<br />
Lehighton, PA<br />
February 26<br />
Parsippany, NJ<br />
February 28<br />
Cambridge, MA<br />
March 5<br />
Pittsburgh<br />
Geneology presentation by Mike Buryk, <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
Homestead, www.buryk.com or<br />
Michael.Buryk@verizon.net<br />
Debutante ball, featuring music by Hrim and<br />
Vorony, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Youth Association,<br />
Sheraton Hotel,<br />
http://cym.org/us/archives/Deb<strong>2011</strong>/<strong>2011</strong>Deb.asp<br />
Lecture by Jessica Allina Pisano, “Stalinism and the<br />
Tyranny of the Houshold Cow in Post- War<br />
Transcarpathia: Exploring Critical Alternatives to<br />
Concepts in Social Research,” Harvard University,<br />
617-495-4053<br />
Pre-Lenten dance, featuring music by Chervona<br />
Kalyna, <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Community of Western<br />
Pennsylvania, Best Western Parkway Center Inn,<br />
412-897-0741 or www.ucowpa.org<br />
Entries in “Out and About” are listed free of charge. Priority is given to events<br />
advertised in <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong>. However, we also welcome submissions<br />
from all our readers. Items will be published at the discretion of the editors<br />
and as space allows. Please send e-mail to mdubas@ukrweekly.com.
24<br />
THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY <strong>30</strong>, <strong>2011</strong><br />
No. 5<br />
ARE YOU A FORMER MEMBER<br />
OF THE NEWARK BRANCH<br />
OF PLAST?<br />
<strong>The</strong> Newark Plast branch will celebrate its 60th anniversary with a<br />
JUBILEE CAMPFIRE AND GET-TOGETHER on March 26, <strong>2011</strong>,<br />
at its new home, the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> American Cultural Center of New Jersey<br />
(located in Whippany, NJ).<br />
Current and former members of the Plast “stanytsia” will be invited to<br />
attend this jubilee celebration. In order to be included on the invitation<br />
list, former members are asked to e-mail or call event organizers:<br />
Christine Kochan, chrystia@optonline.net<br />
Zoriana Stawnychy, 973-283-0024.<br />
Group photos of Newark Plast debutante balls are being sought for a photo<br />
display. Anyone having such photos is asked to contact the organizers.<br />
PREVIEW OF EVENTS<br />
Saturday, February 5<br />
NEW YORK: <strong>The</strong> Shevchenko Scientific<br />
Society invites all to a lecture by Valerii<br />
Zema, research fellow, Institute of <strong>Ukrainian</strong><br />
History, National Academy of Sciences of<br />
Ukraine on the subject “Edificatory Prose of<br />
the Kyivan Metropolitanate Between the<br />
Union of Florence and the Union of Brest.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> speaker is presently a visiting Fulbright<br />
Scholar at the <strong>Ukrainian</strong> Research Institute,<br />
Harvard University. <strong>The</strong> lecture will take<br />
place at the society’s building, 63 Fourth<br />
Avenue (between Ninth and 10th streets) at 5<br />
p.m. For additional information call 212-<br />
254-51<strong>30</strong>.<br />
Sunday, February 20<br />
LEHIGHTON, Pa.: Mike Buryk, a<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> American family researcher,<br />
will offer a workshop on Lemko and<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> genealogy focused on the Sanok<br />
region of Poland. <strong>The</strong> talk will cover local<br />
historical background, how to research<br />
your family tree, archives, online resources,<br />
and software and hardware tools. This<br />
session takes place at 1-4 p.m. at the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> Homestead on Sunday,<br />
February 20. Snow date is February 27th.<br />
For travel directions: http://www.<br />
ukrhomestead.com/directx.html . For a<br />
flyer: http://www.buryk.com/our_patch/<br />
docs/ukrlemkogentoolkit02<strong>2011</strong>.pdf . An<br />
exhibit of books and maps is included.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is a $10 workshop fee. For additional<br />
information contact michael.buryk@<br />
verizon.net.<br />
PREVIEW OF EVENTS GUIDELINES<br />
Preview of Events is a listing of community events open to the public. It is a<br />
service provided at minimal cost ($20 per listing) by <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ukrainian</strong> <strong>Weekly</strong> to the<br />
<strong>Ukrainian</strong> community.<br />
To have an event listed in Preview of Events please send information, in English,<br />
written in Preview format, i.e., in a brief paragraph that includes the date, place, type<br />
of event, sponsor, admission, full names of persons and/or organizations involved,<br />
and a phone number to be published for readers who may require additional<br />
information. Items should be no more than 100 words long; longer submissions<br />
are subject to editing. Items not written in Preview format or submitted without all<br />
required information will not be published.<br />
Preview items must be received no later than one week before the desired date of<br />
publication. No information will be taken over the phone. Items will be published<br />
only once, unless otherwise indicated. Please include payment for each time<br />
the item is to appear and indicate date(s) of issue(s) in which the item is to be<br />
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Information should be sent to: preview@ukrweekly.com or Preview of Events,<br />
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