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MEETING HANDBOOKLINGUISTIC SOCIETY OF AMERICAAMERICAN DIALECT SOCIETYAMERICAN NAME SOCIETYNORTH AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE SCIENCESSOCIETY FOR PIDGIN AND CREOLE LINGUISTICSSOCIETY FOR THE STUDY OF THE INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES OF THE AMERICASHILTON ANAHEIMANAHEIM, CA4-7 JANUARY 2007

Exhibit Hall Floor PlanCalifornia AExhibitorsBoothsBooth 203-205-207 Blackwell PublishingBooth 102-104-106 Cambridge University PressBooth 201 Cascadilla PressBooth 100 University of Chicago PressBooth 208 Continuum International Publishing GroupBooth 209 Duke University PressBooth 202 Elsevier, Ltd.Booth 108 Equinox Publishing Ltd.Booth 304 Georgetown University PressBooth 101-103 John Benjamins Publishing Co.Booth 105 MIT PressBooth 202-206 Mouton de GruyterBooth 107-109 Oxford University PressBooth 306 Palgrave/MacmillanBooth 308 Perception Research SystemsBooth 200 SIL InternationalBooth 300-302 Springer4

Meeting RoomsSECOND FLOORFOURTH FLOOR5

General Meeting InformationExhibitThe exhibit of linguistics publications will be in California A. The exhibit will be open the following hours:Friday, 5 January 10:00 AM – 1 :00 PM 2:00 PM – 5:30 PMSaturday, 6 January 10:00 AM – 1 :00 PM 2:00 PM – 5:30 PMSunday, 7 January 8:30 AM –11:30 AMThere is no LSA Joint Book Exhibit this year.Job Placement ServiceOn Friday, 5 January, and Saturday, 6 January, the Job Placement Service will be set up in the Coronado Room. It will be open 8:30AM – 5:30 PM. The Sunday hours will be 9:00 AM – 11:00 AM. Lists of openings will be available, and the staff will facilitateinterviews between applicants and employers. Interviewers are asked to list openings and check in with the staff so that an interviewschedule can be arranged. Applicants should bring an adequate supply of their CV’s—enough to submit one copy to each interviewer.The Job Placement Service will have no duplication facilities.Open Committee Meetings• LSA Executive Committee. Thursday, 4 January, Executive Board Room, beginning at 8:00 AM.• Committee on Endangered Language & Their Preservation (CELP). Saturday, 6 January, Salinas Room, 9:00 – 10:00 AM.• Committee on Ethnic Diversity in Linguistics (CEDL), Friday, 5 January, Salinas Room, 8:00 – 9:30 AM.• Language in the School Curriculum (LiSC). Saturday, 6 January, Redondo Room, 8:00 – 9:30 AM.• Committee on the Status of Women in Linguistics. Saturday, 6 January, Palisades Room, 8:00 – 9:30 AM.• Technology Advisory Committee. Saturday, 6 January, Monterey Room, 8:30 – 9:30 AM.Thursday, 4 JanuarySpecial Events• ANS: Executive Council. Monterey Room, 1:00 – 3:30 PM.• ADS: Executive Council. Redondo Room, 1:00 – 3:00 PM.• ADS: Business Meeting. Palos Verdes Room, 3:00 – 4:30 PM.• ADS: Word of the Year Nominations. Palos Verdes Room, 5:15 – 6:45 PM.• LSA: Welcome. California C, 7:15 PM.• LSA: Invited Plenary Panel. California C, 7:30 – 9:00 PM, ‘Phonology: An appraisal of the field in 2007’; Larry M.Hyman (UC-Berkeley) and Ellen Kaisse (U WA), organizers.• ANS/ADS: Cash Bar & Reception. Green Room, 9:00 – 10:30 PM.Friday, 5 January• LSA-National Science Foundation Open Meeting. Oceanside Room, 11:30 AM – 12:30 PM.• LSA: Invited Plenary Address. California C, 12:30 – 1:30 PM, Carol Padden (UC-San Diego), ‘Person inflection in signlanguages’.• ADS: Words of the Year Voting. Palos Verdes Room, 5:30 – 6:30 PM.6

• LSA: Business Meeting and Award Ceremony. California C, 5:30 – 7:00 PM, chaired by Sally McConnell-Ginet,LSA President• The Linguistics, Language & the Public Award will be presented at the LSA business meeting.• The Victoria A. Fromkin Lifetime Service Award will be presented at the LSA business meeting.• ADS: Bring Your Own Book Exhibit/Reception. Redondo Room, 6:30 – 7:30 PM.• LSA: Invited Plenary Address. California C, 7:00 – 8:00 PM, Edward Keenan (UCLA), ‘Linguistic invariantsand language variation: A unifying perspective’.• ANS: Dinner. Tangerine Grill and Patio, 7:00 – 10:00 PM.• LSA: Graduate Student Panel. Huntington Room, 8:00 – 9:30 PM.• LSA: David Perlmutter Festschrift Celebration. Avenue Bar, 8:15 – 9:30 PM.• Student Mixer. Sheraton Park Hotel Territorial Saloon, 9:30 – 11:30 PM.Saturday, 6 January• ANS: Business Meeting. Carmel Room, 8:30 – 9:30 AM.• ANS: Presidential Address. Carmel Room, 9:30 – 10:15 AM. Cleveland Kent Evans, ANS President, ‘From Shelby toCohen: Seventy years of popular culture influence on American given names’.• NAAHoLS: Business Meeting. Manhattan Room, 11:00 AM – 12:00 PM.• ANS: Invited Plenary Address. Carmel Room, 11:30 AM – 12:30 PM, Frank H. Nuessel (U Louisville), ‘The study ofnames: Past research and future projects’.• ADS: Annual Luncheon. Palisades, 12:15 – 1:45 PM.• SSILA: Business Meeting. Santa Monica Room, 12:15 – 1:45 PM.• LSA: Invited Plenary Address. California C, 12:30 – 1:30 PM, Mark Liberman (U Penn), ‘The future of linguistics’.• LSA: In Memory of William Bright. Manhattan Room, 4:00 – 5:30 PM.• LSA: Presidential Address. California C, 5:30 – 7:00 PM.• The Class of 2007 LSA Fellows will be presented.• Sally McConnell-Ginet, LSA President, ‘Words in the world: How and why meanings can matter’.• ANS: Executive Council Meeting. Carmel Room, 6:00 – 7:00 PM.• LSA: Reception. 7:00 – 8:00 PM.Sunday, 7 January• Journal Editors’ Meeting. Oceanside Room, 8:30 – 10:00 AM.Office Hours• 2007 LSA Linguistic Institute Director. Oceanside Room.Saturday, 6 January 2:30 – 3:30 PM• LinguistList. Oceanside Room.Friday, 5 JanuarySaturday, 6 January9:30 – 10:30 AM1:00 – 2:00 PM• Editor of Language. Oceanside Room.Friday, 5 January 1:30 – 3:00 PM• Google. Monterrey Room.Saturday, 6 January10:00 AM – 12:00 PM• Journal Editors. Monterey Room, Friday, 5 January:* Diachronica, 10:00 – 11:00 AM* Germanic Linguistics, 2:00 – 3:00 PM* IJAL, 11:00 AM – 12:00 PM• Open Languages Archive Committee (OLAC). Oceanside RoomFriday, 5 January 10:30 – 11:30 AMSaturday, 6 January 10:00 AM – 1:00 PM7

Thursday AfternoonLSAContrasts 2Chair: Natasha Warner (U AZ)Room: Laguna4:00 Rebeka Campos-Astorkiza (USC): Representation of minimal contrast: Evidence from phonetic processes4:30 Anastasia Riehl (Cornell U): Phonetically-driven phonology in the typology of nasal-obstruent sequence types5:00 Caleb Everett (U Buffalo-SUNY): The perception of nasality in KaritianaHistorical Change 3Chair: Hans Henrich Hock (U IL-Urbana/Champaign)Room: San Simeon4:00 Celina Troutman (Northwestern U), Brady Clark (Northwestern U), & Matthew Goldrick (Northwestern U): Variation &social networks during language change4:30 Adam Baker (U AZ): Quantitative models of internal & social factors in sound change5:00 Pittayawat Pittayaporn (Cornell U): A chronology-sensitive approach to subgrouping: The case of Southwestern TaiHistorical Syntax 4Chair: Hans Henrich Hock (U IL-Urbana/Champaign)Room: San Simeon5:30 Tonya Kim Dewey (UC-Berkeley) & Yasmin Syed (UC-Berkeley): Absolute constructions in Gothic & Greek6:00 Ilya Yakubovich (U Chicago): Clitic reduplication in Neo-Hittite6:30 Stefanie Kuzmac (U Chicago): Ish: A new case of antigrammaticalizationKorean Syntax and Semantics 5Chair: Noriko Akatsuka (UCLA)Room: Pacific A4:00 Soyoung Park (USC): How many types of comparatives are in Korean?4:30 Jong Un Park (Georgetown U): Syntactic & semantic licensing conditions on the non-nominal plural marker in Korean5:00 Young-ran An (U Stony Brook-SUNY): Korean tul as an event pluralizerLanguage in Social Context 6Chair: Kathryn Campbell-Kibler (U MI)Room: Avila4:00 Fallou Ngom (W WA U): Language analysis in asylum cases: A new subfield of (socio)linguistics4:30 M. Catherine Gruber (U Chicago): The rhetorics of erasure in defendants' apology narratives at sentencing5:00 Natalie Schilling-Estes (Georgetown U): Constructing responses to social constraints in narrative & nonnarrative discourse18

LSAThursday, 4 JanuaryEveningWelcomeRoom: California CTime: 7:15 PMLSA President, Sally McConnell-GinetInvited Plenary Panel: Phonology: An Appraisal of the Field in 2007 (Part 1)Room: California CTime: 7:30 – 9:00 PMOrganizers:Larry M. Hyman (UC-Berkeley)Ellen Kaisse (U WA)Participants: Abigail C. Cohn (Cornell U)Bruce Hayes (UCLA)Paul Kiparsky (Stanford U)Donca Steriade (MIT)Friday, 5 JanuaryMorningPanel: Phonology: An Appraisal of the Field in 2007 (Part 2)Room: California CTime: 9:00 AM - 12:00 PMOrganizers:Larry M. Hyman (UC-Berkeley)Ellen Kaisse (U WA)Abigail C. Cohn (Cornell U): The framing of laboratory phonology & theoretical phonology & the influence of early generativetheoryBruce Hayes (UCLA): Phonological theory: Finding the right level of idealizationLarry M. Hyman (UC-Berkeley): Phonological theory & description: Is there now a gap?Paul Kiparsky (Stanford U): Description & explanation: English revisitedDonca Steriade (MIT): Correspondence, ph-dependence, & the structure of lexical entries20

LSAFriday MorningSymposium: Approaches to Language ComplexityRoom: California DTime: 9:00 AM - 12:00 PMOrganizers: K. David Harrison (Swarthmore C)Ryan K. Shosted (UC-Berkeley)Ian Maddieson (UC-Berkeley): Complexity relationships in phonetic & phonological systemsJohanna Nichols (UC-Berkeley): The distribution of complexity in the world’s languagesFrançois Pellegrino (Lab Dynamique Lang, Lyon), Christophe Coupé (Lab Dynamique Lang, Lyon), & Egidio Marsico (LabDynamique Lang, Lyon): An information-theoretic approach to the balance of complexity between phonetics, phonology, &morphosyntaxSheri Wells-Jensen (Bowling Green SU): A comparative psycholinguistic investigation of language complexityDouglas H. Whalen (Haskins Labs/NSF): Brain activations related to changes in speech complexityDigital Poster Session: Global Revitalization TechnologyRoom: PalisadesTime: 9:00 AM - 5:00 PMOrganizers: Mia Kalish (Diné C)Susan Penfield (U AZ)Poster Session: Computational Linguistics and Sociolinguistics 11Room: California BTime: 9:00 - 10:30 AMCati Brown (U GA), Tony Snodgrass (U GA), Michael Covington (U GA), Susan J. Kemper (U KS), & Ruth Herman (U KS):Measuring propositional idea density through part-of-speech taggingChristopher Long (Tohoku Gakuin U): A quantitative study of factors that influence the use of apology in Japanese gratitudesituationsDaniel McClory (Yale U) & Eric Raimy (U WI-Madison): Enhanced edges: Morphological influence on linearizationC. Anton Rytting (OH SU), Chris Brew (OH SU), & Eric Fosler-Lussier (OH SU): Modeling word segmentation without assumingphonemic certaintyAna Sánchez-Muñoz (USC): Linguistic elaboration across registers in the Spanish of heritage speakersRebecca Starr (Stanford U): The role of previous form in predicting NP form in vernacular written CantonesePoster Session: Syntax and Semantics 12Room: California BTime: 11:00 AM - 12:30 PMJonathan Brennan (New York U): Only, FinallyMichiko Todokoro Buchanan (U MN-Twin Cities): Two types of sluicing in JapaneseLeila Lomashvili ((U AZ): Why are inherent/structural cases borne equal? Evidence from GeorgianPolly O'Rourke (U AZ): Gender congruency & picture naming in SpanishRonald P. Schaefer (S IL U-Edwardsville): A precedence constraint on argument positioningDavid Schueler (UCLA): World variable binding & beta-bindingElaine J. Francis (Purdue U) & Stephen J. Matthews (U Hong Kong): Verb-doubling facilitates sentence production inCantoneseSuwon Yoon (U Chicago): An argument/adjunct asymmetry in intervention effects21

Friday MorningLSAConstructions and Linguistic Theory 13Chair: Laura Michaelis (U CO)Room: Pacific A9:00 Naoko Tomioka (U Quebec-Montreal): The object of resultative constructions in English, German, & Japanese9:30 Corinna Anderson (Yale U): A nonconstituent analysis of Nepali correlative constructions10:00 Russell Lee-Goldman (UC-Berkeley) & Michael Ellsworth (Intl Compu Sci Inst): As--two constructions, not singlepreposition10:30 David Y. Oshima (AZ SU): Subject-oriented adverbs & related constructions: One meaning, differentpackages WITHDRAWN11:00 Laura Whitton (Stanford U): The function of English contrastive reduplication: Evidence from homonyms11:30 Ray Jackendoff (Tufts U): The week after week construction & its theoretical challengesEllipsis, Co-ordination and Copying 14Chair: James McCloskey (UC-Santa Cruz)Room: Huntington9:00 Andrew Kehler (UC-San Diego): Contrastive topics & illusory sloppy interpretations in VP-ellipsis9:30 Jason Merchant (U Chicago): VP-ellipsis is VP ellipsis: Pseudogapping is vP ellipsis10:00 Seungwan Ha (Boston U): On ellipsis features & right node raising10:30 Barbara Citko (U WA): Determiner sharing from a cross-linguistic perspective11:00 Ji Fang (PARC) & Peter Sells (Stanford U): A formal analysis of the verb copy construction in Chinese11:30 Gregory M. Kobele (UCLA) & Edward P. Stabler (UCLA): On copying in language & grammarFirst Language Syntax and Semantics 15Chair: Michael Becker (U MA-Amherst)Room: El Capitán9:00 Laura Mahalingappa (U TX-Austin): Variability in the acquisition of split-ergativity in Kurmanji Kurdish9:30 Ann Bunger (U Penn) & Jeffrey Lidz (U MD-College Park): Two-year-olds distinguish unaccusatives from unergatives:Thematic relations as a cue to verb class10:00 Helen Stickney (U MA-Amherst): Children's acquisition of the partitive: A deficient DP10:30 Graciela Tesan (Macquarie U) & Rosalind Thornton (Macquarie U): Revisiting sentential negation in English-speakingchildren11:00 Joshua Viau (Northwestern U): Asymmetric c-command within the dative verb phrase at age 411:30 Simona Montanari (CSU-Los Angeles): Syntactic differentiation in early trilingual developmentMorphology: Verbs 16Chair: Farrell Ackerman (UC-San Diego)Room: Laguna9:00 Lisa Levinson (New York U): The roots of verbs9:30 Stuart Robinson (MPI-Psycholing): Split intransitivity in Rotokas10:00 A. Killimangalam (MIT) & J. M. Michaels (MIT): Syntactically conditioned phonology: Agentive suffixes inMalayalam10:30 Angelina Serratos (U AZ): Chemehuevi causatives: Lexical or syntactic? WITHDRAWN11:00 Tim Thornes (U OR): Causation as ‘functional sink’ in Northern Paiute11:30 Teresa McFarland (UC-Berkeley): Free affix order in Totonac22

LSAFriday MorningPolarity and Focus 17Chair: Laurence Horn (Yale U)Room: Pacific C9:00 Michael Israel (U MD-College Park): Who cares & why bother: Polarity sensitivity in the verbal lexicon9:30 Lawrence Cheung (UCLA): Licensing conditions of negative wh-words10:00 Keiko Yoshimura (U Chicago): Japanese -shika ‘only’as NPI universal with the semantics of exceptive marker10:30 Marta Abrusan (MIT): Even & free choice any in Hungarian11:00 Matthew Wolf (U MA-Amherst): Vice versa as contrastive focus11:30 Shai Cohen (U MA-Amherst): Too in the complement of believeProsody 18Chair: Sun-Oh Jun (UCLA)Room: San Simeon9:00 Kathryn Flack (U MA-Amherst): Phonotactic restrictions across prosodic domains9:30 Tae-Jin Yoon (U IL-Urbana/Champaign), Jennifer Cole (U IL-Urbana/Champaign), & Mark Hasegawa-Johnson (U IL -Urbana/Champaign): On the edge: Acoustic cues to layered prosodic domains10:00 Jelena Krivokapic (USC): An experimental inquiry into the relation of prosodic boundary perception & articulation10:30 Midori Hayashi (U Toronto): What accounts for boosts in downstep? Syntax-prosody mapping revisited WITHDRAWN11:00 Nikola Predolac (Cornell U): Phonetic correlates of focus in Serbian11:30 Jonathan Howell (Cornell U): Second occurrence focus & the acoustics of prominenceSociolinguistics 1: Discourse and Social Factors 19Chair: Mary Bucholtz (UC-Santa Barbara)Room: Avila9:00 Kathryn Campbell-Kibler (U MI): Integrating social information into sociolinguistic comprehension9:30 Tyler Kendall (Duke U): On the status of pause in sociolinguistics10:00 Patricia G. Lange ((USC): An implicature for um-initiated repair: Signaling relative expertise10:30 Anna Marie Trester (Georgetown U): Oh-prefacing in quotatives: Implications for speaker stance, alignment, & style11:00 Peter K. Austin (U London): How to talk to a menak: Speech levels & politeness in Sasak, eastern Indonesia11:30 Jonathan Owens (U MD-College Park) & Jidda Hassan (U Miaduguri, Nigeria): Conversation markers in Arabic-Hausacodeswitching: Saliency & language hierarchiesSyntax: Tense and Aspect 20Chair: Roumyana Pancheva (USC)Room: Pacific B9:00 Karen Zagona (U WA): On aspectual primitives9:30 Ilana Mezhevich (U Calgary): A feature-theoretic account of tense & aspect in Russian10:00 Kathryn McGee (UC-San Diego): Features of aspect in Chinese, Spanish, & English10:30 Cheng-Fu Chen (U TX-Austin): The Rukai (Austronesian) nonfuture perfect & the interpretation of anteriority11:00 Asier Alcázar (USC) & Mario Saltarelli (USC): Zanuttini's hypothesis: Participial constructions revisited11:30 Vita Markman (Pomona C): Two be’s & predicate case in Russian: Matrix vs embedded clauses23

LSAFriday, 5 JanuaryAfternoonInvited Plenary AddressChair: Mark Aronoff (U Stony Brook-SUNY)Room: California CTime: 12:30 - 1:30 PMPerson inflection in sign languagesCarol Padden (UC-San Diego)Symposium: Endangered Languages and Linguistic TheoryRoom: California CTime: 2:00 - 5:00 PMOrganizer:Sponsor:Alice C. Harris (U Stony Brook-SUNY)Committee on Endangered Languages and Their PreservationSally McConnell-Ginet (Cornell U): IntroductionJuliette Blevins (MPI-EVA, Leipzig): Endangered sound patterns: Some mutually feeding relationshipsHeidi Harley (U AZ): What does affixation mean? Some theoretical questions raised by complex verbs in Hiaki (Yaqui)Stephen R. Anderson (Yale U): Clitics, the morphology-syntax interface, & the evidential value of endangered languagesMark C. Baker (Rutgers U): What if there were no noun-incorporating languages?Maria Polinsky (UC-San Diego/Harvard U): Is sluicing universal? Evidence from the fieldWorkshop: Conflicts over Contemporary Language Issues:Pedagogical Approaches to Defusing the Undergraduate ClassroomRoom: San SimeonTime: 2:00 – 3:30 PMOrganizer:Julie S. Amberg (York C of PA)Julie S. Amberg (York C of PA): Teaching dialect diversity at the undergraduate levelColleen Fitzgerald (TX Tech U): Texas talk: Regional & rural dialects as diversity tools in nondiverse classroomsDavid Bowie (U Cntrl FL): Attitudinal shifts among undergraduates in linguistics coursesDeborah J. Vause (York C of PA): Using electronic American Englishes to introduce dialect studyPoster Session: Phonetics and Phonology 21Room: California BTime: 1:00 - 2:30 PMJennifer Cornish (U Buffalo-SUNY): The acoustics of unstressed vowels in pitch-cued stress languagesChristina Esposito (Macalester C): The effects of linguistic experience on the perception of phonationSven Grawunder (MPI-EVA): Pharyngealized prosodeme quality in KetDonovan Grose (Purdue U): Deriving phonological domains from morphosyntax: Evidence from nonmanual adverbials in ASLShinichiro Ishihara (U Potsdam): Focus intonation embedding in Japanese wh-questionKeith Johnson (U AZ): Aerodynamic factors in L2 acquisition of the Spanish multiple vibrantMatthew L. Juge (TX SU-San Marcos): Beyond sound change & the loss of grammatical categoriesJulia Kuznetsova (Yale U): Morphologically driven C-center effect in RussianJoanna H. Lowenstein (OH SU) & Susan Nittrouer (OH SU): Fricative development in English-learning childrenYuko Watanabe (U AZ): Perceptual assimilation of German vowels by Japanese speakers24

LSAFriday AfternoonPoster Session: Language Acquisition and Psycholinguistics 22Room: California BTime: 3:00 - 4:30 PMKyung-Ah Kim (Cornell U), Sujin Yang (Cornell U), & Barbara Lust (Cornell U): A case study of childhood bilingualism: SyntaxfirstPei-Jung Kuo (U CT): Children’s acquisition of English expletive constructionsLilia Rissman (Johns Hopkins U): L2 acquisition of Spanish subject expression: Is the NSP enough?Natalya Y. Samokhina (U AZ): Acoustic analysis of voicing assimilation in native & nonnative Russian speechAlina Twist (U AZ): Experimental evidence for the productivity of nonconcatenative morphology in MalteseArticulation 23Chair: Patricia Keating (UCLA)Room: Huntington2:00 Natasha Warner (U AZ) & Benjamin Tucker (U AZ): Categorical & gradient variability in intervocalic stops2:30 Michael Cahill (SIL Intl): The phonetics & phonology of labial velars in Dagbani3:00 Kenneth S. Olson (SIL Intl/U ND) & Jeff Mielke (U Ottawa): Articulation of the Kagayanen interdental approximant: Anultrasound study3:30 Travis G. Bradley (UC-Davis) & Eric Russell Webb (UC-Davis): Accounting for intrasyllabic rhotic metathesis: Theinterplay of articulation & perception4:00 Marianne L. Borroff (U Stony Brook-SUNY): Gestural reorganization as the source of glottalized consonants in underlyingC? & ?C clusters4:30 Kathryn L. Hansen: Evidence for discrete movement segments in American Sign LanguageContext and Meaning 24Chair: Catherine O’Connor (Boston U)Room: Avila2:00 Meredith Larson (Northwestern U), Ryan Doran (Northwestern U), Rachel Baker (Northwestern U), Matthew J. R. Berends(Northwestern U), Alex Djalali (Northwestern U), Yaron McNabb (U Chicago), & Gregory Ward (Northwestern U):Distinguishing among contextually-determined aspects of utterance meaning: An empirical investigation2:30 Chi-hsien Kuo: Information status & discourse functions of conditionals in Mandarin3:00 Jennifer E. Arnold (U NC-Chapel Hill), Carla Hudson-Kam (UC-Berkeley), & Michael K. Tanenhaus (U Rochester):Why is that speaker disfluent? The role of attribution in the effect of disfluency on comprehensionControl 25Chair: Barbara Citko (U WA)Room: Pacific D2:00 Shin Fukuda (UC-San Diego): Control/raising ambiguity with aspectual verbs is a structural ambiguity2:30 Sumayya Racy (U AZ): Modals as raising or control verbs3:00 Lilián Guerrero (UNAM): Same-subject deletion: A matter of economy?3:30 Cherlon Ussery (U MA-Amherst): AGREE to control: Case optionality in Icelandic4:00 Youssef A. Haddad (U FL): Copy adjunct control in Assamese4:30 Stanley Dubinsky (U SC): On the syntax of exhaustive control & the calculus of events control25

Friday AfternoonLSAModeling Acquisition 26Chair: Adam Albright (MIT)Room: Laguna2:00 Rosalind Thornton (Macquarie U) & Graciela Tesan (Macquarie U): Models of parameter setting2:30 Sarah VanWagenen (UCLA): Exploiting surface cues in grammar induction3:00 Katya Pertsova (UCLA): Towards learning form-meaning correspondences of inflectional morphemes3:30 Jessica Peterson Hicks (Northwestern U), Jeffrey L. Lidz (U MD-College Park), & Jessica Maye (Northwestern U): The roleof function words in infants’ syntactic categorization of novel words4:00 Kristen Syrett (Northwestern U): Can infants use adverbs to learn about adjectives?4:30 Bruno Estigarribia (Stanford U): English yes-no questions: Variation in adult input & criteria for acquisitionSecond Language Processing, Perception, and Production 27Chair: Bonnie Schwartz (U HI-Manoa)Room: Pacific A2:00 Guillermo Rodríguez (U Pittsburgh) & Alan Juffs (U Pittsburgh): Using only word class: Evidence against shallow parsingin second language processing2:30 Kyoungsook Kim (S IL U-Carbondale) & Usha Lakshmanan (S IL U-Carbondale): The role of specificity in the L2interpretation & processing of English articles3:00 Mila Tasseva-Kurktchieva (U SC): L2 production before comprehension: Morphosyntax vs semantics-pragmatics3:30 Susannah V. Levi (IN U), Stephen J. Winters (U IL-Urbana/Champaign), & David B. Pisoni (IN U): Voice-familiarityadvantage: Language-specific or language-independent?4:00 Wendy Baker (Brigham Young U) & Laura Catherine Smith (Brigham Young U): The impact of cross-language perceptionon learning French & German vowels4:30 Tessa Bent (IN U): Production of nonnative prosodic categoriesSemantics: Tense and Aspect 28Chair: Anastasia Giannakidou (U Chicago)Room: California D2:00 Judith Tonhauser (OH SU): Tense or grammatical aspect? Guarani nominal temporal suffixes2:30 Rebecca T. Cover (UC-Berkeley): The semantics of aspect in Badiaranke3:00 Hooi Ling Soh (U MN-Twin Cities/Ntl U Singapore): Transition types & the Mandarin Chinese particle –le3:30 Lance Nathan (MIT): Temporal existentials & the amount perfect4:00 EunHee Lee (U Buffalo-SUNY): Pluperfects in Korean & English discourse4:30 Devyani Sharma (Kings C, London) & Ashwini Deo (Stanford U): Lexical & sentential aspect in Indian English tenseaspectrestructuring26

LSAFriday AfternoonSluicing and Wh-Movement 29Chair: Jason Merchant (U Chicago)Room: Pacific B2:00 Catherine Fortin (U MI): Indonesian sluicing2:30 Jieun Kim (UCLA): What makes sluicing in Korean?3:00 Tanya Scott (U Stony Brook-SUNY): Multiple sluicing in Russian: A purely syntactic account3:30 Atakan Ince (U MD-College Park): Non-wh-phrases in sluicing in Turkish4:00 Miki Obata (U MI): Is closest C-command good enough?4:30 Michael Barrie (U BC): The CED & cyclic linearizationSociolinguistics 2: Attitudes and Other Complicating Factors 30Chair: Carmen Silva-Corvalan (USC)Room: El Capitán2:00 Philipp Angermeyer (New York U/Queens C-CUNY): Varying in codes & styles: The multilingual speaker insociolinguistics2:30 Tonya Wolford (NC SU) & Keelan Evans (U Penn): Puerto Ricans’ use of AAE & the emergence of an urban Englishdialect3:00 Walt Wolfram (NC SU): Sociolinguistic folklore in the study of African American English3:30 Jing Yan (OH SU) & Marjorie K. M. Chan (OH SU): Language attitudes toward vernacular written Cantonese in Guangzhou(Canton), China: National language policy & regional language maintenance4:00 Daniel Johnson (U Penn): Factors controlling the acquisition of vowel inventory: Results from a large-scale survey4:30 Rizwan Ahmad (U MI): Old wine in a new bottle: Urdu in NagariStress, Accent and Tone 31Chair: Bruce Hayes (UCLA)Room: Pacific C2:00 Arto Anttila (Stanford U): Word stress in Finnish2:30 Laura McGarrity (U WA): Coda weight variability & context-dependency in Kuuku-Ya?u3:00 Matthew Wolf (U MA-Amherst) & Shigeto Kawahara (U MA-Amherst): A root-initial-accenting suffix in Japanese3:30 Arto Anttila (Stanford U) & Adams Bodomo (U Hong Kong): OCP effects in Dagaare4:00 Yuchau E. Hsiao (Ntl Chengchi U): The rhythmic structure of Taiwan folk verse4:30 Larry M. Hyman (UC-Berkeley): There is no pitch-accent prototype“That” 32Chair: Catherine O’Connor (Boston U)Room: Avila3:30 Rafe H. Kinsey (Stanford U), T. Florian Jaeger (UC-San Diego/Stanford U), & Thomas Wasow (Stanford U): What does thatmean? Experimental evidence against the principle of no synonymy4:00 Susanne Gahl (U Chicago): When that sounds unlikely: Sequential & syntactic probabilities in pronunciation4:30 T. Florian Jaeger (UC-San Diego/Stanford U): Usage or grammar? Comprehension & production share access to sameprobabilities27

LSARules for Motions and ResolutionsThe following rules for motions and resolutions were prepared by William J. Gedney and Ilse Lehiste and approved by the ExecutiveCommittee at its June 1973 meeting. LSA members are urged to follow these ground rules in order to have their motions andresolutions considered at the Business Meeting.1. DefinitionsA motion is any proposition calling for action whether by an officer of the Society, the Executive Committee or themembership. A resolution expresses the opinion or feeling of a group. Resolutions are of two kinds: a) resolutions expressing'the sense of the majority of the meeting,' and b) resolutions expressing 'the sense of the majority of the membership.'2. Procedure Regarding Motions2a. Motions are in order only at the duly constituted annual business meeting. Voting is restricted to members of the Society.Motions may be initiated by the Executive Committee or from the floor.2b. Motions initiated by the Executive Committee require for their passage a majority vote of the members voting at themeeting.2c. Motions initiated from the floor, if they receive affirmative vote of a majority of members voting at the meeting, are thento be submitted by the Executive Committee to a mail ballot of the membership of the Society in the next issue of the LSABulletin. Passage requires: a) a majority of those voting, and b) that the total of those voting in favor must be at least 2.5% ofthe personal membership.2d. If a member wishes to introduce a motion, but prefers to avoid the delay involved in 2c above, the motion may besubmitted in advance to the Executive Committee (before their regular meeting preceding the business meeting at which themotion is to be introduced) with a request that the Executive Committee by majority vote of the Committee approve theintroduction of the motion at the business meeting as a motion initiated by the Executive Committee (see 2b above).3. Procedure Regarding Resolutions3a. Resolutions may be introduced at the annual business meeting or at any special meeting of the Society, such as thesummer meeting.3b. A Resolutions Committee consisting of three members will be appointed by the president prior to the beginning of eachregular or special meeting. Any member wishing to introduce a resolution must submit it in advance to the ResolutionsCommittee which, in addition to its traditional duty of formulating resolutions of thanks and the like, will have the duty tomake sure that the language is clear, and that duplication is avoided. The Resolutions Committee may meet in advance forthis purpose or may, if necessary, retire to caucus during the course of the meeting.3c. A resolution expressing the sense of the majority of the meeting requires for its passage the affirmative vote of a majorityof the members voting at the meeting.3d. If at least ten members present at the meeting so desire, a resolution may be broadened to express 'the sense of themajority of the membership,' regardless of whether or not it has passed the procedure in 3c above, by the following steps: theresolution is forwarded to the Executive Committee for submission to the membership by mail ballot (in the next issue of theLSA Bulletin). Passage of such a 'sense of the majority of the membership' resolution requires the affirmative vote (more than50%) of the membership responding.28

LSAFriday, 5 JanuaryEveningLSA Business Meeting and Awards CeremonyChair: Sally McConnell-GinetRoom: California CTime: 5:30 - 7:00 PMResolutions Committee:William Rutherford (UCLA), ChairMonica McCaulay (U WI-Madison)Johanna Nichols (UC-Berkeley)Invited Plenary AddressChair: Maria Polinsky (UC-San Diego)Room: California CTime: 7:00 - 8:00 PMLanguage variation & linguistic invariants: A unifying perspectiveEdward Keenan (UCLA)Graduate Student PanelChair: Wendy Wilkins (MI SU)Room: HuntingtonTime: 8:00 - 9:30 PMStudent MixerPlace: Sheraton Park HotelTerritorial SaloonTime: 9:30 - 11:30 PM29

LSASaturday AfternoonSymposium: Paradigms in Morphological ChangeRoom: California CTime: 2:00 - 5:00 PMOrganizers: Claire Bowern (Rice U)Andrew Garrett (UC-Berkeley)Alice Harris (U Stony Brook-SUNY)Alice Harris (U Stony Brook-SUNY): Abstract patterns in SvanBrian Joseph (OH SU): Paradigms & speaker knowledge in verb-ending changeClaire Bowern (Rice U): Morphological change in Nyikina verbal prefix bundlesHarold Koch (Australian Ntl U): Paradigm-dependent processes of morphological changeAdam Albright (MIT): Paradigmatic change without paradigmsSymposium: Missionaries and Scholars: The Overlapping Agendas of Linguists in the FieldRoom: Pacific DTime: 2:00 - 5:00 PMOrganizer:Lise Dobrin (U VA)Lise Dobrin (U VA) & Jeff Good (U Buffalo-SUNY): Endangered language linguistics: Whose mission?William Svelmoe (Saint Mary’s C): Missionary linguists or linguist missionaries? The tension between linguistics & evangelism inthe SILCourtney Handman (U Chicago): Christianization & language ideologiesPatience Epps (U TX-Austin): Linguists & missionaries: An Amazonian perspectiveKen Olson (SIL Intl): SIL International: An insider’s viewDaniel Everett (IL SU): On the LSA-SIL connectionComplex Vowels 41Chair: Colin Wilson (UCLA)Room: Avila3:30 Gary Linebaugh (U IL-Urbana): Acoustic evidence for the asymmetry of height & backness effects in vowel-to-vowelcoarticulation4:00 Stefania Marin (Yale U): Lexical & postlexical vowel coordination, Romanian diphthongs, & blending4:30 Kathy Sands (Biola U): Relationships among vowels, diphthongs, & triphthongs in the world's languagesFrequency and Lexical Effects 42Chair: Arto Anttila (Stanford U)Room: Pacific A2:00 Vsevolod Kapatsinski (IN U): Rules & analogy in Russian loanword adaptation2:30 Michael Becker (U MA-Amherst), Nihan Ketrez (Yale U), & Andrew Nevins (Harvard U): When & why to ignore lexicalpatterns in Turkish obstruent alternations3:00 Kie Zuraw (UCLA): Tagalog tapping & the interface between lexical access & grammar3:30 Yuan Zhao (Stanford U): The effect of lexical frequency on tone production4:00 Adam B. Buchwald (IN U): Determining well-formedness in phonology: Type vs token frequency4:30 Jongho Jun (Seoul Ntl U): Stem-final obstruent variations in Korean are product-oriented33

Saturday AfternoonLSALaryngeal Features 43Chair: Colin Wilson (UCLA)Room: Avila2:00 Charles Chang (UC-Berkeley): Korean fricatives: Production, perception, & laryngeal typology2:30 Christian DiCanio (UC-Berkeley): The phonetics of fortis-lenis: The case of Trique3:00 Heriberto Avelino (UC-Berkeley), Sam Tilsen (UC-Berkeley), Eurie Shin (UC-Berkeley), Reiko Kataoka (UC-Berkeley),& Jeff Pynes): The phonetics of laryngealization in Yucatec MayaProcessing of Wh-Dependencies 44Chair: Edward Stabler (UCLA)Room: California D2:00 Ivan Sag (Stanford U), Philip Hofmeister (Stanford U), Neal Snider (Stanford U), & Perry Rosenstein (Stanford U):Controlling Processing Factors in the Study of Subjacency2:30 Philip Hofmeister (Stanford U): Facilitating retrieval of wh-phrases3:00 Neal Snider (Stanford U): Evidence from priming for hierarchical representation in syntactic structureReference and Anaphora: Empirical Investigations 45Chair: Andrew Kehler (UC-San Diego)Room: El Capitán2:00 Kristin J. Van Engen (Northwestern U): Pronouns in coordination: Effects of modality, grammatical weight, & informationstructure2:30 Hyun-Jong Hahm (U TX-Austin): The meaning of pronouns in Peninsular Spanish & Italian3:00 Jenny Lederer (UC-Berkeley): Prepositional semantics & the distribution of anaphora in the PP3:30 Elsi Kaiser (USC), Jeffrey T. Runner (U Rochester), Rachel S. Sussman (U WI-Madison), & Michael K. Tanenhaus (URochester): Pronouns as reflexives? A look at prenominal possessive pronouns4:00 Elsi Kaiser (USC): Reference resolution in the presence & absence of pronouns4:30 Jeffrey T. Runner (U Rochester) & Micah B. Goldwater (U TX-Austin): Reference transfer & reflexive interpretation inrepresentational noun phrasesScalar Meaning 46Chair: Martin Hackl (Pomona C)Room: San Simeon2:00 Tess Wood (UC-Berkeley): Hella degrees & quantities WITHDRAWN2:30 Stephanie Solt (Grad Ctr-CUNY): A degree-based semantics for many & few3:00 Randall Hendrick (U NC-Chapel Hill)): Explaining a weak adjectival island in English3:30 Nicholas Fleisher (UC-Berkeley): Infinitival relative standards for attributive gradable adjectives4:00 Osamu Sawada (U Chicago): Pragmatic aspects of implicit comparison4:30 Graham Katz (Stanford U): Attitudes, gradability, & entailment34

LSASaturday AfternoonSyntactic Facets of the Left Periphery 47Chair: Maria Luisa Zubizarreta (USC)Room: Huntington2:00 Anne Sturgeon (H5 Technologies): Resuming at PF: The case of Czech contrastive left dislocation2:30 Adam Werle (U MA-Amherst/U Victoria): Three approaches to Serbo-Croatian second-position clitic reordering3:00 Jennifer Culbertson (Johns Hopkins U) & Geraldine Legendre (Johns Hopkins U): Verb-second & clitic-second effects inOld French3:30 Marc-Olivier Hinzelin (U Konstanz): The best position for object clitics in the history of Romance languages4:00 Thera Crane (UC-Berkeley): The force of o-: Left periphery interactions in Oshiwambo4:30 Francesca Del Gobbo (U Venice) & Linda Badan (U Padua): On the syntax of topic & focus in ChineseSyntax: Event Structure 48Chair: Timothy Stowell (UCLA)Room: Laguna2:00 David Basilico (U AL-Birmingham): Event structure, particle verbs, & ditransitives2:30 Effi Georgala (Cornell U): Two distinct sources for the dative alternation3:00 Tomoyuki Yabe (Grad Ctr-CUNY): Applicative constructions via the remerge of a functional preposition3:30 Jonathan E. MacDonald (U Cyprus): Verb orientation & P incorporation WITHDRAWN4:00 Seungho Nam (Seoul Ntl U): Structure of directional motion event: Goal/source asymmetry4:30 Chao Li (Yale U): Event complexity & argument realizationVariation, Identity, and Style 49Chair: Dennis Preston (MI SU)Room: Pacific B2:00 Barbara Soukup (Georgetown U): On the strategic use of dialect in Austrian TV political discussions2:30 Elaine Chun (U TX-Austin): The emergence of style in mock Asian stylization3:00 Richard Cameron (U IL-Chicago): Gender segregation & sociolinguistic variation in two Chicago elementary schools3:30 Robert J. Podesva (Georgetown U): Social meaning in the interaction of variables4:00 Mary Rose (OH SU): Never around the barns: Gendered linguistic practices in dairy country4:30 Erez Levon (NYU): Prosodic & voice quality variation among Israeli gay men WITHDRAWNSaturday, 6 JanuaryEveningPresidential AddressPlace: California CTime: 5:30 - 7:00 PMWords in the world: How & why meanings can matterSally McConnell-Ginet (Cornell U)ReceptionTime: 7:00 – 8:00 PM35

LSASunday, 7 JanuaryMorningSymposium: Vowel Phonology and EthnicityRoom: California CTime: 9:00 AM - 12:00 PMOrganizers:Sponsors:Malcah Yaeger-Dror (U AZ)Erik R. Thomas (NC SU)Committee on Ethnic Diversity in Linguistics, American Dialect Society, and Linguistic Society of America toHonor Walt Wolfram. To Appear as a Publication of the American Dialect Society.John Baugh (Washington U-St. Louis): IntroductionClaire Andres (U GA) & Rachel Votta (U GA): AAE & Anglo vowels in a suburb of AtlantaBecky Childs (Memorial U-NF), Christine Mallinson (U MD-Baltimore County), Jeannine Carpenter (Duke U), & Angus Boers (NCSU): AAE & EAE vowels across North CarolinaBen Torbert (MS SU): Phonological variation in East Central MississippiThea Strand (U AZ), Michael Wroblewski ( U AZ), & Sylvie Dubois (LA SU): African American & non-African American vowels incajun countryRobin Dodsworth (U MD-College Park) & David Durian (OH SU): Convergence in urban Columbus AAVE & EAE vowel systemsBridget L. Anderson (Old Dominion U) & Jennifer G. Nguyen (U MI): A comparison of African American & White vowel patternsin America’s most segregated cityApproaches to Optimality 50Chair: Eric Bakovic (UC-San Diego)Room: El Capitán9:00 T. A. Hall (IN U): Comparative markedness makes the wrong typological predictions9:30 Melissa Frazier (U NC-Chapel Hill): Dominance in inflectional paradigms10:00 Ashley W. Farris (IN U): Doubly-derived environment blocking10:30 Zheng Xu (U Stony Brook-SUNY): A serial constraint-based approach to avoidance of repetition of identical morphs11:00 Aaron Kaplan (UC-Santa Cruz): Vowel harmony in Lango: Noniterativity & licensing11:30 Jason Riggle (U Chicago), Maximilian Bane (U Chicago), James Kirby (U Chicago), & Jeremy O’Brien (UC-Santa Cruz):Efficiently computing OT typologiesDP/NP Syntax and Semantics 51Chair: Ivano Caponigro (UC-San Diego)Room: California D9:00 Carrie Gillon (U BC): Determiners as domain restriction: Evidence from Skwxwú7mesh9:30 Dorian Roehrs (U N TX): Complex determiners: A case study of German ein jeder10:00 Lewis Gebhardt (Northwestern U: Bare nouns aren’t bare10:30 Soo-Yeon Jeong (Harvard U): Microparametric variation in the syntax of numeral classifiers11:00 Xiaofei Zhang (MI SU): Modification of individuals & the English the11:30 Judy B. Bernstein (Wm Paterson U): Declarative & interrogative person markers in DP12:00 Usama Soltan (Middlebury C): On the individual/property contrast in Egyptian Arabic free state possessive nominals36

LSASunday MorningFirst Language Acquisition: Semantics 52Chair: TBARoom: Capistrano10:30 Anna Verbuk (U MA-Amherst): Why children do not compute irrelevant scalar implicatures11:00 Anna Papafragou (U DE) & Ozge Ozturk (U DE): Modality & the development of the semantics/pragmatics interface11:30 Ozge Ozturk (U DE) & Anna Papafragou (U DE): How do you know: Evidentiality in Turkish12:00 Nihan Ketrez (Yale U): Cardinal reading in children's indefinite objects: Is it really wide scope?Language Acquisition: Phonetics, Phonology, and Morphology 53Chair: Misha Becker (U NC-Chapel Hill)Room: Avila9:00 Chandan Narayan (U Penn): Nasal consonant perception in infancy: Effects of acoustic-perceptual salience9:30 David Ingram (AZ SU): Phonological determinants of the vocabulary spurt in children10:00 Cynthia Kilpatrick (UC-San Diego), Jessica Barlow (San Diego SU), & Sarah Cragg: Reduplication in child phonology: Astructural markedness account10:30 Kamil Ud Deen (U HI-Manoa): Filler syllables in Swahili: Distribution, rates, & cross-linguistic measures of comparisonNeurolinguistics and Psycholinguistics 54Chair: Elaine Andersen (USC)Room: San Simeon9:00 Shiaohui Chan (U AZ), Lee Ryan (U AZ), & Thomas G. Bever (U AZ): Syntactic functioning in nonlanguage areas of thebrain9:30 Whitney Anne Postman-Caucheteux (NIH), Rasmus Birn (NIH), Randall Pursley (NIH), John Butman (NIH), Joe McArdle(NIH), Jiang Xu (NIH), & Allen Braun (NIH): When right is wrong: An fMRI study of overt naming in patients withaphasia10:00 Sheri Wells-Jensen (Bowling Green SU): A psycholinguistic analysis of errors in writing Braille10:30 Sam Tilsen (UC-Berkeley): Rhythmic patterns in 3-cycle repetition disfluency: A harmonic timing effect11:00 Hyekyung Hwang (U HI-Manoa) & Amy J. Schafer (U HI-Manoa): Length effects in the resolution of the dative NPambiguity in KoreanPerceptual Cues 55Chair: Amalia Arvaniti (UC-San Diego)Room: Laguna9:00 Gillian Gallagher (MIT): Coalescence in West Greenlandic Eskimo: Survival of the well-cued9:30 Máire Ní Chiosáin (UC-Davis) & Jaye Padgett (UC-Santa Cruz): A perceptual study of Irish palatalization10:00 Grant McGuire (OH SU): Phonetic category learning & perceptual cues10:30 Jiwon Hwang (U Stony Brook-SUNY), Ellen Broselow (U Stony Brook-SUNY), Susana de Leon (U Stony Brook-SUNY), &Nancy Squires (U Stony Brook-SUNY): Minimizing the distance between perception & production11:00 Naomi Ogasawara (U AZ): Processing of vowel reduction in Japanese: Effects of allophonic & speech rate variability11:30 Heike Lehnert-LeHouillier (U Buffalo-SUNY): My cue is not your cue: A cross-linguistic study of perceptual cues to vowelquantity12:00 Susan Lin (U MI): Effects of clear speech on short & long vowels in Thai37

Sunday MorningLSASemantics: Tense and Modality 56Chair: Pranav Anand (UC-Santa Cruz)Room: Huntington9:00 Elena Benedicto (Purdue U): Modality without modals9:30 Sarah Hulsey (MIT): Distributed modal readings in gapping sentences10:00 Tamina Stephenson (MIT): Predicates of personal taste & epistemic modals10:30 Sumiyo Nishiguchi (U Stony Brook-SUNY): Fake past & contexts11:00 Daniel Altshuler (Rutgers U): Simultaneous readings in non-SOT languages11:30 Martin Hilpert ((Rice U): English be going to & Dutch gaan: Two futures going their separate ways38

American Dialect SocietyThursday, 4 JanuaryAfternoonExecutive CouncilRoom: RedondoTime: 1:00 – 3:00 PMAnnual Business MeetingRoom: Palos VerdesTime: 3:00 - 3:30 PMSession 57Room: Palos Verdes4:00 MaryEllen Garcia (U TX-San Antonio): Sociolects in Mi Vida Loca: Indexing identity in Mexican American youths4:30 Rebecca Roeder (U Toronto): Understanding Lansing: Mexican American listeners in MichiganWords of the Year NominationsRoom: Palos VerdesTime: 5:15 - 6:45 PMAmerican Dialect Society/American Name Society ReceptionRoom: GreenTime: 9:00 – 10:30 PMFriday, 5 JanuaryMorningSession 58Room: Palos VerdesSponsor: ADS Committee on Teaching9:00 Erica J. Benson (U WI-Eau Claire): Experiences with faculty/undergraduate collaborative research in dialectology9:30 Susan Tamasi (Emory U) & Erica Dotson (Emory U): Using classroom technology to teach linguistic diversity10:00 Anne Charity (C Wm & Mary), Hannah Askin (C Wm & Mary), & Mackenzie Fama (C Wm & Mary): Listenerassessments of dialect use & academic success: An online survey10:30 Break39

Friday MorningADSSession 59Room: Palos Verdes11:00 Nikki Seifert (U TX-Austin): An OT account of stress patterns in African American English: BIN, been, d n, & DO.11:30 Shelley L. Velleman (U MA-Amherst), Barbara Z. Pearson (U MA-Amherst), Timothy J. Bryant (U NH), Tiffany Charko(Agawam Public Sch): The impact of dialect on the rate & order of phonological development12:00 Mariana Chao (U Cntrl FL), Stephanie Colombo (U Cntrl FL), & David Bowie (U Cntrl FL): Linguistic stability &variation across the lifespanFriday, 5 JanuaryAfternoonSession 60Room: Palos Verdes2:00 Sarah Hilliard (Duke U): Principles of nonstandard orthography in folk dictionaries2:30 Jeffrey Reaser (NC SU): High school students' folk perceptions of dialects3:00 Susan Tamasi (Emory U): "Doctor, this man's tongue must be broken": Dialect & health literacy3:30 BreakSession 61Room: Palos Verdes3:45 Iyabo F. Osiapem (Washington U-St. Louis): Past temporal reference in Black Bermudian English: Perfective be/perfectivedone4:15 Shelome Gooden (U Pittsburgh) & Maeve Eberhardt (U Pittsburgh): AAVE in Pittsburgh: Ethnicity, local identity, & localspeech4:45 Gerard Van Herk (Memorial U-Newfoundland) & Adrienne Jones (U Ottawa): Ethnic & national self-reference among 19thcenturyAfrican AmericansWords of the Year VoteRoom: Palos VerdesTime: 5:30 - 6:30 PMBring Your Own Book ReceptionRoom: RedondoTime: 6:30 - 7:30 PM40

ADSSaturday, 6 JanuaryMorningSession 62Room: Palos Verdes8:30 Kirk Hazen (WV U) & Sarah Hamilton (WV U): The effects of migration on Appalachian language variation patterns9:00 Douglas S. Bigham (U TX-Austin): Vowel variation in southern Illinois9:30 Charles Boberg (McGill U): Regional phonetic differentiation in Canadian English10:00 BreakSession 63Room: Palos Verdes10:30 Robert Podesva (Georgetown U), Jason Brenier (U CO), Lauren Hall-Lew (Stanford U), Stacy Lewis (Stanford U), PatrickCallier (Stanford U), & Rebecca Starr (Stanford U): Multiple features, multiple identities: A sociophonetic profile ofCondoleezza Rice11:00 Jennifer Renn (U NC-Chapel Hill): The development of style shifting in African American adolescents11:30 David W. Brown (U MI): The importance of distinguishing dialect from register variation in teaching Standard EnglishSaturday, 6 JanuaryAfternoonAnnual LuncheonRoom: PalisadesTime: 12:15 - 1:45 PMSession 64Room: Palos Verdes2:00 Cynthia A. Fox (U Albany-SUNY): La pâtisserie de Bayeux: (Mis)adventures in transcribing a mega-corpus of Franco-American French2:30 Sarah Bunin Benor (Hebrew Union C): Orthodox Jewish American English3:00 Rika Ito (St. Olaf C): Hmong in transition: Acoustic analysis of Hmong American English in the Twin Cities3:30 Break41

Saturday AfternoonADSSession 65Room: Palos Verdes4:00 Steve Hartman Keiser (Marquette U): The disappearing past & the futures of Pennsylvania German dialectology4:30 Louis E. Stelling (U Albany-SUNY): Contrasting patterns of language shift in two Franco-American communities5:00 Susan Garzon (OK SU): The 18th-century roots of southern American discourse patternsSunday, 7 JanuaryMorningSymposium: Vowel Phonology and EthnicityRoom: California CTime: 9:00 AM - 12:00 PMOrganizers:Sponsors:Malcah Yaeger-Dror (U AZ)Erik R. Thomas (NC SU)Committee on Ethnic Diversity in Linguistics, American Dialect Society, and Linguistic Society of America toHonor Walt Wolfram. To Appear as a Publication of the American Dialect Society.John Baugh (Washington U-St. Louis): IntroductionClaire Andres (U GA) & Rachel Votta (U GA): AAE & Anglo vowels in a suburb of AtlantaBecky Childs (Memorial U-NF), Christine Mallinson (U MD-Baltimore County), Jeannine Carpenter (Duke U), & Angus Boers (NCSU): AAE & EAE vowels across North CarolinaBen Torbert (MS SU): Phonological variation in East Central MississippiThea Strand (U AZ), Michael Wroblewski ( U AZ), & Sylvie Dubois (LA SU): African American & non-African American vowels inCajun countryRobin Dodsworth (U MD-College Park) & David Durian (OH SU): Convergence in urban Columbus AAVE & EAE vowel systemsBridget L. Anderson (Old Dominion U) & Jennifer G. Nguyen (U MI): A comparison of African American & White vowel patternsin America’s most segregated city42

American Name SocietyThursday, 4 JanuaryAfternoonExecutive Council MeetingRoom: MontereyTime: 12:00 - 3:30 PMOpening SessionRoom: CarmelTime: 4:00 PMCleveland Kent Evans (Bellevue U), PresidentPriscilla A. Ord (McDaniel C), Vice President"Branding" People and Places 66Chair: Cleveland Kent Evans (Bellevue U)Room: Carmel4:30 Saundra K. Wright (CSU-Chico): Too far beyond Jennifer & Jason? Strategies underlying celebrity baby names5:00 Michel Nguessan (Governors SU) & Bertin Kouadio Yao (U IL-Urbana/Champaign): Ethnic groups, ethnonyms, &cartography: A study of ethnic map-making in Côte-d'Ivoire5:30 Michel Nguessan (Governors SU) & Bertin Kouadio Yao (U IL-Urbana/Champaign): Why not standardize toponyms inCôte-d'Ivoire?6:00 BreakBranding Things 67Chair: Christine DeVinne (Ursuline C)Room: Carmel6:30 Christine DeVinne (Ursuline C): Naming the Goodyear blimp7:00 Joyce E. Stavick (N GA C & SU): Veganclature: A study of the structure & politics of vegan food namesAmerican Dialect Society/American Name Society Informal ReceptionRoom: GreenTime: 9:00 - 10:30 PM43

ANSFriday, 5 JanuaryMorningNames in Literature from Classics to Modern Fiction 68Chair: Saundra K. Wright (CSU-Chico)Room: Carmel8:30 Marc Charron (U Québec-Outaouais): Naming in/& translation: Towards a close (transitional) reading of Don Quijote9:00 Herbert Barry III (U Pittsburgh, Emeritus): Fictional namesakes of author, father, & mother in the novels of CharlesDickens9:20 Lois Ann Abraham (American River C): Hemingway's thingamajig9:40 Cynthia Lyles-Scott (FL Atl U): A slave by any other name10:00 Tracy R. Butts (CSU-Chico) & Saundra K. Wright (CSU-Chico): Strange fruit: The importance of naming in Jesse Fauset's"Double Trouble" & The Chinaberry Tree10:30 BreakNames in Works for the Young and the Young at Heart 69Chair: Alleen Pace Nilsen (AZ SU)Room: Carmel11:00 Lindsey N. Chen (USC): A study of onoma in Disney's Uncle Scrooge11:30 Alleen Pace Nilsen (AZ SU) & Don L. F. Nilsen (AZ SU): The importance of names & naming practices in books writtenfor young adultsLunch - Interest Group GatheringsPlace: TBATime: 12:30 - 2:00 PMBranding: Kemp Williams (IBM Entity Analytics/Global Name Recognition)Literary Onomastics: Lois Ann Abraham (American River C)Friday, 5 JanuaryAfternoonNames of Places in Literature 70Chair: Thomas J. Gasque (U SD, Emeritus)Room: Carmel2:00 Dwan L. Shipley (W WA U): An analysis of the place names used by Marcel Proust in À la recherche du temps perdu2:30 Dorothy Dodge Robbins (LA Tech U): Mapping the heartland: Upper plains place names in Jon Hassler's North of Hope44

ANSFriday AfternoonForms of Address and Courtesy Titles 71Chair: Michael F. McGoff (SUNY-Binghamton)Room: Carmel3:00 Karen A. Duchaj (NE IL U) & Jeanine Ntihirageza (NE IL U): Law & Order, “Special Victims Unit”: An ethnographicanalysis of address forms3:30 Donna L. Lillian (E Carolina U): Changing the rules: The struggle over women's surnames & courtesy titles4:00 BreakNaming Practices amid Multicultural Differences 72Chair: Margaret G. Lee (Hampton U)Room: Carmel4:30 Jürgen Gerhards (Free U-Berlin), Denis Huschka (Ger Inst Econ Res-Berlin), & Gert G. Wagner (Berlin U Tech): Namingdifferences in divided Germany5:00 Karen Kow Yip Cheng (U Malaya): Names in multilingual-multicultural MalaysiaAmerican Dialect Society Word of the Year/American Name Society Name of the Year CelebrationRoom: Palos VerdesTime: 5:30 – 6:30 PMAnnual DinnerPlace: Tangerine Grill and Patio, 1030 West Katella Ave.Time: 7:00 Social Hour8:00 DinnerSaturday, 6 JanuaryMorningAnnual Business MeetingChair: Cleveland Kent Evans (Bellevue U), PresidentRoom: CarmelTime: 8:30 - 9:30 AMPresidential AddressRoom: CarmelTime: 9:30 - 10:15 AMFrom Shelby to Cohen: Seventy years of popular culture influence on American given namesCleveland Kent Evans (Bellevue U)10:15 Break45

Saturday MorningANSNative American Personal Names and Naming 73Chair: Priscilla A. Ord (McDaniel C)Room: Carmel10:30 Carol Lombard (U South Africa): Niitsitapi personal names & naming practices: A preliminary report11:00 David D. Robertson (U Victoria): A grammar of Chinook jargon personal namesInvited Plenary AddressRoom: CarmelTime: 11:30 AM - 12:30 PMModerator:Kemp Williams (IBM Entity Analytics/Global Name Recognition)The study of names: Past research & future projectsFrank H. Nuessel (U Louisville)Discussant:Edwin D. Lawson (SUNY-Fredonia, Emeritus)Lunch - Interest Group GatheringsPlace: TBATime: 12:30 - 2:00 PMPersonal Names: Saundra K. Wright (CSU-Chico)Place Names: Alan Rayburn (Alan Rayburn Res Associates)Saturday, 6 JanuaryAfternoonPhonology in and Pronunciation of Names 74Chair: Edwin D. Lawson (SUNY-Fredonia, Emeritus)Room: Carmel2:00 Masahiko Mutsukawa (Nanzan U): Phonological clues in Japanese given names: The masculinity of Riku & the femininityof Kanon & Karin2:30 Grant W. Smith (E WA U): The influence of name sounds in the congressional elections of 20063:00 Farid Alakbarli (Azerbaijan Ntl Acad Scis), Edwin D. Lawson (SUNY-Fredonia, Emeritus), & Richard F. Shell (SUNY-Fredonia, Emeritus): Azeri names: Meaning & pronunciation on the web3:30 Break46

ANSSaturday AfternoonHistorical Onomastics 75Chair: Michael Adams (IN U)Room: Carmel4:00 Iman Makeba Laversuch (U Cologne): From mulatto to multiracial: An historical onomastic examination of the ethnoraciallabels used by the U.S. Census Bureau to classify U.S. residents of African heritage4:30 Michael Adams (IN U): Assimilation of French-Canadian names into New England speech: Notes from a VermontcemeteryPlace Names: Toponymy Interest Group Roundtable Discussion 76Chair: Alan Rayburn (Alan Rayburn Res Associates)Room: CarmelTime: 5:00 - 6:00 PMExecutive Council MeetingRoom: CarmelTime: 6:00 - 7:00 PMSunday, 7 JanuaryMorningPopular Culture and Given Names 77Chair: Don L. F. Nilsen (AZ SU)Room: Carmel8:30 Cleveland Kent Evans (Bellevue U): From Jose Maria to Axel & Alondra: Hispanic popular culture & given names in theUnited StatesOnomastic Studies at and from the Academy 78Chair: Bruce Brown (Brigham Young U)Room: Carmel9:00 Cassidy Larsen (Brigham Young U), Jessica Scott (Brigham Young U), & James Wuehler (Brigham Young U): Americangiven name markers of decade of birth, geo-location, & gender: A comparison over the past century & a half9:30 Jonathan Decker (Brigham Young U), Michael Jenkins (Brigham Young U), Leslie E. Koenen (Brigham Young U), & ScottIrvine (Brigham Young U): Decade of birth, geo-location, & gender: A cross-cultural comparison of accuracy ofidentification for French, German, & Brazilian given names since 183510:00 Bruce Brown (Brigham Young U), Hooshang Farahnakian (Brigham Young U), Mary Farahnakian (Brigham Young U),David Gardner (Inst Study Lang & Culture), Deryle Lonsdale (Brigham Young U), & Matthew Spackman (Brigham YoungU): Dialectal effects in the pronunciation of Farsi given namesClosing SessionRoom: CarmelTime: 10:30 - 11:00 AM Cleveland Kent Evans (Bellevue U), PresidentPriscilla A. Ord (McDaniel C), Vice President 47/48

North American Association for theHistory of the Language SciencesFriday, 5 JanuaryMorningLinguistics, Philosophy, and Science 79Chair: Talbot Taylor (C William & Mary)Room: Manhattan9:00 Danilo Marcondes (Pontifícia U Católica-Rio de Janeiro): Roots of the notion of structure9:30 David Boe (N MI U): Chomsky's linguistic historiography10:00 Break10:15 John E. Joseph (U Edinburgh): 'All consciousness is of difference': The career of a concept from philosophy to linguisticsvia physics & geometry10:45 Hope Dawson (OH SU) & Brian Joseph (OH SU): Linguistics: Humanities or science? Evidence from trends in multipleauthorshipFriday, 5 JanuaryAfternoonLinguistic Origins and Backgrounds 80Chair: John Joseph (U Edinburgh)Room: Manhattan2:00 Margaret Thomas (Boston C): The evergreen story of Psammetichus' inquiry2:30 Andreas Schmidhauser (U Geneva): The semantics of pronouns according to Apollonius Dyscolus3:00 Hana Zabarah (Georgetown U): The 'noun' in history: A diachronic analysis in medieval Arabic grammatical theorySaturday, 6 JanuaryMorningLinguistic Places and Theories 81Chair: Margaret Thomas (Boston C)Room: Manhattan9:00 Nadia Kerecuk (London, UK): Ukrainian grammars: Towards a history of ideas9:30 Marcin Kilarski (Adam Mickiewicz U): Algonquian & Indo-European gender in a historiographic perspective10:00 Eric Hamp (OH SU) & Brian Joseph (OH SU): Austrian engineer Karl Steinmetz: Forgotten Albanologist, sometimelinguistBusiness MeetingRoom: ManhattanTime: 11:00 AM – 12:00 PM 49/50

Society for Pidgin and Creole LinguisticsFriday, 5 JanuaryMorningSpecial Session: 82Creole Studies and Second Language Acquisition ResearchChair: Armin Schwegler (UC-Irvine)Room: CapistranoCoordinator: Dany Adone (U Cologne)8:45 Opening remarks9:00 Tonjes Veenstra (Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin): Creoles as beyond the basic varieties9:15 Steven Gross (E TN SU): Language processing dynamics in creole formation & interlanguage development9:30 Dany Adone (U Cologne) & Christiane Bongartz (U Cologne): ‘Sally go shopping’: Grammaticalization in second languageacquisition & creole formation9:45 Discussion: Juana Liceras (U Ottawa)10:30 BreakChinook Jargon 83Chair: Yolanda Rivera (U PR-Río Piedras)Room: Capistrano11:00 George Lang (U Ottawa): Early Chinook jargon & Mühlhäusler's social typology of pidgins11:30 Henry Zenk (Conf. Tribes of Grand Ronde, OR) & Tony Johnson (Conf. Tribes of Grand Ronde, OR): A new look at theorigin & early development of Chinuk WawaAtlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures (APiCS) 84Chair: Marvin Kramer (Dharma Realm Buddhist U)Room: San Clemente11:00 Susan Michaelis (MPI-EVA, Leipzig) & Martin Haspelmath (MPI-EVA, Leipzig): Towards an Atlas of Pidgin & CreoleLanguage Structures (APiCS)11:30 Martin Haspelmath (MPI-EVA, Leipzig): Typical creole features & the World Atlas of Language Structures51

SPCLFriday, 5 JanuaryAfternoonPhonology 85Chair: Rocky Meade (U West Indies-Mona)Room: Capistrano2:00 Nicolas Faraclas (U PR-Río Piedras), Jesús Morales Ramírez (U PR-Río Piedras), & Pier Ángeli Le Compte Zambrana (UPR-Río Piedras): Intonation in Crucian English-Lexifier Creole2:30 Yolanda Rivera (U PR-Río Piedras): Phonological subcomponents & mixed systemsLanguage Contacts 86Chair: Stephen Matthews (U Hong Kong)Room: San Clemente2:00 James Stevens (U MN-Twin Cities): Afrikaans diminutives spread palatalization--and less marked models are selected viacontact2:30 Marvin Kramer (Dharma Realm Buddhist U): Alienable/inalienable possession in Saramaccan as a transferred feature fromFongbe3:00 Armin Schwegler (UC-Irvine): Weighing the evidence once more: On the (still) disputed origins of the Palenquero pronounele 'he, she, they'3:30 BreakLanguage Attitudes 87Chair: Martin Haspelmath (MPI-EVA, Leipzig)Room: Capistrano3:50 Charles Mann (U Surrey, UK): North & south: Attitudes towards Anglo-Nigerian Pidgin in urban Nigeria4:20 Clancy Clements (U NM): The presence of the standard variety & the development of language attitudesCreoles and Identity 88Chair: Dave Robertson (U Victoria)Room: San Clemente3:50 Malcolm A. Finney (CSU-Long Beach): Determining country of origin through language analysis: Asylum cases involvingSierra Leone Krio & English4:20 Fred Field (CSU-Northridge): The double-whammy: Linguistic minority writers, rhetorical strategies, & salientgrammatical features52

SPCLSaturday, 6 JanuaryMorningSpecial Session: 89Education Issues in Creole ContextsChair: Fred Field (CSU-Northridge)Room: CapistranoCoordinator: Fred Field (CSU-Northridge)8:45 Opening remarks9:00 Sheikh Umarr Kamarah (VA SU, Petersburg): Krio in Sierra Leone education: Ten years after the decree9:20 Thomas Spencer-Walters (CSU-Northridge): Ruminations of ‘creole’ in literary discourse: Possibilities & challenges forSierra Leone Krio & Caribbean Creole9:40 Malcolm A. Finney (CSU-Long Beach): Creoles as mediums of instruction: A realistic or an idealistic notion?10:00 Discussion10:30 BreakMorphosyntax 90Chair: Fernanda Ferreira (Bridgewater SC)Room: Capistrano11:00 Tonjes Veenstra (Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin): Verb allomorphy in French-related creoles11:30 Marlyse Baptista (U GA): Bare nouns in Cape Verdean Creole, European & Brazilian Portuguese: A comparative analysisInterrogatives 91Chair: M. Wade-Lewis (SUNY-New Paltz)Room: San Clemente11:00 Stephen Matthews (U Hong Kong) & Virginia Yip (Chinese U Hong Kong): Wh- interrogatives in Chinese Pidgin English:To move or not to move11:30 Gerard Van Herk (Memorial U-Newfoundland): Questioning question formation research in Early African AmericanEnglishSaturday, 6 JanuaryAfternoonHistory of (Semi)creoles 92Chair: Charles Mann (U Surrey, UK)Room: Capistrano2:00 Margaret Wade-Lewis (SUNY-New Paltz): Lorenzo Dow Turner & the development of creole studies in the U.S.2:30 Don Walicek (U PR-Río Piedras): Does history speak for itself? Creole origins, the Founder Principle, & a marginal colony3:00 Dave Robertson (U Victoria): French of the Mountains: A first report 53

Saturday AfternoonSPCLAnalysis of Grammatical Features 93Chair: Marlyse Baptista (U GA)Room: San Clemente2:00 William J. Samarin (U Toronto): The banal & abrupt origin of bracketed relative clauses in Pidgin Sango2:30 Walter Edwards (Wayne SU): Tense in non-past-copula constructions in Guyanese Creole: Implications for grammar theory3:00 Fernanda Ferreira (Bridgewater SC): Popular Brazilian Portuguese as a semi-creole: Evidence from complex plurals3:30 Justin Kelly (Georgetown U): Movement phenomena in Saramaccan: A minimalist perspectiveSaturday, 6 JanuaryEveningSPCL DinnerPlace: TBATime: 7:30 PMPlease sign up for SPCL dinner well in advance (while at the conference).54

Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languagesof the AmericasThursday, 4 JanuaryAfternoonMorphology: 1 94Chair: Claire Bowern (Rice U)Room: Malibu4:00 Judith Tonhauser (OH SU): Temporal interpretation in Guarani: The effect of telicity & durativity4:30 Daniel J. Hintz (UC-Santa Barbara/SIL Intl): Evidentiality & the co-construction of knowledge in South ConchucosQuechua5:00 Andrea Wilhelm (U Victoria): Classificatory verbs & countability5:30 Brad Montgomery-Anderson (U KS): The applicative construction in Chontal Mayan6:00 Ardis Eschenberg (NE Indian Community C) & Alice Saunsoci (NE Indian Community C): Ablaut in Umo n ho n6:30 Gabriela Caballero Hernández (UC-Berkeley) & Lilián Guerrero (UNAM): The complexity of verbal (indirect) causation inRarámuri & YaquiSyntax: 1 95Chair: Zarina Estrada Fernández (U Sonora/MPI-EVA, Leipzig)Room: Santa Monica4:00 Paul Kroeber (IN U): Alsea serial verbs4:30 Rolando Félix Armendáriz (U Sonora): Preferred argument structure in Warihío & Yaqui5:00 Angelina Serratos (U AZ): Predication in Chemehuevi5:30 Lachlan Duncan (U Albany-SUNY): Phrasal noun incorporation in Chuj Mayan6:00 Jessica Coon (MIT): Right specifiers vs V-movement: VOS in Chol6:30 George Aaron Broadwell (U Albany-SUNY): Differential object marking in Copala TriqueFriday, 5 JanuaryMorningHistorical Linguistics: 1 96Chair: Martha J. Macri (UC-Davis)Room: Malibu9:00 Aaron Huey Sonnenschein (CSU-Los Angeles/CSU-Northridge): The grammaticalization of dependent pronominal forms inZoogocho Zapotec9:30 Rosemary Beam de Azcona (La Trobe U): Southern Zapotec ka: A new adverbial grammaticalization path for focusparticles10:00 Aaron Huey Sonnenschein (CSU-Los Angeles/CSU-Northridge) & Michael Galant (CSU-Dominguez Hills): Functions &morphosyntactic reflexes of Proto Zapotec *nV[-hi] in Sierra Norte Zapotec languages10:30 David F. Mora-Marin (U NC-Chapel Hill): Reconstruction of Proto-Ch'olan independent pronouns: Grammaticalization &evidence for sociolinguistic variation11:00 Martha J. Macri (UC-Davis): Contrasting graphic traditions among the Ancient Maya11:30 Mary S. Linn (U OK): An historical applicative & its consequences in Yuchi 55

Friday MorningSSILAPhonetics & Prosody 97Chair: Patricia A. Shaw (U BC)Room: Santa Monica9:00 Linda Lanz (Rice U): The phonetics of stress in Iñupiaq9:30 Marianne Mithun (UC-Santa Barbara): The prosodies of contrast: Mohawk emphatic/contrastive pronouns in spontaneousspeech10:00 Megan J. Crowhurst (U TX-Austin) & Monica Macaulay (U WI-Madison): On Karuk accent10:30 Steve Marlett (SIL Intl/U ND): Stress & extrametricality in Seri11:00 Olga Lovick (U AK-Fairbanks) & Siri Tuttle (U AK-Fairbanks): Intonational marking of narrative & syntactic units in aDena'ina text11:30 Yuni Kim (UC-Berkeley): Segmental & prosodic aspects of Huave glottal fricativesFriday, 5 JanuaryAfternoonSSILA Poster Session 98Room: California BTime: 2:00 - 3:30 PMZarina Estrada Fernández (U Sonora/MPI-EVA, Leipzig): Lexical borrowing in Yaqui: A loanword typology perspectiveN. Louanna Furbee (U MO-Columbia): Tojolab'al reflexes of a Classic Maya rhetorical structure & its discourse markers(T 126/M-L 32M & T 679/M-L YM1)Tania Granadillo (Miami U): The Kurripako-Baniwa continuum within the Arawak language familyJames Kari (Dena'inaq' Titaztunt): Some features of the Dena'ina Topical DictionaryEndangered Languages and Revitalization 99Chair: Mary S. Linn (U OK)Room: Malibu2:00 William F. Weigel (Nüümü Yadoha Prog): Preservation of phonetic detail in Yokuts language attrition2:30 John Foreman (Utica C): Do children still speak Macuiltianguis Zapotec?3:00 Wesley Y. Leonard (UC-Berkeley): Ideology as a factor & a predictor of ‘success’ in language reclamation3:30 Pamela Bunte (CSU-Long Beach): Saving the San Juan Southern Paiute language through narration: Language ideologies,language revitalization, & identity4:00 Wallace Chafe (UC-Santa Barbara): Idiosyncratic usages among last speakers4:30 Natasha Warner (U AZ), Lynnika Butler (U AZ), Heather van Volkinburg (U AZ), & Quirina Luna-Costillas (Amah MutsunTribal Band): Use of Harrington data in language revitalization & linguistic research: The Mutsun language56

SSILAFriday AfternoonPhonology and Phonetics 100Chair: David Rood (U CO)Room: Santa Monica2:00 William H. Jacobsen, Jr. (U NV-Reno): Does Washo have glottalized resonants?2:30 Marianne L. Borroff (U Stony Brook-SUNY): Prosodic influences on the realization of glottal stop WITHDRAWN3:00 Eugene Buckley (U Penn): Velar fronting in Alsea3:30 Natalie Operstein (UC-Los Angeles): Prevocalization in Maxakali & beyond4:00 Reiko Kataoka (UC-Berkeley): Phonetics of three-way contrast in Nevada Northern Paiute stops4:30 Benjamin V. Tucker (U AZ): Acoustic phonetic description of ChemehueviSaturday, 6 JanuaryMorningHistorical Linguistics: 2 101Chair: Harriet E. M. Klein (U Stony Brook-SUNY)Room: Malibu9:00 Catherine A. Callaghan (OH SU): Costanoan reclassification9:30 Lynnika Butler (U AZ), Natasha Warner (U AZ), Heather van Volkinburg (U AZ), & Quirina Luna-Costillas (Amah MutsunTribal Band): Metathesis in Mutsun morphophonology: Newly discovered data10:00 Maziar Toosarvandani (UC-Berkeley): From nominalizer to absolutive suffix: Archaism & innovation in Numic10:30 Molly Babel (UC-Berkeley), Michael J. Houser (UC-Berkeley), Maziar Toosarvandani (UC-Berkeley), & Andrew Garrett(UC-Berkeley): Descent vs diffusion in language diversification: Mono Lake Paiute & and Western Numic dialectology11:00 Marie-Lucie Tarpent (Mt St Vincent U): The Alsea l ~ k' alternation & its implications for Penutian lexical-phonologicalcomparison11:30 Ives Goddard (Smithsonian): Contamination effects of two Mahican morphological changesSyntax: 2 102Chair: Leslie Saxon (U Victoria)Room: Santa Monica9:00 Sharon Hargus (U WA) & Virginia Beavert (Heritage U, Toppenish): The case for adpositions in Yakima Sahaptin9:30 Andrea Berez (UC-Santa Barbara): Spatial differentiation as middle voice motivation in Dena'ina Athabaskan iterativeverbs10:00 Carmen Jany (UC-Santa Barbara): Argument structure alternations with no oblique category: The case of Chimariko10:30 Tim Thornes (U OR): Comitative, coordinating, & inclusory constructions in Northern Paiute11:00 Philip LeSourd (IN U): ‘Raising’ & long-distance agreement in Maliseet-Passamaquoddy11:30 Patience Epps (U TX-Austin): Hup (Amazonia) & the typology of question formation57

SSILABusiness MeetingChair: Lyle Campbell, President (U UT)Room: Santa MonicaTime: 12:15 - 1:45 PMSaturday, 6 JanuaryAfternoonLanguage Contact, Borrowing and Areal Linguistics 103Chair: Mary Ruth Wise (SIL Intl)Room: Malibu2:00 Françoise Rose (CNRS/IRD) & Antoine Guillaume (CNRS/U Lumière, Lyon 2): ‘Sociative causative’ markers in SouthAmerican languages: A possible areal feature2:30 Diane M. Hintz (UC-Santa Barbara/SIL Intl): Discourse pattern replication: Uses of the perfect in Spanish in contact withQuechua3:00 Ivonne Heinze Balcazar (CSU-Dominguez Hills): The borrowing patterns of three Kaqchikel Maya generations3:30 Elena Benedicto (Purdue U): Borrowing patterns: Modality in Mayangna4:00 Ian Maddieson (UC-Berkeley/U NM): Phonological typology & areal features of indigenous languages of the Americas4:30 Jocelyn Ahlers (CSU-San Marcos): Borrowing in Elem PomoMorphosyntax 104Chair: Pamela Bunte (CSU-Long Beach)Room: Santa Monica2:00 Jesse Blackburn Morrow (U OR): Linguistic restructuring during obsolescence: The Umatilla Sahaptin inverse voice2:30 Paul V. Kroskrity (UC-Los Angeles): Understanding Arizona Tewa inverse constructions3:00 Veronica Grondona (E MI U): Chorote active-inactive alignment & its typological significance3:30 R. W. Fischer (U Amsterdam) & Eva van Lier (U Amsterdam): Comparable distribution of parts-of-speech & dependentclauses in Cofán, an unclassified language spoken in the Amazonian border region between Colombia & Ecuador4:00 Ted Fernald (Swarthmore C) & Ellavina Perkins (Navajo Lang Acad): Negative polarity items in Navajo4:30 Simeon Floyd (U TX-Austin): On the status of the ‘adjectival noun’ in the Quechuan languages58

SSILASunday, 7 JanuaryMorningSemantics and Lexicography 105Chair: Victor Golla (Humboldt SU)Room: Malibu9:00 Loretta O'Connor (U Hamburg): ‘My feet hurt from the hips down’: Body parts in Lowland Chontal of Oaxaca9:30 Bernard Comrie (MPI-EVA, Leipzig/UC-Santa Barbara): Endangered numeral systems of the Americas & their theoreticalrelevance10:00 Donna B. Gerdts (Simon Fraser U): The semantics of reciprocity in Halkomelem10:30 Brook Danielle Lillehaugen (UNAM) & Pamela Munro (UCLA): Component part locatives & frames of reference(Chickasaw/Zapotec)11:00 Gabriela Pérez Báez (U Buffalo-SUNY): The encoding of locative & path relations in locative constructions in Juchiteco11:30 Emmon Bach (SOAS/U MA-Amherst), Fiona Campbell (U BC), & Patricia A. Shaw (U BC): On a Northern Wakashansuffix: -[x]'id12:00 Anne Pycha (UC-Berkeley), Lindsey Newbold (UC-Berkeley), Victor Golla (Humboldt SU), & Andrew Garrett (UC-Berkeley): An online multimedia dictionary for Hupa (Athabaskan, California)Morphology: 2 106Chair: Tim Thornes (U OR)Room: Santa Monica9:00 Michael J. Houser (UC-Berkeley): Pluractionality in Northern Paiute: Mono Lake Paiute & Oregon Northern Paiute9:30 John Boyle (NE IL U): The Hidatsa mood markers revisited10:00 Heidi Harley (U AZ) & Jason Haugen (U AZ): On the grammatical expression of inception & cessation in Hiaki (Yaqui)10:30 Adam Werle (U MA-Amherst/U Victoria): Second-position clitics & second-position suffixes in Southern Wakashan11:00 Toshihide Nakayama (Tokyo U For Studies): Characteristics of Nuuchahnulth polysynthesis11:30 Nick Pharris (U MI): Complex verbal stems in Molalla12:00 Zarina Estrada Fernández (U Sonora/MPI-EVA, Leipzig) & Rolando Félix Armendáriz (U Sonora): Middle voice in Uto-Aztecan languages from Northwest Mexico: Some similarities & differences59/60

Abstracts of LSA Plenary Addresses61/62

Part 1: Thursday, 4 JanuaryPart 2: Friday, 5 JanuaryPart 1: California C, 7:30 – 9:00 PMPart 2: California C, 9:00 AM – 12:00 PMPhonology: An Appraisal of the Field in 2007Organizers: Larry M. Hyman, University of California-BerkeleyEllen Kaisse, University of WashingtonParticipants:Abigail C. Cohn (Cornell University)Bruce Hayes (University of California, Los Angles)Paul Kiparsky (Stanford University)Donca Steriade (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)Five phonologists discuss the current state of phonology from their different perspectives. Part 1, a one and a half hour plenary,previews the symposium presentations and allows the assembled LSA membership to hear and contribute to the discussion. Thepresentations in Part 2 treat the advent and implications of laboratory phonology, the extent to which different phonological theoriesaid in phonological description, new views of the relationship between phonology and morphology, and the possibility of abandoningcertain classical idealizations in phonology. Each discussant gives a presentation with time for questions after each. A 30-minuteaudience and panel discussion concludes Part 2.Abigail C. Cohn (Cornell University)The framing of laboratory phonology & theoretical phonology & the influence of early generative theoryI attempt to address two questions: (1) the relationship between generative phonology and its descendents and laboratory phonology,and (2) the ways in which assumptions in early generative theory have defined and delineated the fields of phonetics and phonology.With regard to the first, I consider what led to the codification of ‘laboratory phonology’ (LabPhon) in the mid-1980s. At the outset,the central goals of LabPhon included framing issues in terms of a richer way of investigating phonology and reconciling phonologicaland phonetic approaches to the investigation of human sound systems. LabPhon was seen as an enrichment or complement totheoretical phonology; now, it is seen by many as an alternative. I consider this shift in light of the evolution of generative phonology(broadly defined), as optimality theory has become the dominant paradigm in theoretical approaches to phonology in North America.This more juxtapositional stance is consistent with recent trends whereby there is increased polarization and fragmentation in terms ofhow we talk about and how we do phonology. In the second part of the paper, I suggest that this polarization is counterproductive tothe goals of reaching a deeper understanding of the nature of human sound systems as part of human cognition and human behavior.In highlighting the differences, we lose sight of how much of a shared agenda we have in our investigations. We need to understandhow we frame both assumptions and models and how this framing affects our investigations. I consider how an interwoven set ofassumptions of early generative theory, framed in Chomsky (1965) Aspects of the theory syntax and other seminal work, have shapedour theories and our approaches to linguistic investigation. These include: the definition of the ideal speaker/hearer within ahomogeneous speech community; the separation of competence and performance; the importance of modularity and the avoidance ofredundancy; and the nature and source of language universals, and the implications for the nature of the task of language acquisition. Iargue that in large measure these assumptions are approximately correct, but not in the literal sense in which they are often interpreted.If we can unpack and rethink these assumptions, we will be able to move away from a polarized discourse and come to understand theways in which these assumptions are useful and the ways in which they are not. To move forward, we need to be willing to questionour most cherished assumptions, and we need to be willing to move away from a polarized discourse about the right theory. We cangain new insight into some of the central questions before us through a more synthetic and collaborative mindset.63

Bruce Hayes (University of California, Los Angeles)Phonological theory: Finding the right level of idealizationEvery scientific field must find the right level of idealization at which to work. In phonology, four kinds of idealization are widelyadopted. (1) Data workers often abstract away from free variation, recording only the most frequent phonetic form for any particularword. (2) Analysts idealize across the lexicon, identifying the patterns of alternation that are most frequent and analyzing only these.(3) The question of how to identify and analyze patterns in paradigms is reduced to a narrower question, that of how to derive all themembers of a paradigm from a single underlying representation of its stem. (4) Analysts give themselves carte blanche to explore therange of analyses permitted under a theory, making the tacit assumption that some theory of the future will explain how the chosenanalysis could be discovered by children learning the language. I do not mention these idealizations in order to scorn them; in fact, Ithink they have been extremely useful, enabling the development of insightful and sophisticated phonological theories that will serveus well as we seek to extend our understanding. However, the choice of idealizing assumptions is never made a priori, and maturingfields often find it useful to try to account for their data in less idealized form. In phonology, current work is exploring what might bedone by abandoning the four idealizations just mentioned. My overall conclusion is that with accumulating theoretical progress, theidealizations that were made in the infancy of our field may no longer be necessary. Aiming higher, we can hope to develop ourtheories in ways that are both more sophisticated and more responsive to data.Larry M. Hyman (University of California, Berkeley)Phonological theory & description: Is there now a gap?I consider the relationship between phonological theory and phonological description, addressing questions like: What has it been?What is it now? What should it be? I suggest that while there should ideally be a symbiotic relationship between the two, there arereasons for concern. Although there is nothing incompatible between theory and description (which are sometimes even hard todisentangle), certain recent trends have encouraged theoretically-minded phonologists to turn away from ‘deep’ (e.g.morphophonemic) description of phonological systems. It is easy to demonstrate the impact of successive movements in 20th centuryphonology on the descriptive work of their time: Structuralist phonemics, classical generative phonology, nonlinear phonology,lexical phonology, and prosodic domain theory have all provided concepts and tools that have informed and facilitated phonologicaldescription. The question is whether current theories do this as well. Most of my attention is on optimality theory, which has had animpact well beyond phonology. Much of the current research in phonological OT can be conveniently grouped into two efforts: (1)work addressing (often problematic) issues which arise as the result of certain basic assumptions of the theory; (2) application of thetheory to what it does best. Theoretical goals as well as technological advances have also stimulated computational andpsycholinguistic work. The question is whether the OT revolution has been as useful to descriptive phonology as prior frameworks. Isuggest it has not been, largely because of its turning away from questions of (underlying) representation and its focus on surfaceoutputs. Those who attempt to apply OT to deep description will find that there is a ‘too many analyses problem’ that makes it hard toconfidently proceed with the same kind of argumentation that was prevalent of descriptive work in pre-OT generative phonology.Instead, OT has adopted a kind of self-conscious universalism that, from the point of view of the individual phonological system, isnot particularly description-friendly. I discuss reasons why there may for the first time now be a gap between phonological theory anddescription.Paul Kiparsky (Stanford University)Description & explanation: English revisitedLike SPE and autosegmental and metrical phonology, OT has raised important new why-questions and provided answers to many ofthem. But while those earlier theoretical advances also made the practice of descriptive phonology easier, OT has made it harder.However robust a phonological generalization may be, we can't incorporate it into an OT grammar until we understand how to deriveit from ranked universal constraints. The difficulty of producing reasonably comprehensive and perspicuous phonologicaldescriptions under this regime no doubt accounts for some of the continuing resistance to OT. This raising of stakes has the virtue offorcing better explanations but also leads in practice to the narrowing of the empirical domain. I revisit SPE-type analyses of Englishphonology and ask what insights of them OT salvages, how it improves on them, and what it is forced to give up. I argue that stratalOT can capture what is right about them.64

Donca Steriade (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)Correspondence, ph-dependence, & the structure of lexical entriesPhonology models the mapping between expressions stored in a mental lexicon and their spoken and perceived surface counterparts.In a rule-based system, this mapping is a series of deformations undergone by the lexical entry. Different combinations of morphemesundergo this process in parallel. Each derivation is shielded by ignorance from the outcomes of all other derivations. In cyclicderivations, when one expression is syntactically nested within a larger one, the rule system occasionally succeeds in characterizingthe systematic identity of two distinct expressions, e.g. the shared portion of [A] and [[A]B]. But cyclicity can ensure in a rule systemonly that the shared [A] parts are handled identically by the rules, but not that they surface identically. For about a decade now,phonologists have experimented, in the context of OT, with the alternative of grammars consisting of surface-oriented, staticconditions. Of interest here are the conditions that require identity or distinctness between certain pairs of expressions. I build on thisbody of work to highlight a phenomenon I call ‘ph(onological)-dependence’ and which can now be understood, precisely becauseexplicit correspondence conditions have become part of grammar. Ph-dependence: A phonological process can apply to the dependentform of a lexical item if it has applied to one of its basic forms. I argue that the mechanism that gives an account of ph-dependence isthe possibility of correspondence between a candidate and the basic form or forms contained in a lexical entry. I discuss themechanism that leads to storage of such forms. I then show that one can use the lack of interaction between forms that aremorphologically but not semantically related and between forms that are semantically but not referentially related to explore theprinciples that structure these complex entries.65

Friday, 5 JanuaryPlenary AddressCalifornia C12:30 – 1:30 PMPerson Inflection in Sign LanguagesCarol A. PaddenUniversity of California, San DiegoSign languages differ from spoken languages in the wealth and range of their articulators and the fact that these articulators move invisible space. At the same time, sign languages do not have special grammars; their grammatical categories and structures fall withinthe class of human languages. This interplay between modality and structure in sign languages offers some of the most interestingchallenges in linguistic analysis. One such challenge is an account of person inflection in sign languages. In sign languages such asAmerican Sign Language (ASL) and Israeli Sign Language (ISL), the body is the locus of first person inflection. Non-first-personinflection is any locus other than and away from the body. Conceptually, this denotes an embodied sense of first person, that it refersto the speaker or signer, and not the addressee and all other referents. Furthermore, many sign languages, including those unrelated toone another, show person inflection in the same class of verbs, those that denote transfer between the subject and the object. Notably,person inflection is typically absent for other classes of verbs, including those that reference locatives or refer to emotional orcognitive states. Recently, Mark Aronoff, Irit Meir, Wendy Sandler, and I have discovered that person inflection is absent entirely in anew sign language, Al-Sayyid Bedouin Sign Language (ABSL). In this sign language, verbs of transfer are not distinct from otherclasses of verbs with respect to which inflections may appear; verbs of transfer lack person inflection of any kind, including firstperson.Using evidence from established sign languages as well as this case of a new sign language, I make several claims: (1)Despite the primacy and saliency of the human body, it is not universally available for first-person inflection. In the case of a newsign language with very little or no morphology, person inflection is not present. (2) Other grammatical structures exploit the body aslocus but are analytically distinct from person inflection, such as body as subject and body as a reference point for locatives. (3) Thedifferent ways in which sign languages exploit the human body offer us a unique perspective on the complex interplay between thepossibilities of modality and possible grammars.Carol Padden (PhD, University of California, San Diego, 1983) is professor of communication at the University of California, SanDiego, where she has taught since 1983. She has published on a variety of topics including verb morphology and syntax in ASL,foreign and native vocabulary in ASL, the acquisition of fingerspelling in very young signing children, sign language and deaf culture,and recently the emergence of syntax in a new sign language. Her research has been funded by the National Science Foundation, theNational Institutes of Health, the U.S. Department of Education, and the Spencer Foundation.66

Friday, 5 JanuaryPlenary AddressCalifornia C7:00 – 8:00 PMLanguage Variation and Linguistic InvariantsEdward L. KeenanUniversity of California, Los AngelesI show how to state structural invariants of human language even assuming that grammars of particular languages are structurallydistinct, e.g. have different grammatical categories. Given a grammar G for a set L(G) of expressions, a structure (preserving) map(sm) for G is a bijection from L(G) to L(G) that preserves how expressions are built up. So for h a sm, a rule R derives z from x and yif R derives h(z) from h(x) and h(y). Two expressions have the same structure if one can be mapped to the other by a sm. Aninvariant of G is an expression, a property of expressions, a relation between expressions,...which is mapped to itself (fixed) by allthe sm's. That is, replacing it by anything else changes structure. (To say a sm h fixes a relation R just says xRy if h(x)Rh(y)). Thestructure of G is given by its set of sm's, its symmetry group. Empirically we support that:• The anaphor-antecedent relation is invariant in the languages we have modeled (English, Korean, Toba Batak, and WestGreenlandic). It is (partially) coded by case marking in Korean and voice marking in Toba. Both allow anaphors to asymmetrically c-command their antecedents, structurally distinct from English.• (Provably is a constituent of and c-command, generalized, are invariant relations for all G).• Grammatical formatives, such as case, voice, and applicative affixes, are themselves invariant (fixed by all sm's, notsimply ‘reflections’ of hierarchical structure).• Agreement classes are stable-invariants (fixed by all stable sm's--ones that extend to sm's when new lexical itemsisomorphic to old ones are [iteratively] added to the language). In general, for any category C in a grammar, the property of havingcategory C is a stable invariant.• Theta role assignment is invariant (a function of structure). [This does not imply UTAH, which requires that the functionbe one to one].• Greenberg duality. The class of possible human grammars is closed under word order duals. A G and its dual are notisomorphic but have isomorphic symmetry groups.A Goal of General Linguistics: Classify languages by the symmetry groups of their grammars.Edward L. Keenan is a Distinguished Professor in the Department of Linguistics at UCLA and a member of the American Academyof Arts and Sciences. He has been on faculties in England, Holland, Germany, France, Israel, Madagascar, and New Zealand. He hasco-authored two books: Boolean semantics for natural language, with Leonard Faltz (1985), and Bare grammar: Lectures onlinguistic invariants, with Edward Stabler (2003).67

Saturday, 6 JanuaryPlenary AddressCalifornia C12:30 – 1:30 PMThe Future of LinguisticsMark LibermanUniversity of PennsylvaniaAbout 10 years ago, a publisher's representative told me that introductory linguistics courses in the U.S. enroll 50,000 students peryear while introductory psychology courses enroll about 1,500,000, or 30 times more. The Linguistic Society of America has about4,000 members while the American Psychological Association has more than 150,000 members, or about 38 times more. Comparisonsbetween linguistics and fields like history or chemistry give similar results.It's easy to accept this state of affairs as natural, but in fact it's bizarre, both historically and logically. Furthermore, it's part of a largerand much more serious problem. Those who are resigned to the fate of our academic discipline should still be disturbed thatcontemporary intellectuals learn almost no skills for analyzing the form and content of speech and text, so that few writing instructorscan even identify instances of the passive voice that they urge their students to avoid. More seriously, the teaching of reading is sowidely based on false or nonsensical ideas about speech and language that a quarter of all students emerge from elementary schoolwith difficulties serious enough to interfere with the rest of their education.To break the grip of familiarity, it may help to view the past 150 years of intellectual history as a poker game. The academicdisciplines concerned with speech and language began with a bigger stake than almost anyone else at the table and have been dealt aseries of very strong hands. However, the role of linguistic research and teaching in English, foreign languages, and anthropology isdramatically smaller than it once was, and the field of linguistics itself is a marginal player, in danger of being busted out of the gameentirely.I review our unfortunate past and discuss the prospects for a brighter future, in which linguistics might reach parity with fields likemathematics, psychology, and English.Mark Liberman (PhD, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1975) worked for AT&T Bell Laboratories from 1975-990, ending ashead of the Linguistics Research Department. He then moved to the University of Pennsylvania as Trustee Professor of Phonetics inLinguistics, with a secondary appointment in the Department of Computer and Information Science. He has been the director of theLinguistic Data Consortium since its foundation in 1992 and was co-director of the Institute for Research in Cognitive Science from2000-2006. He is also Faculty Master of Ware College House and faculty director of College Houses and Academic Services at Penn.In 2003, he co-founded “Language Log”, which now averages more than 7,000 readers a day. His recent research has been ininformation extraction from biomedical text and in the prosody of conversational speech.68

Saturday, 6 JanuaryPresidential AddressCalifornia C5:30 - 7:00 PMWords in the World: How and Why Meanings Can MatterSally McConnell-GinetCornell UniversityCan words help or hinder people's projects in the world? Isn't what words mean 'just semantics' and thus insubstantial, trivial? Mostlinguists subscribe to the view that lexical meanings are in some sense conventional and also to the view that no language is 'better'than any other. Can such views be reconciled with claims that encoding certain meanings is useful whereas encoding others isproblematic? I explore these and related questions about lexical meanings and how language functions in social practices. I begin byexamining three kinds of cases where meanings do seem to matter in some way: euphemisms and reframings that (try to) presentfamiliar phenomena in new ways, 'keywords' that are the focus of social and cultural debates, and scientific terminology. I then arguethat what helps make language functionally so very significant is its relatively formal character, which makes it open toreinterpretation in light both of changing external circumstances and of different purposes and interests at stake in particularcommunities of practice in which language is being used. Most accounts of lexical meaning, I suggest, seriously understate thecomplexity of the social practices that (generally) secure communicative and practical coordination of language use and overstate theextent to which conceptual meanings-what language users store in their mental lexicons-serve to determine referential meanings-theconnections of linguistic forms to phenomena in the world.Sally McConnell-Ginet is professor of linguistics at Cornell University, where she has chaired Modern Languages and Linguistics,directed Women's Studies, and codirected Cognitive Studies. She majored in mathematics at Oberlin College with a minor inphilosophy and then studied as a Fulbright Fellow in philosophy at Cambridge University. After a M.S. in mathematics from OhioState as a Woodrow Wilson Fellow and further graduate work in mathematics at the University of Michigan, she focused for a fewyears on her two young children, various kinds of parttime work (editing, programming in machine language on a PDP4 computer,etc.), and volunteer activities (e.g. progressive politics). Eventually, however, she discovered linguistics, earning her PhD from theUniversity of Rochester. She is coauthor with Penelope Eckert of Language and gender (Cambridge 2003), coauthor with GennaroChierchia of Meaning and grammar: An introduction to semantics (MIT, 1990, 2nd ed., 2000), and coeditor with Ruth Borker andNelly Furman of Women and language in literature and society (Praeger/Greenwood, 1980/1986). In addition to coauthoring severalarticles on language and gender with Penelope Eckert, she has written on her own a number of articles on language, gender, andsexuality and has also published papers and given talks on a range of topics in formal semantics and pragmatics. She has been activein the LSA for many years, including service as Secretary-Treasurer from 1999-2004 and as President in 2006.69/70

LSA Organized Sessions71/72

Thursday, 4 JanuaryTutorialA Field Linguist's Guide to Making Long-Lasting Texts and DatabasesCapistrano Room4:00 - 7:00 PMOrganizers:Sponsor:Participants:Jeff Good (University at Buffalo, State University of New York)Heidi Johnson (University of Texas, Austin)Open Language Archives Community (OLAC) Working Group on OutreachLaura Buszard-Welcher (The Rosetta Project)Deborah Anderson (University of California, Berkeley)Michael Appleby (The LinguistList)Jessica Boynton (Eastern Michigan University)Naomi Fox (University of Utah)Connie Dickinson (Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen/University of San Francisco, Quito)Over the last several decades, there has been a dramatic increase in the technologies available for language documentation. This islargely a positive development--our records of an endangered language are no longer limited to ink on paper but can now includeaudio and video recordings of rich interactions among speakers. Field linguists know how to organize and analyze the data theycollect, facilitating multiple uses for datasets and improving consistency in data entry. A plethora of software programs is availablefor creating texts and databases, from ASCII text editors to web-accessible SQL databases. And therein lies a problem: How canlinguists choose the tools that will serve their needs best in the present, while producing materials that will survive long into thefuture?The first problem is finding a font that represents the characters needed for transcribing and analyzing the language being documented.In the past, linguists have had to rely on fonts such as SIL Doulos, which had a life span of only a few years and were nearlyimpossible to port from one computer platform to another. The solution to the font problem is Unicode, which defines a standard setof characters that includes all the characters for the world's most common writing systems, as well as the International PhoneticAlphabet.The next problem is choosing a format for digital files that can be used for the duration of a language documentation project andbeyond. Most of the readily available software, such as Microsoft Word and FilemakerPro, produces files in proprietary formats thatcan only be read by the original program. Even files made a mere decade ago may not be readable using the latest version of the sameprogram. Linguists need to be able to produce files that they can continue to use year after year, without having to continually converteach document to a new version of their software. The solution is simple: Work should be saved frequently in nonproprietary, openformats.Commercial software is also often not well-suited for language documentation tasks. Recordings need to be transcribed andannotated; most linguists want to interlinearize at least some of their texts; datasets, such as lexicons, need to be constructed in formatsthat support analysis, cross-referencing, and multiple styles of output. There is software specifically created for languagedocumentation tasks, but the learning curve for much of it is steep, and the documentation is often inadequate for the beginning user.The purpose of this tutorial is to recommend tools and strategies for creating long-lived and useful texts and databases for languagedocumentation. The speakers present a set of commonly-used software tools with tips for getting started and ideas for fully exploitingthe tools' capabilities. The ultimate goal of this tutorial is to aid field linguists in gaining mastery of a small suite of tools that willexpedite their data collection, entry, and management tasks so that they can focus their time and attention on the real work oftranslation and analysis.73

Laura Buszard-Welcher (The Rosetta Project)Best practice in your back pocket: Getting the most out of the tools you haveDr. Buszard-Welcher, co-director of the Rosetta Project, outlines the goals of this tutorial, including an overview of the typical pathfollowed in the production of texts and datasets in language documentation--transcription, translation, annotation, interlinearization,and creation of datasets for resources such as lexicons. She introduces recommendations for best practice with respect to text anddatabase formats, explaining briefly the value of using well-defined XML tagging. She also defines good practice recommendationsthat are within the capabilities of all linguists, even those who don't have the time to master new tools.Deborah Anderson (University of California, Berkeley)A field linguist's guide to UnicodeDr. Anderson is co-founder of a Unicode Working Group at Berkeley, liaison to the Unicode consortium, and overseer of the ScriptEncoding Initiative. Unicode is essentially a massive extension of the ASCII character set which provides a unique encoding forevery character, including characters for non-Western languages and the IPA. This means that, in principle, any Unicode font willappear the same on every platform and in every program. Dr. Anderson explains how Unicode works, how to find and form thecharacters needed for a particular language, and how to request that a character be added to Unicode.Michael Appleby (The LinguistList)How to use Unicode on your computerMr. Appleby, Managing Editor of the LinguistList, demonstrates how to set up a computer keyboard so that one can easily typeUnicode IPA characters and graphemes for practical orthographies. Most modern operating systems include Unicode fonts withextensive character sets, and a variety of options exist for inputting nonstandard characters. But, when one cannot input Unicodedirectly, alternative strategies can be employed. Mr. Appleby covers both ‘easy’ and ‘difficult’ scenarios, allowing linguists to use thetools they want while ensuring their characters are encoded with the future in mind.Jessica Boynton (Eastern Michigan University)Transcription, time-alignment, & annotationMs. Boynton is a member of the Chaco Languages Documentation Project, directed by Drs. Veronica Grondona and Lyle Campbell.She presents two good-practice tools for making transcriptions and annotations for audio and video recording--Transcriber and ELAN.Both programs enable linguists to segment long duration audio and video recordings; transcribe them; and label speech turns, topicchanges, and acoustic conditions. ELAN further allows the user to define time-aligned annotation tiers and supports input ofinterlinearized texts from Shoebox. Among other things, Ms Boynton demonstrates how to open files, define annotation tiers, andtranscribe data using these programs.Naomi Fox (University of Utah)Using Filemaker Pro to produce archivable language documentationMs. Fox presents the data management programs and policies developed for the Xinka Language Documentation Project. Shedemonstrates how a product intended for commercial use (the FileMakerPro database program) can be adapted for documentarylinguistic purposes. Doing this requires an understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of the tool and the development ofworkflows that result in the creation of archivable materials. Many of the lessons learned here will be applicable to the use of otherpopular commercial programs such as Microsoft Excel.Connie Dickinson (Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen/University of San Francisco, Quito)The Tsafiki text factoryDr. Dickinson and the Tsafiki community language documentation team have recorded, transcribed, translated, and Shoeboxed over120 hours of audio and video recordings. Shoebox supports the creation of a linked set of databases for linguistic research and theinterlinearization of texts. While Shoebox is widely used by documentary linguists, it is not easy to learn; it is, however, the bestoption currently available for interlinearizing texts and using those texts as the basis for dictionary creation. Dr. Dickinson shares tipsfor mastering this useful, but frustrating, program, and shows why it's worth the effort.74

Thursday, 4 JanuarySymposiumContinuing To Build Linguistic Knowledge for Teachers:Collaborating with NCTE's Commission on LanguageCalifornia C4:00 – 5:30 PMOrganizer:Sponsor:Participants:Kristin Denham (Western Washington University)Committee on Language in the School CurriculumLauri Katz (Ohio State University)Dolores Straker (Raymond Walters College, University of Cincinnati)Jerrie Cobb Scott (University of Memphis)Collaboration between linguists and educators continues to emerge on a national scale, producing work that aims to identify, first,what aspects of linguistic knowledge are most useful for teachers to know, and second, what kinds of activities and projects are mosteffective in introducing those aspects of linguistic knowledge to students. The importance of raising language awareness in theschools is reflected in the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE)'s 1994 Position Statement on Language Study:Resolved, that the National Council of Teachers of English appoint a committee or task force to explore effective ways of integratinglanguage awareness into classroom instruction and teacher preparation programs, review current practices and materials related tolanguage awareness, and prepare new materials for possible publication by NCTE. Language awareness includes examining howlanguage varies in a range of social and cultural settings; examining how people's attitudes vary towards language across culture,class, gender, and generation; examining how oral and written language affects listeners and readers; examining how ‘correctness’in language reflects social-political-economic values; examining how the structure of language works from a descriptive perspective;and examining how first and second languages are acquired.A similar commitment is reflected by the work of the Linguistic Society of America (LSA) Committee on Language in the SchoolCurriculum, which explores ways to foster collaboration between linguists and K-12 educators through various projects that targetlanguage education. The NCTE's and LSA's mutual interest in raising language awareness in the schools is resulting in importantcollaborative efforts between these professional organizations. Members of the LSA were invited to attend the 2003 annual NCTEconvention, where they presented a well-attended panel on linguistics and education. The NCTE invited LSA members again in 2005and 2006 to present at the NCTE convention. At a meeting of linguists, teachers, teacher educators, and the Center for AppliedLinguistics held at the NCTE in 2005, several NCTE members expressed interest in working more directly with the LSA, resulting injoint ownership of some of the projects and a sense of mutuality and reciprocity. This collaboration will lead to better ways forlinguists' efforts in the integration of linguistic knowledge into preK-12 education to be anchored in the K-12 classroom. In thissymposium, NCTE/LSA members offer insight into how best to direct our work with NCTE in order to effect change in the ways thatlinguistics is integrated into preK-12 classrooms by focusing on ways that linguists can better prepare teachers, as well as suggestwhat role linguists might play in making and changing educational policy.Laurie Katz (Ohio State University)Discourse analysis & teachers' knowledge of variations in narrativesI discuss how linguists and teacher educators can work together to support teachers of children from preschool to second grade tointegrate children's language variations into the curriculum while at the same time addressing the curriculum standards. I discussexamples through one of the Ohio English Language Arts Standards which has shared characteristics with the NCTE/IRA EnglishLanguage Arts Standards. Examples include developing curriculum for pre- and in-service teachers with a focus on (1) helping themto identify narrative structures, styles, and content within the children's oral discourse and (2) interpreting the standards in a manner tosupport children's home language while teaching them a standardized format.75

Dolores Straker (Raymond Walters College, University of Cincinnati)The role of language ideology in educational access & equityFrom a historical perspective, I discuss the impact of language ideology on students' access to education. Communities and schooldistricts have struggled with the question of how to integrate previously segregated populations. The original focus for integrationwas on how to physically situate the ‘new’ students into the educational setting. Fifty years hence, our focus now is not so much onhow to physically situate our ‘new’ (now multicultural/diverse) student population as it is on how to academically situate our diversestudent population. I discuss ways to shift from physically to academically situating diverse students in educational settings andconsider how linguists and teacher educators can work together to influence policy.Jerrie Cobb Scott (University of Memphis)Building the linguistic knowledge of teachers: Inquiry vs transmission approachesI address how teacher educators and linguists can work together to (1) reduce prejudices, (2) transmit information about diversity inteacher preparation programs, and (3) make wider use of the inquiry approach to enhance knowledge about language and culturaldiversity. I focus on ways to modify research methods used in linguistics for use as instructional tools and stress the need for thoseworking in educational linguistics to attend not only to the content of course in diversity, but also to the system used in delivering thecontent, embracing inquiry and self-discovery as a means of knowledge building, rather than the more traditional transmissionapproach.76

Friday, 5 JanuarySymposiumApproaches to Language ComplexityCalifornia D9:00 AM – 12:00 PMOrganizers:Participants:K. David Harrison (Swarthmore College)Ryan K. Shosted (University of California, Berkeley)Ian Maddieson (University of California, Berkeley)Johanna Nichols (University of California, Berkeley)François Pellegrino, Christophe Coupé, and Egidio Marsico (Laboratoire Dynamique du Langage, Lyon)Sheri Wells-Jensen (Bowling Green State University)Douglas H. Whalen (Haskins Laboratories/National Science Foundation)It has become almost axiomatic in linguistics that all languages are equally complex (Akmajian et al. 1997:8, O'Grady et al. 1997:6,Cipollone et al. 1998:2, O'Grady et al. 2005:7). This axiom is often coupled with the notion that all languages are "capable ofexpressing any idea" (Fromkin & Rodman 1988). Beyond linking expressivity to complexity, a number of further assumptions follow,for example: "A language which appears simple in some respects is likely to be more complex in others" (Markowicz 1978). Thelatter is often popularly expressed as the notion that a language that gains complexity in one part of its grammar necessarily becomessimplified elsewhere, as if regulated by a thermostat. Though this last idea is difficult to find in print, we believe it is nonetheless anunexpressed assumption in the field (cf. Plank 1998, Shosted 2006).Despite the repetition (and potential reification), these claims have seldom been subjected to rigorous tests. This may be due to thefact that linguists have not agreed upon metrics for complexity, though various proposals have been made (Greenberg 1954, Nichols1992, Kusters 2003). Many still wonder whether complexity can be quantified within a single linguistic domain like phonology, letalone across domains. Moreover, most of the world's languages remain undescribed or underdescribed, severely limiting the reach oftypological approaches.We feel it is an opportune time to re-examine this constellation of ideas in terms of their intellectual pedigree, their current status (i.e.,what motivates the prevailing claims if not empirical evidence?), their impact on linguistics (in research, theory, pedagogy, etc.), andrecent attempts to subject them to quantification, modeling, and empirical testing. In general, we hope to approach an answer to thequestion, "Is equal complexity among languages a reality?"In light of the prevailing apprehension towards measurements of complexity, the organizers and panelists openly endorse aquantitative, algorithmic approach. Among the invited speakers, each presents a different quantitative metric for complexity that maybe questioned by the linguistic community. Maddieson focuses on the complexity of syllables and syllabic inventories as a window tophonological complexity. Nichols introduces various 'proxy measures' that can be used to typify the complexity of many languages inan efficient manner. Pellegrino, Coupé, and Marsico ground their work with speech corpora in information theory. Wells-Jensen usesspeech errors in a variety of languages as her metric. Finally, Whalen leads the discussion into the realm of brain function. Eachspeaker employs an experimental approach to the topic, and each method is inherently quantitative.It is hoped that through a lively dialogue on the subject of what to measure and how to measure it, linguists can converge on a set ofmetrics for complexity and use increasingly sophisticated methods in collecting relevant data.77

Ian Maddieson (University of California, Berkeley)Complexity relationships in phonetic & phonological systemsIn Maddieson 2006, 2006b, I presented evidence that languages don't 'compensate' complexity by simplicity elsewhere in basicphonological subsystems. I briefly update these findings and extend the discussion to other phonological factors possibly relevant tocomplexity and whether a different encoding of the variables would yield different results. For reasons of data availability, thesefurther examinations must often be based on subsamples. I will discuss the possibility of constructing an integrated measure ofphonological complexity through simultaneous consideration of multiple factors. The relatively robust correlation between increasingsyllable complexity and increasing size of consonant inventory receives particular attention.Johanna Nichols (University of California, Berkeley)The distribution of complexity in the world's languagesComprehensive measures of linguistic complexity are revealing but time-consuming to survey. I propose a set of proxy and minimalproperties that can be surveyed more economically, and surveys complexity cross-linguistically. The worldwide distribution ofcomplexity, measured in this way, is not even; areas and even macroareas have rather clear complexity profiles. I also surveycorrelations of complexity with some sociological and sociolinguistic variables widely believed to correlate with complexity: literacy,size of speech community, known degree of contact with other languages, and known interethnic vs ethnic-specific status.François Pellegrino (Laboratoire Dynamique du Langage, Lyon)Christophe Coupé (Laboratoire Dynamique du Langage, Lyon)Egidio Marsico (Laboratoire Dynamique du Langage, Lyon)An information-theoretic approach to the balance of complexity between phonetics, phonology, & morphosyntaxAll human languages are fully functional. Still, linguistic typology provides extensive evidence that as far as a given component isconcerned, languages may be more or less complex. According to information theory, this means that the functional load associatedwith each linguistic component is language-dependent. This intuitive statement raises many questions about both the definition andmeasurement of the linguistic information and the possible compensation between the component loads within a language. Wepropose an approach based on the study of a seven-language speech corpus, mainly focusing on the interaction between the phonetic(speech rate), phonological (syllabic entropy), and higher levels (number of morphemes and words, etc.).Sheri Wells-Jensen (Bowling Green State University)A comparative psycholinguistic investigation of language complexityI approach the topic of language complexity from a strictly psycholinguistic perspective. In a systematic, cross-linguistic examinationof speech errors in English, Hindi, Japanese, Spanish, and Turkish, study participants narrated a fast-paced silent film, and the 1,300resulting errors were categorized. The data were used to examine two interrelated hypotheses about the relationship between languagestructure and the speech production system: Hypothesis A "As measured in this way, languages are equally complex;" and HypothesisB "The patterns of distribution of different types of errors will be distinct from one language to another." Both of the hypotheses weresupported.Douglas H. Whalen (Haskins Laboratories/National Science Foundation)Brain activations related to changes in speech complexitySpeech is perhaps the most complex sound that humans listen to. With functional magnetic resonance imaging, speech-specific areasshowed increased activation with increases in what we called ‘complexity’. In a follow-up study, small areas within superiortemporal gyrus increased activation with increasing complexity defined in several different ways. Particularly, contrasting /sta/ with/tag/ showed increased activation for /sta/ (constant number of segments but variable number of syllable slots). A new study contrastsmore syllables with clusters and changes in number of syllable slots used. The use of a simple passive listening task may indicatewhich linguistic structures exemplify greater complexity.78

Friday, 5 JanuaryDigital Poster SessionGlobal Revitalization TechnologyPalisades9:00 AM – 5:00 PMOrganizers:Mia Kalish (Diné College)Susan Penfield (University of Arizona)This presentation demonstrates different perspectives of the use of technology for revitalization efforts to people with differentinterests. For linguists, the projects displayed in this poster session show semantic issues. These include complex translation andlanguage extension issues. This perspective integrates with representational issues, where developers cope with needs for fonts and,having succeeded in this, for extensions of language into contemporary living. This perspective includes issues of creating languagefor describing technology, engineering, and the sciences. Linguists and students doing fieldwork can also see how some of thematerials they will be responsible for collecting could contribute to the development of perceptually robust revitalization materials thatinclude the phonological rhythms of the language as well as the textual representations.This presentation affords those who are engaged in, or who are considering engaging in, revitalization efforts using technology theopportunity to see the many different ways people in different countries and communities have applied technological concepts.Attendees also have the opportunity to ask specific questions that may aid them in their efforts and will be able to demonstrate to thosethey work with how they might like to see materials for their own languages emerging.This digital poster session is a response to the growing recognition that for languages to live and remain vital, linguistic efforts mustaddress more than documentation. New language projects must include communities' needs for revitalization methodologies,resources and support, as well as the traditional documentation efforts. We hope to show the many different ways that technologicalresources such as recordings and visuals can be used in support of both revitalization efforts and in developing greater understandingfor the languages.Submitters who attend the annual meeting will be present at the poster session to talk with conference attendees about their work. Byprojecting samples of various technologies, viewers of this digital poster will see a range of the type of work currently going on in thefield of language revitalization and technology.79/80

Friday, 5 JanuarySymposiumEndangered Languages and Linguistic TheoryCalifornia C2:00 – 5:00 PMOrganizer:Sponsor:Participants:Alice C. Harris (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York)Committee on Endangered Languages and Their PreservationStephen R. Anderson (Yale University)Mark C. Baker (Rutgers University)Juliette Blevins (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig)Heidi Harley (University of Arizona)Sally McConnell-Ginet (Cornell University)Maria Polinsky (University of California, San Diego)In recent years there has been much discussion among linguists as well as others about the problems of endangered languages.Meetings are held regularly on this topic, and many books have now been published on a variety of aspects of the problem, especiallycauses, human rights, the humanitarian impact, and means of revitalization. The LSA’s Committee on Endangered Languages andTheir Preservation (CELP) has also sponsored several forums on issues related to endangered languages.The topic of this particular symposium was inspired in part by the topic of the 2007 Linguistics Institute, “Empirical Foundations forTheories of Language”. In this symposium we emphasize those empirical foundations that rest on data from endangered languages.Data from endangered languages have repeatedly provided challenges to linguistic theory and in this way have helped to shaped it.Language is a uniquely human faculty, and one of the concerns of linguists is to determine the limits of the human language capacity,the extent to which languages can vary. The ability to determine these limits accurately is crucially limited by what is known of thevariety actually found in languages of the world. The variety that has developed in languages is the natural laboratory within whichlinguists conduct their research. If only the 10 languages with the largest numbers of speakers survive, the constraints on the researchof linguists would be comparable to that of biologists if only the top 10 predators had survived among all living animals. Withoutvariety, we might be unaware that birds could survive without flying, or we might not even be aware that wings could evolve! Aslinguists, we need all the data we can get on the full range of possible languages. The next fact from a language spoken by hardlyanyone could change our model of what language can be and could improve the questions we must ask in investigating all languages.Our knowledge of how language in general works is based on the accumulation and integration of facts from languages large andsmall from all over the world.Speakers summarize ways data from endangered languages have contributed to their own theoretical work or to theoretical work intheir subfield of linguistics. The symposium opens with a brief introduction by Sally McConnell-Ginet and proceeds to JulietteBlevins’ overview of the importance of data from a broad range of endangered languages for phonological theory. Heidi Harleydiscusses theoretical questions raised by affixation, and Stephen R. Anderson addresses several issues at the morphology-syntaxinterface for which evidence from endangered languages has played a key role. Mark Baker speaks on the question “What if therewere no noun-incorporating languages?”. The last speaker, Maria Polinsky, addresses the relevance of evidence from severalendangered languages, including Tsez, Malagasy, and Kabardian, in characterizing backward subject control.81

Stephen R. Anderson (Yale University)Clitics, the morphology-syntax interface, & the evidential value of endangered languagesI summarize three instances in which evidence from endangered languages provides crucial evidence for the theory of clitics: (1)Kwakw'ala shows that the affiliation of clitics can be driven by phonological considerations rather than by their syntax. (2) NiasSelatan and Kuuk Thaayorre show that phrasal properties can in some instances be realized by the word-level inflectional morphologyof a peripheral element. (3) Subject clitics in the Surmiran form of Rumantsch leads to the conclusion that quite separate aspects ofgrammatical organization can lead independently to surface ‘verb-second’ patterns. Endangered languages supply indispensableevidence that enriches our conception of the nature of grammatical structure.Mark C. Baker (Rutgers University)What if there were no noun-incorporating languages?Linguists are tempted to hope that the endangered languages are a random sample of the existing languages, so their extinction maynot warp our work too much. I show the dubiousness of this hope by first reviewing the considerable impact that the study of nounincorporation has had on the development of theoretical morphosyntax. Next I show that, of eight languages that have contributedsignificantly to the debate, all but two are endangered--and those two have the same subtype of incorporation. Such a limited samplewould not permit rich theoretical conclusions to be drawn in this domain.Juliette Blevins (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig)Endangered sound patterns: Some mutually feeding relationshipsPhonological theory, from early distinctive features, to recent emergentist proposals, maintains a solid grounding in endangeredlanguages. The typological and genetic diversity informing the study of sound patterns is amply represented in research articles andintroductory textbooks. With this grounding, phonological theory has been able to offer descriptive linguists new questions,paradigms, and techniques inspired by current models and hypotheses. I highlight cases where work on endangered languages hasinformed and transformed phonological theory and others where phonological theory has been the catalyst for insightful descriptionsof endangered languages and the source of theoretically challenging discoveries.Heidi Harley (University of Arizona)What does affixation mean? Some theoretical questions raised by complex verbs in Hiaki (Yaqui)Hiaki (Yaqui) exhibits a great deal of verbal compounding behavior, including obligatorily bound 'light verb' affixes of both familiarand less familiar types and, also, interestingly optionally bound complement-taking verb/affix 'hybrids', which may stand alone orsuffix to the verb of their complement clause. I examine the implications of these hybrids for both morphological and syntactictheory. It seems cross-linguistically that structures that require affixation in language X may be realized by isolating, 'syntactic'constructions in language Y. What about the converse? Are there structures that may not be realized by affixation? What doesaffixation mean, if anything, for the syntax?Maria Polinsky (University of California, San Diego/Harvard University)Is sluicing universal? Evidence from the fieldI examine the interaction between linguistic theory and endangered languages through the prism of sluicing. I present novel fieldworkdata from Aghem (wh-movement language) and Circassian (wh-in-situ language), neither of which has sluicing, thus appearing ascounterexamples to the claim that sluicing is universal (Merchant 2001). I show that the absence of sluicing is related to a moregeneral restriction against embedded CPs, independently motivated in both languages. Sluicing is allowed as long as the CP appearsas the matrix clause, in fragments. These findings bear on the theoretical issues of external merge (Pesetsky&Torrego 2004) and thetypology of sluicing.82

Friday, 5 JanuaryWorkshopConflicts over Contemporary Language Issues:Pedagogical Approaches to Defusing the Undergraduate ClassroomSan Simeon Room2:00 – 3:30 PMOrganizer:Participants:Julie S. Amberg (York College of Pennsylvania)Colleen Fitzgerald (Texas Tech University)David Bowie (University of Central Florida)Deborah J. Vause (York College of Pennsylvania)For over 30 years, researchers, scholars, and language educators have been working to eliminate linguistic discrimination in thiscountry by promoting language and dialect awareness. Ideally, this awareness begins in the primary and secondary grades withteachers helping their students to negotiate the differences between their languages and those of others. But what of those studentswho do not experience a linguistically-diverse community? In fact, an estimated 62% of the nation's students attend school in districtswhere there is little language variety (U.S. Dept. of Education 2005). As a result of this insularity, students may find when they entercollege they are not prepared to encounter dialects different from their own nor are they prepared to explore the broad range of topicsconcerning dialect differences in courses designed to address such issues. Oftentimes this lack of preparation results in classroomconflicts brought about by students' loaded speech or even intimidation of fellow students, both of which reveal students' lack oflanguage awareness.The participants in this workshop discuss potentially controversial linguistic and language topics, including dialect variation, equalityof languages, dialect discrimination, bilingual education, multilingualism, and the enacting of official languages, and how they mightbe best presented in the classroom. They share both their ‘war stories’ and their successes, that is, what they have done to defuse theirclassrooms, positioning their pedagogical practices within the context of contemporary linguistics research.Julie S. Amberg (York College of Pennsylvania)Teaching dialect diversity at the undergraduate levelDespite 30 years of research that has established African American English (AAE) as a logical, linguistic system, negative stereotypesabout AAE persist. Linguists, educators, and others at the primary, secondary, and undergraduate levels work to change the public'sperceptions of this misunderstood dialect, principally by encouraging students to become critically aware of language differences. Iexplore how using rap music in an undergraduate linguistics course helped reduce students' evaluative judgments of AAE.Colleen Fitzgerald (Texas Tech University)Texas talk: Regional & rural dialects as diversity tools in nondiverse classroomsClassrooms with limited racial and ethnic diversity present challenges for teaching multicultural topics. One strategy to counterresistance in a white majority is using the nonstandard local dialect of white Texans. Employing recent research on Texas dialects, Itaught undergraduates three lessons about language: (1) Dialects are rule-governed. (2) Language change is natural. (3) Youngerspeakers act as agents of language change. Exploring dialect discrimination for regional and rural categories served as a preliminarystep to learning about racial and ethnic dialects, even among a racially and ethnically homogenous classroom.83

David Bowie (University of Central Florida)Attitudinal shifts among undergraduates in linguistics coursesLinguistics as a field makes several assumptions, some of which are tied to attitudes about language and its use. Typically, however,undergraduate linguistics courses focus on the theories and methods, not the attitudes, of linguistics. I asked whether students inlinguistics courses acquire attitudinal assumptions about language even when the content of the course does not focus on thetransmission of such attitudes. I report the results of a study that compared students' attitudes about language both in classes thatpresented language attitude issues and in classes that did not..Deborah J. Vause (York College of Pennsylvania)Using electronic American Englishes to introduce dialect studyUndergraduate linguistics students have difficulty maintaining the objective perspective necessary to analyze language and languageusage. In an effort to promote students' objectivity, students were asked to analyze the use of electronic American English, such asinstant messaging, and to place it within the context of contemporary American English dialects. Such electronic language appears toeliminate the pitfalls of racial and gender stereotypes, yet still enables examination of socioeconomic factors in shaping dialects.84

Saturday, 6 JanuaryWorkshopTowards an Artificial Grammar Learning Paradigm in PhonologyPacific A9:00 AM – 12:00 PMOrganizers:Participants:Chair:Anne Pycha (University of California, Berkeley)Eurie Shin (University of California, Berkeley)Ryan K. Shosted (University of California, Berkeley)Jennifer S. Cole (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Hahn Koo (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Sharon Peperkamp (CNRS/University of Paris 8)Katrin Skoruppa (CNRS)Amanda Seidl (Purdue University)Eugene Buckley (University of Pennsylvania)Alejandrina Cristia (Purdue University)Colin Wilson (University of California, Los Angeles)John Ohala (University of California, Berkeley)In recent years, phonologists have become increasingly sympathetic to what we call the artificial grammar learning paradigm (AGLP).This approach seeks to replicate in the laboratory some aspect of phonological acquisition and report the results as if they model thecompetence of a speaker who learned a phonological grammar naturally. In a typical experiment, groups of subjects are exposed tostimuli exhibiting related phonological alternations. Their ability to induce phonological generalizations from the stimuli is thenevaluated in a kind of testing session. It is presumed that from the results we may infer how learnable the alternations are with respectto one another. Though the AGLP has a growing presence in laboratory phonology, its ontological basis as an experimental methodhas yet to be fully explored. In this workshop, we seek to formalize the basis for the approach, drawing on the most recent advancesin statistics, psycholinguistics, language acquisition, and developmental psychology. The forum will help shape standards related tothe implementation of the approach. We intend to validate the use of AGLP among phonologists. Accordingly, we feel it isincumbent upon the organizers and panelists to answer the question: “What can this approach do for phonology?'' Each speakerpresents results she or he has obtained by using an AGLP-type methodology. We address the following topics: using explicit vsimplicit rule-learning in AGLP experiments; testing for the role of perceptual confusability, perceptual naturalness, and rulecomplexityin synchronic and diachronic perspective; and how the AGLP can be used to study the cognitive structure of implicationaluniversals.Jennifer Cole (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Hahn Koo (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Complexity & perceptual factors in phonotactic learning: Evidence from artificial grammar learningTwo factors may affect phonotactic learning: the complexity of the sound pattern and its impact in reducing perceptual confusability.We hypothesize that an easily-learned constraint will have low structural complexity and will facilitate perception by restricting thedistribution of similar sounds to distinct contexts. Using artificial grammar learning experiments with auditory repetition and wordlikenessrating tasks, we test implicit learning of constraints on nonadjacent liquids and vowels. We find evidence of learning forconstraints on nonadjacent liquids from both tasks, but for vowel constraints only with the rating task. This asymmetry is related tothe potential benefit of each constraint for reducing perceptual confusion.85

Sharon Peperkamp (CNRS/University of Paris 8)Katrin Skoruppa (CNRS)Implicit phonological learning in an artificial language learning paradigmWe report on experiments involving implicit phonological rule learning. French adults were exposed to short stories in 'accentedFrench', that is, in their native language equipped with a novel phonological alternation (vowel harmony). During the test phase, theyperformed a forced-choice grammaticality task. We found that subjects perform above chance level both for words known fromexposure and for novel words, suggesting that they have learned the vowel harmony rule. We also address the question of the role ofphonetic naturalness by comparing the acquisition of (natural) vowel harmony to that of (unnatural) vowel disharmony.Anne Pycha (University of California, Berkeley)Eurie Shin (University of California, Berkeley)Ryan K. Shosted (University of California, Berkeley)An experimental approach to perceptual naturalness in consonant cluster assimilationsLinguists disagree as to whether phonetic factors play a synchronic role in phonological patterns, such as the tendency toward ‘natural'regressive place assimilation in consonant clusters. If unnaturalness costs the grammar, does it impact the learnability of patterns?We trained listeners in a word-building process that involved consonant assimilation whose direction was progressive, regressive, orarbitrary. We found no evidence that the progressive and regressive conditions were learned differently, but listeners had considerabledifficulty learning the arbitrary condition. These results question the synchronic role of perceptual naturalness and suggest that formalcomplexity can impact learning.Amanda Seidl (Purdue University)Eugene Buckley (University of Pennsylvania)Alejandrina Cristia (Purdue University)Complexity trumps naturalnessIt has been argued that infants prefer phonologically natural alternations over unnatural ones. Formal complexity may affect learningto a greater degree than naturalness. We tested this claim in two experiments. Infants were familiarized with a series of pseudowordsexemplifying a sound pattern. We predicted that infants who learned the pattern would show a novelty preference and attend longer totest words that violated the familiarized pattern. We found that infants performed equally well at rule learning in natural and unnaturalconditions but were affected adversely by complexity. This suggests it is possible for infants to learn unnatural phonological patterns.Colin Wilson (University of California, Los Angeles)Artificial grammar & implicational universalsTypological studies of phonological systems have discovered many universal, or nearly universal, implicational relations. Suchuniversals reflect a cognitive structure that shapes the learning and extension of phonological generalizations. As evidence for thisclaim I provide three artificial grammar experiments in which participants were exposed to examples of velar palatalization in onevowel context and then tested on their generalization of palatalization to the other context. Results reveal asymmetric patterns ofgeneralization in line with the typological findings. These results support theories of phonology in which substantive phonetic factorsare accessible and active in shaping the learner's generalizations.86

Saturday, 6 JanuarySymposiumSemantic/Pragmatic Perspectives on Negative Polarity ItemsPacific B9:00 AM – 12:00 PMOrganizer:Participants:Discussant:Kimiko Nakanishi (University of Calgary)Elena Guerzoni (University of Southern California)Laurence Horn (Yale University)Bernhard Schwarz (McGill University)Anastasia Giannakidou (University of Chicago)Over the past few decades, a substantial number of studies have been done on so-called negative polarity items (NPIs), words andexpressions restricted to occurring in the scope of negation and related contexts. One of the most fundamental questions is how tocharacterize the limited distribution of NPIs. More specifically, our tasks are to identify exactly when NPIs can be licensed and toexamine whether seemingly diverse NPI-licensing environments can be uniformly described. One of the most influential claims inthis context is that of Ladusaw 1979, which proposes that the class of NPI licensers can be unified in terms of a semantic property theyshare. In particular, Ladusaw claims that NPIs are licensed only in downward-entailing (DE) contexts, i.e., contexts whereentailments get reversed. However, this view has been challenged by various counter-examples presented in subsequent work (NPIslicensed in non-DE contexts, NPIs unlicensed in DE contexts). To account for cases that are problematic for the DE analysis,Giannakidou 1998, restoring the credibility of the semantic account, argues that a set of licensers should include not only DEexpressions but also expressions that are nonveridical. This analysis successfully accounts for NPIs licensed in non-DE contexts,which are problematic for the DE analysis. It remains to be seen whether this conservative extension of DE is able to account for thewhole range of data on NPIs.A second question immediately following from the licensing question is why NPIs are restricted in their distribution. Under the DEanalysis, the question is why DEness has anything to do with the distribution of NPIs. Some researchers argue that NPIs introducealternatives or trigger a domain extension, which leads to a less informative statement in affirmative contexts (Kadmon & Landman1993, Krifka 1995, Chierchia 2004). Given a pragmatic requirement of being as informative as possible, this analysis explains whyNPIs are unacceptable in affirmative contexts. In contrast, in the environments where entailments get reversed (i.e., DE contexts),NPIs lead to a more informative statement, accounting for their connection to DE. Although this line of research on scalarsemantics/pragmatics provides an explanatory theory of the correlation between NPIs and DEness, it is not without problems; for onething, DE may not be the right characterization of NPI licensers, as pointed out above. Furthermore, there are NPIs that are scalar butscalarity itself cannot fully predict their distribution. Lastly, it is not clear whether all types of NPIs are associated with scalarity,which is closely related to our third question below.NPIs are known to come with different forms cross-linguistically (Zwarts 1998). This observation leads to the third question of whycertain words and phrases, but not other ones analogous to them, are thought to carry some conventional property. In some previousliterature, the limited distribution of NPIs is linked to the lexical semantics of the relevant items (Israel 1996, among others). In thiscontext, it is important to discuss the relevance of focus particles to the distribution of NPIs. In particular, it has been argued that atleast some types of NPIs come with a (hidden) focus particle even (Heim 1984, Lee & Horn 1994, Lahiri 1998, Guerzoni 2003).Under this view, we could argue that the semantics of even is responsible for the distribution of these types of NPIs. Crucially, thisposition is closely related to the scalar analysis discussed above: Even is a focus particle that introduces alternatives at the focus siteand evokes a scalar presupposition. Naturally, the analysis of NPIs appealing to the semantics of even obtains the same result as thescalar analysis, that is, even NPIs are licensed only in DE contexts. Thus, a close scrutiny of cross-linguistic data should help usreevaluate the scalar analysis and answer the licensing question discussed above: Is it really DE (or nonveridicality) that matters, or issomething else responsible? Furthermore, given the cross-linguistic diversity, should we expect to find different licensers for differenttypes of NPIs or would it be possible to unify the class of licensers?87

Elena Guerzoni (University of Southern California)The scope of scalarity, additivity, & exclusivity in the composition of some NPIsI focus on the role that scalar (both additive and exclusive) particles (like even and only respectively) play in the semantic compositionof some NPIs. Specifically, I argue that phenomena I explored in earlier work on Italian anche solo, German auch nur, and Dutchook/selfs maar, are instances of a more general cross-linguistic strategy of ‘NPI-formation’. The larger picture that emerges fromthese observations can be understood, I argue, by taking into account the interaction of focus particles with each other and withnegation, DE-operators, and modals. More specifically, I present a detailed study of how the implicature of each relevant particle ispredicted to affect the implicature of the other from the perspective of an explicit model of presupposition projection. The resultingview extends nicely to a similar class of NPIs in languages such as Spanish (as argued in Lahiri 2006), Hungarian (as argued inAbrusan 2006), Japanese (as argued in Nakanishi 2006), and French.Laurence Horn (Yale University)(A)symmetric particles & NPI licensing: Entailment vs assertionI address the problem of (what Giannakidou 2006 calls) ‘renegade licensers’ like only and barely that trigger NPIs although they don'tobviously create downward entailing or nonveridical contexts. Previous studies have either denied that only really does license NPIsor insisted that only NP really is downward entailing after all. Invoking the distinction between semantic entailment and speakerassertion, I advocate a middle ground between the symmetricalists (e.g. Atlas 1996, 2005; Giannakidou 2006) who treat only NPstructures as expressing a simple conjunction and the radical pragmaticists (e.g. Ippolito 2005, van Rooij & Schulz 2005, followingMcCawley 1981) who treat Only love counts as merely conversationally implicating, and not entailing, that love counts.Bernhard Schwarz (McGill University)Licensing by implication: The case of PPI rescuingBaker 1970a and Linebarger 1987 proposed that negative polarity items can be licensed by implications carried by their hostsentences. Building on Baker 1970b, I discuss a clear case of such ‘licensing by implication’ in the grammar of positive polarity items(PPIs). I show that PPIs in the immediate scope of sentential negation can be rescued by counterfactual implications in ‘irrealis’clauses, that is, clauses headed by a verb carrying non-temporally-interpreted past tense morphology. I explore the nature of therelevant implications by examining their projection behavior.88

Saturday, 6 JanuarySymposiumParadigms in Morphological ChangeCalifornia C2:00 – 5:00 PMOrganizers:Participants:Claire Bowern (Rice University)Andrew Garrett (University of California, Berkeley)Alice Harris (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York)Brian Joseph (Ohio State University)Harold Koch (Australian National University)Adam Albright (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)Data from language change may prove crucial in assessing theories of the organization of morphological systems. Changes clearlyshow what speakers dislike or find difficult; restructuring is a powerful way to see the analysis imposed on an old system. We areinterested also in the methodological question of how to argue from a change to what it actually reveals about the system underlyingit. Historical linguists have always been comfortable with word-and-paradigm morphology and its relatives, but is our comfortanything more than familiarity? Do changes furnish evidence bearing on the existence of paradigms as objects in morphologicaltheories, and how can we as historical linguists come to agree on the logic of this evidence?We evaluate empirical data of several types. One is the stuff of traditional discussions: cases of paradigm leveling and analogicalextension from the histories of languages whose inflectional diachrony is attested or can be reconstructed with a reasonable level ofconfidence. How are inflectional classes created and maintained, and how do they collapse? How do paradigm classes interact withmorphosemantic categories of different types? The work of Koch, Harris, and Albright all bear directly on these questions. A secondarea of inquiry is less traditional but equally important: Do paradigms emerge as a useful construct in language contact? Third, wecompare the patterns observed in language change with experimental psycholinguistic data and studies of computational modeling.We also present critical evaluation of proposed principles of paradigmatic diachrony.Our goal is to assemble clear relevant data, lay out the classes of evidence that theories in this area must consider, and help move thefield toward a new synthesis.Alice C. Harris (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York)Abstract patterns in SvanIn Svan, a Kartvelian language, a pattern was established in past tenses, contrasting the first and second persons singular against thethird person singular and all plurals. The pattern originated in regular sound changes of very common types (vowel fusion, umlaut)and underwent a very frequent morphological generalization. The unusual distributional pattern was generalized beyond the set ofverbs in which it had originated. These were purely morphological changes and cannot be explained through reference to phonologyor syntax. The changes show that the pattern of stem alternation can be abstracted from the morphosyntactic categories the wordsrealize.Brian Joseph (Ohio State University)Paradigms & speaker knowledge in verb-ending changeI discuss the reshaping of verb endings based on other paradigmatic forms, drawing on the development of Modern Greek nonactiveverb forms. For instance the 1PL past ending -mastan affected the shape of 2PL -esthe, leading to -sastan, and these two in turn ledto a new 3PL ending -ondustan from earlier -ondusan. Such verb-on-verb changes show "neighborhood effects" (Burzio 2005) withthe cells involved being adjacent, via shared feature specifications (here, [+plural]). These changes occur within the context of aparadigmatic arrangement of forms and thus support the paradigm as a basic organizing construct for inflectional forms.89

Claire Bowern (Rice University)Morphological change in Nyikina verbal prefix bundlesThe Nyikina language of North-Western Australia has preserved much of the material of Proto-Nyulnyulan verbal prefixes. However,while the same categories (person, tense, and transitivity) are marked in the prefix bundle, there are differences in underlyingorganization. The intransitive prefixes continue the old past (intransitive) paradigm, while the transitive forms continue the oldpresent (transitive) paradigm. What seems to have happened is that a merger of present and past tense led to the association of the n-morpheme with the meaning 'intransitive', because it now stood in opposition to forms with the transitive marker n-, rather than inopposition to forms marked for present tense. Such a change does not necessarily bear on the question of whether paradigms were aseparate component of the grammar which produced the input to the change.Harold Koch (Australian National University)Paradigm-dependent processes of morphological changeI describe and illustrate from typologies of morphological change those changes that are most dependent on the concept of paradigmand hence provide the strongest support for paradigms as a term in linguistic theory and the greatest obstacles for theories that woulddispense with paradigms. A traditional type of change is paradigm leveling, in which alternation between stem forms is eliminatedfrom inflectional paradigms through the generalization of one of the variants. The domain of leveling depends heavily on paradigms.Of the many changes traditionally called ‘analogical’, those which introduce intraparadigm allomorphy or redistribute the allomorphsof lexical stems under the influence of the inflectional pattern of other lexemes (interparadigm analogy) would seem to stronglysupport the concept of paradigms. Similarly the forms of inflectional markers of one inflectional class are often transformed under theinfluence of other (especially dominant) inflectional classes.Adam Albright (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)Paradigmatic change without paradigmsAnalogical changes frequently involve switches between paradigm types, e.g. German gibe/gibst/gibt --> gebe/gibst/gibst, mirroringthe pattern of trage/trägst/trägt. But does this prove that paradigms are cognitively represented as templates? If so, we should be ableto observe their role in motivating or constraining change. However, detailed examination of changes in progress reveals thatapparently paradigmatically motivated cases often defy paradigmatic explanation, e.g. German textual evidence shows an intermediatestage unlike any previous or surviving pattern: gebe/gibst/gebt. A similar change is currently creating new paradigm types in Korean.Such cases suggest that paradigmatic changes are not motivated by competition between templates.90

Saturday, 6 JanuarySymposiumMissionaries and Scholars:The Overlapping Agendas of Linguists in the FieldPacific D2:00 – 5:00 PMOrganizer:Participants:Lise M. Dobrin (University of Virginia)Jeff Good (University at Buffalo, State University of New York)William Svelmoe (Saint Mary’s College)Courtney Handman (University of Chicago)Patience Epps (University of Texas, Austin)Ken Olson (SIL International)Daniel Everett (Illinois State University)With the contemporary rise in concern over language endangerment, academic linguists are taking a renewed interest in fieldwork and,in so doing, reconfirming their dependence on tools and information created by missionary institutions, particularly SIL International.The sociolinguistic situation of many languages is known to western linguists through the results of SIL-sponsored surveys anddisseminated through the authoritative voice of the Ethnologue, SIL's global language inventory. Academic linguists depend on fontsdistributed by SIL in order to digitally encode the language material they collect in the field, and they depend on SIL-producedsoftware (such as Shoebox/Toolbox) to organize and store their data. SIL linguists have taken a leading role in the currentdevelopment of standards for endangered language documentation; indeed, the language codes used by Ethnologue are now beingadopted as the International Standards Organization (ISO) standard for labeling languages. And like fieldworkers from otherdisciplines, academic linguists regularly appeal to missionaries for practical assistance in the field (making contacts and selecting afieldsite, arranging housing and transportation, learning about the culture, etc.).Clearly, academic and mission linguists share certain agendas--an interest in language description and an interest in human beings,including those on the peripheries of modernity and world power. However, because their goals are ultimately distinct, the agendas ofmissionary and academic linguists overlap only partially. Academic linguists have more than once expressed concern that missionlinguists work counter to their moral agendas in some areas of the world. And the reliance on mission-sponsored tools is underwrittenby no guarantee that those tools will continue to be supported should mission goals for any reason be transformed. The divergentinterests of missionary and academic linguists is nowhere more apparent than in the diminishing deployment of mission linguists tothose languages that are least vital, and hence least in need of vernacular language religious materials--precisely the languages thatacademic linguistics now deems in most urgent need of documentation.This symposium acknowledges and explores the relationship between academic and mission linguistics through accounts of theireffects on local people in particular field settings; evaluation of their resources, training practices, and organizational cultures; andsimilar topics. The orientation is forward-looking: to consider the implications of our partially overlapping interests for the future ofbasic linguistic research. Especially given the moral framing of the endangered languages agenda in academic linguistics, it isappropriate to ask whether it is desirable--or even possible--for field linguistics (and hence the core of the endangered languageresearch paradigm) to proceed in an academic setting without the support of mission-based infrastructure. In examining theseinstitutional issues we hope to assess the limitations and advantages of academic linguistics' reliance on its sister discipline at ahistorical juncture when fieldwork is of greater importance than perhaps ever before.91

Lise Dobrin (University of Virginia)Jeff Good (University at Buffalo, State University of New York)Endangered language linguistics: Whose mission?As the discipline of linguistics redoubles its efforts to document, understand, and support the world's linguistic diversity, academiclinguists are reconfirming their longstanding dependence on tools, methods, information, and facilities created by their missionarycounterparts, particularly SIL. But with linguistic work now often framed as a matter of human rights, endangered languages havebecome a moral cause. The time has thus come to reflect on how this partnership of convenience can be reconciled with academiclinguistics' own priorities and values. Is it desirable--or even possible--for endangered language research and development to becarried out independently of mission enterprises?William Svelmoe (Saint Mary's College)Missionary linguists or linguist missionaries? The tension between linguistics & evangelism in the SILThe earliest SIL/Wycliffe recruits were fundamentalist Protestants for whom linguistic training was a necessary evil, something oneendured in order to reach the more important goal of saving souls. However, mastering a field as complicated as linguistics required arigorous education far beyond what evangelical missionaries at the time customarily received. In time, and through a process ofgenerational change, the organization underwent a radical shift. SIL now attracts professionally trained linguists eager to uniteprofessional and intellectual goals with their religious commitments. But the tension remains, as recent discussions within theorganization demonstrate.Courtney Handman (University of Chicago)Christianization & language ideologiesThe relationship between local language ideologies, people's attitudes about language function and use, and conversion to Christianityis especially consequential for endangered languages since many of these are found in the remote areas that have long been attractiveto evangelistic organizations. Even when Christianity is practiced in local language contexts, beliefs about pragmatic constructs suchas sincerity or the representation of internal thoughts can shift in radical ways. I give a synthetic overview of the literature on howChristianization and attendant practices such as literacy affect local language ideologies, situating SIL's goals and practices within thisbroader context.Patience Epps (University of Texas, Austin)Linguists & missionaries: An Amazonian perspectiveTaking the problem of language endangerment in Amazonia as a backdrop, I argue that the missionary endeavor is incompatible withthe goals of language preservation and self-determination. Academic field linguists are increasingly aware of their responsibilities notonly to preserve and document endangered languages but also to respect speakers' rights to choose their own future. The missionaryendeavor, in contrast, takes as its starting point the assumption that 'we' have something that 'they' lack and are not complete without.Missionary linguists are also led by their premises to engage in coercion, as numerous examples from Amazonia attest.Ken Olson (SIL International)SIL International: An insider's viewMembers of SIL International are also simultaneously members of Wycliffe Bible Translators, which seeks to facilitate Scripturetranslation into the world's minority languages. SIL is incorporated as a nonecclesiastical organization in order to support theacademic side of its work and to foster agreements with host governments, academic institutions, and international bodies such as theUnited Nations and UNESCO, with which it enjoys formal consultative status. In 1975, the allegation that SIL contributes to thedestruction of indigenous cultures was formally brought to the Committee on Ethics of the American Anthropological Association andwas found to be unsubstantiated.Daniel Everett (Illinois State University)On the LSA-SIL connectionSIL is ultimately a religious organization whose goal is to produce portions of the Bible in all the languages of the world so thatRevelations 7:9 and 5:9 might be fulfilled. I was an SIL member from 1976 to 2002 when I resigned, in part because of mymisgivings about SIL's training, advertisement, goals, methods, and institutional objectives. I discuss the nature of these misgivingsand why I believe that although SIL continues to do invaluable linguistics research, it may be time for the LSA to develop an explicitpolicy concerning the role of SIL and similar organizations.92

Sunday, 7 JanuarySymposiumAmerican Vowel Phonology and African American EthnicityCalifornia C9:00 AM – 12:00 PMOrganizers:Sponsors:Malcah Yaeger-Dror (University of Arizona)Erik R. Thomas (North Carolina State University)Committee on Ethnic Diversity in Linguistics, American Dialect Society, and Linguistic Society of America toHonor Walt Wolfram. To Appear as a Publication of the American Dialect Society.Participants: Bridget L. Anderson (Old Dominion University) Christine Mallinson (University ofClaire Andres (University of Georgia)(Maryland, Baltimore County)Angus Bowers (North Carolina State University)Jennifer G. Nguyen (University of Michigan)Jeannine Carpenter (Duke University)Thea Strand (University of Arizona)Becky Childs (Memorial University, Newfoundland) Ben Torbert (Mississippi State University)Robin Dodsworth (University of Maryland, College Park) Rachel Votta (University of Georgia)Sylvie Dubois (Louisiana State University)Michael Wroblewski (University of Arizona)David Durian (Ohio State University)This symposium compares the vowel quality of local African American English (AAE) and the adjacent white vernaculars in sixregions. Participants provide such comparisons for rural areas of Louisiana, Mississippi, and North Carolina, and for urban areas ofMichigan, Georgia, and Ohio.AAE is fraught with controversies. Some, such as its adequacy as a linguistic system and its distinctiveness from white vernaculars,have been resolved, at least among linguistic scholars. Two others, the creolist/anglicist controversy (about the origin of AAE) andthe divergence/convergence controversy (about its current development with regard to white vernaculars) are unresolved but longestablished.However, a new controversy, which might be called the ‘uniformity controversy’, asks whether AAE exhibits a set ofnationwide norms to which African Americans across the country aspire or if it shows diverse norms. This symposium focuses on theuniformity controversy.We show that while African Americans throughout the U.S. are influenced by their local region, determining whether they show acommon set of norms is a nuanced undertaking. Target variables include (ai), as in bite or bide; the pin/pen and cot/caught mergers;fronting of the boot, boat, but, and book vowels; raising of the bat, bet, and bit vowels; realization of pre-r vowels; and ‘r-fulness’ or‘rhoticity’, i.e., production of r in those words as an r sound, as schwa, or completely lost. Each student presenter is working with acorpus developed according to a uniform set of rules, and all vowels are analyzed following a shared set of rules for formantmeasurement in order to insure compatibility and comparability.Vowel configurations of white vernaculars in the U.S. have undergone extensive study (see especially Kurath & McDavid 1961;Thomas 2001; Labov, Ash, & Boberg 2006), but AAE vowels have been omitted (Kurath, McDavid), studied fragmentarily (Labov etal.), studied for only part of the country (Thomas), or examined only in local studies (Wolfram & Thomas 2002, Fridland 2003).Scholarship on AAE has concentrated on morphosyntactic and a few consonantal variables. Nevertheless, vowels are well-suited foranalyses of social variation. Acoustic measurement techniques for vowels have undergone extensive refinement, far more than thosesuch as consonantal variables, prosodic variation, and voice quality variation. In addition, sufficient tokens can be collected frommost corpora, unlike comparatively rare morphosyntactic and lexical variables. They thus provide an ideal means of investigating theuniformity controversy and the related question of whether regional variation in AAE is dependent on or independent of variation inadjacent white vernaculars.Claire Andres (University of Georgia)Rachel Votta (University of Georgia)AAE & Anglo vowels in a suburb of Atlanta93

We discuss the analysis of the vowels of five African American speakers as compared with the vowels of five Anglo speakers fromRoswell, GA. The analysis suggests that the vowel phonology of AA speakers, while sharing local dialect features, has developedalong slightly different lines than those of other residents. We compare the vowel phonology of these groups with those of other areasdiscussed in the symposium and with the vowel phonology for the region presented in Labov, Ash, and Boberg 2006.Becky Childs (Memorial University, Newfoundland)Christine Mallinson (University of Maryland, Baltimore County)Jeannine Carpenter (Duke University)Angus Bowers (North Carolina State University)AAE & EAE vowels across North CarolinaWe analyze /ai/, /o/, and other salient vowels for approximately 35 black residents of two Appalachian and two coastal North Carolinacommunities. Comparing their vowel phonology to the regional koinés, we find the black speakers participate in local phonologicalpatterns although this accommodation is subtly affected by a range of social and stylistic factors. We compare the vowel phonologyof these North Carolina groups with other groups in the symposium and with the vowel phonology for the region (Labov et al. 2006).Ben Torbert (Mississippi State University)Phonological variation in East Central MississippiOutside of Pedersen 1991 and LAGS, Mississippi constitutes a relatively underinvestigated territory within southern AmericanEnglish. I present findings from 2006 interviews conducted primarily in Neshoba County, situated in the low hills of the east centralportion of the state and characterized by a tri-ethnic social divide (Whites, African-Americans, and Choctaws). Though technicallywithin the Appalachian Regional Development zone, the area is located transitionally between the Pine Belt in southern Mississippiand northeastern counties currently more associated culturally with Appalachia. I compare these speakers' vowel phonology withothers in the South and elsewhere (Labov et al. 2006).Thea Strand (University of Arizona)Michael Wroblewski (University of Arizona)Sylvie Dubois (Louisiana State University)African American & non-African American vowels in cajun countryWe analyze the vowels and vowel-r combinations for approximately 20 residents of cajun communities. Half of these speakers areAfrican American [+AA] and half non-African American [-AA]. Comparing those phonologies, we find the +AA speakers' vowelsare only subtly influenced by their accommodation to supralocal AA target phonology; this is consistent with evidence from syntacticchange in this community. We compare both vowel phonologies with other phonologies analyzed for the symposium and with that ofspeakers discussed in the Labov et al. 2006.Robin Dodsworth (University of Maryland, College Park)David Durian (Ohio State University)Convergence in urban Columbus AAVE & EAE vowel systemsAlthough the Columbus, OH, metropolitan area has grown increasingly segregated by ethnicity, particularly between AfricanAmerican and European American residents, analysis of local vowel systems suggests the beginning of convergence between urbanspeakers of the two ethnicities. Acoustic analysis of 60 speakers' vowel systems shows urban vs suburban residence to have a strongerdifferentiating effect--in particular on the back diphthongs /ou/ and /au/--than ethnicity, particularly among speakers under 30. Wecompare the results with those from the other geographic areas discussed in this symposium and with the description for Columbusvowels in Labov et al. 2006.Bridget L. Anderson (Old Dominion University)Jennifer G. Nguyen (University of Michigan)A comparison of African American & White vowel patterns in America's most segregated cityMuch research has examined the vowels of African American speakers in Detroit, but no analysis has compared their vowel patternsto those of Detroit Whites. Given the marked racial segregation of metropolitan Detroit, greater than in nearly any other U.S. city, it isimportant to investigate the linguistic connections these groups share. We provide a detailed acoustic analysis of eight vowels foreight White and eight African American Detroiters. Each sample is equally divided by gender and social status, allowing us toexamine the similarities and differences between these two ethnic groups and other AA communities nationwide.94

Linda Abarbanell (Harvard University) Session 10Linguistic flexibility in frame of reference use among adult Tseltal (Mayan) speakersTseltal is known for its absence of left-right (egocentric) coordinates for describing spatial relations. Instead, speakers use the uphilldownhill(geocentric) slope of their terrain. Tseltal has left-right body-part terms; however, these are not extended to regions of spaceoutside the body. In a series of language-elicitation tasks, I examine whether Tseltal-speakers can extend their available left-rightterms for use in spatial reference. While spontaneous left-right extensions were rare, Tseltal-speakers were quite capable ofcomprehending and producing left-right spatial descriptions. Moreover, the conversational structure of the tasks suggests that thehabits of a language community are open to interlocutor influence.Sayaka Abe (University at Buffalo-SUNY) Session 10‘True & ‘pseudo-‘ subjectification of the Japanese completion marker -shimauI approach subjectification diachronically. First, I distinguish two types of subjectification: (1) speaker-internal subjectification,which is driven by the speaker's presence in the sentence, and (2) speaker-external subjectification, which is driven by the speaker'sabsence from the sentence. Based on observations of semantic change of the Japanese marker, -shimau (grammaticalized from shimau'put away, finish'), I show the asymmetry between the two types of subjectification and argue that (1) is associated with limited andidiosyncratic development, i.e., ‘pseudo-‘ subjectification, while (2) leads to relatively stable and regular development in asemasiological change, i.e., ‘true’ subjectification.Lois Ann Abraham (American River C) Session 68Hemingway's thingamajig"Hills Like White Elephants" by Ernest Hemingway uses a name for only one of the characters in the short story. I investigate thepossible meanings of the name Jig and connect these meanings to various themes of the work. I show my interpretation of naming inthis short story to be consistent with Hemingway's philosophy and practice of writing.Marta Abrusan (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 17Even & free choice any in HungarianI present an analysis of Hungarian free choice indefinites. Hungarian FCIs are composed of a special type of focus particle, akár‘even’ which itself has a free-choice-like distribution, and of a wh-indefinite. I argue that akár ‘even’ is composed of even plus anexhaustive operator (Exh). As the additive presupposition of even and the lexical import of Exh are contradictory, this combinationresults in ungrammaticality, unless a suitable operator intervenes. In the second part of the paper, I show that the core distribution offree choice indefinites in Hungarian simply follows from the meaning of the incorporated akear.Michael Adams (Indiana U) Session 75Assimilation of French-Canadian names into New England speech: Notes from a Vermont cemeteryHeadstones in St. Mary's Cemetery, Middlebury, VT, preserve some 450 surnames. Many are English, Scots, or Scotch-Irish inorigin, some are exotic, but at least 110 of them are Canadian French in origin. These numbers are rough; some of the names areplausibly related to some others, contemporaneous variants or successive forms of the same name. Everything French became Englishwithin the second and third generations after settlement. I outline phonological patterns of accommodation, Canadian French intoAmerican English, as well as telling exceptions that together reflect the community's very American history.Dany Adone (University of Cologne) Session 82Christiane Bongartz (University of Cologne)‘Sally go shopping’: Grammaticalization in second language acquisition & creole formationIn creole studies and second language acquisition research there is a current debate about grammaticalization. In creole genesis itrefers to the change from lexical items to syntax. In second language acquisition grammaticalisation is involved in the transition fromearly learner varieties to sophisticated varieties. We argue that structural similarities between creole languages and second languagelearners' varieties are easily accounted for by the process of grammaticalization. Unlike creole speakers, learner varieties reflectindividual psychological states. Data from immersion classrooms show that these individual states overlap substantially. This overlapconstitutes evidence that learner grammars and creoles are psycholinguistically similar.97

Brian Agbayani (California State University, Fresno) Session 39Masao Ochi (Osaka University)Split lexical insertion in parasitic gap constructionsWe propose to extend the feature movement theory (Chomsky 1995, Lasnik 1999, Agbayani 2006, Agbayani & Ochi 2006) byclaiming that the separation of formal features (FF) from the rest of a lexical item (LI) occurs not only in syntactic movement but alsoin the course of lexical insertion. Applying this hypothesis to parasitic gap (PG) constructions, we argue that the FF and the rest of theLI are merged into the PG site and the real gap site, respectively. Our analysis straightforwardly explains among other things the S-structure licensing requirement on PG and the reconstruction asymmetry found with PG.Jocelyn Ahlers (California State University, San Marcos) Session 103Borrowing in Elem PomoI explore the layers of borrowings found in Elem (Southeastern) Pomo, a Pomoan language spoken near Clear Lake, CA. Theseborrowings have come from two main linguistic sources: Southern Wintun, an unrelated language spoken in close proximity to thetraditional lands of the Elem Pomo, and Spanish. Borrowings from English into Elem are relatively rare. Each set of borrowingsshows particular phonological and semantic patterning, both of which reflect the age of the borrowings and the social setting withinwhich such borrowings occurred. Data are drawn both from current fieldwork with one of the last two speakers of the language, andfrom extant documentation.Rizwan Ahmad (University of Michigan) Session 30Old wine in a new bottle: Urdu in NagariAnalyzing data from Urdu in Devanagari, I show how speakers of Urdu, a language traditionally written in the Persian script, afteradopting Devanagari, are innovating graphemic strategies to mark Urdu in Devanagari as distinct from Hindi. I argue that theinnovation is in response to a potential threat that the adoption of Devanagari poses to the independent identity of Urdu as a languagedifferent from Hindi. I further argue that the phenomenon of writing Urdu in Devanagari both initiates and at the same time reinforcesa change in the indexical value of Nagari as emblematic of Hindu identity.Farid Alakbarli (Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences) Session 74Edwin D. Lawson (State University of New York, Fredonia, Emeritus)Richard F. Shell (State University of New York, Fredonia, Emeritus)Azeri names: Meaning & pronunciation on the webThis is a demonstration of an audio slide show on the web, featuring the language derivation, meaning, pronunciation, and frequencyof more than 400 given names from Azerbaijan. A native speaker pronounces each name clearly. The pronunciation key for eachname shows The New York Times style as well as IPA (http://www.fredonia.edu/faculty/emeritus/EdwinLawson/azerinames/).Asier Alcázar (University of Southern California) Session 20Mario Saltarelli (University of Southern California)Zanuttini's Hypothesis: Participial constructions revisitedZanuttini's hypothesis claims there exists a selectional relation between tense and sentential negation, such that if T, then Neg(Zanuttini 1996:181). This hypothesis rests on evidence from Romance command forms and absolute participial constructions.However, Italian absolutes of the Medieval and Renaissance periods admit negation (Egerland 1996:204). We report a similar patternfor Basque. Basque and Old Italian absolutes are not predicted under Zanuttini's Hypothesis because in these constructions Negmerges to v*P in lieu of TP. These facts invite further research into why certain forms of commands cannot be negated and intoselectional restrictions more generally.Daniel Altshuler (Rutgers University) Session 56Simultaneous readings in non-SOT languagesI present a novel hypothesis about the interpretation of tense: All languages have simultaneous readings in Past-under-Pastattitude/speech reports. I present data from Russian, Hebrew, and Japanese and argue that the generally held 'non-SOT' status of theselanguages is misleading. Although theories which posit a syntactic SOT rule and vacuous tense morphology can account for thesedata with a simple parameter setting, I follow Gennari (2003) in concluding that such theories overgenerate; a theory of embeddedtense must address the fact that aspect and reference/topic time specification play a crucial role in allowing simultaneous readingscross-linguistically.98

Young-ran An (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York) Session 5Korean tul as an event pluralizerThe extrinsic tul in Korean, as opposed to the intrinsic counterpart, can be optionally attached to other categories including adverbial,verbal, or prepositional phrases. It has some peculiar properties: (1) It carries an exhaustive sense. (2) It appears to violatecompositionality in that it attaches to any category, regardless of semantic type. (3) It must be placed in a position c-commanded by aplural argument. I propose the semantics and syntax of tul on the analogy with English all, a la Brisson 2003, where all depends on aD operator.Corinna Anderson (Yale University) Session 13A nonconstituent analysis of Nepali correlative constructionsNew data from Nepali correlatives challenge the assumption that a relative clause and its associated matrix-clause DP/NP must form asyntactic constituent. Analyses of Indo-Aryan correlative constructions have recognized both DP-adjoined and IP-adjoined positionsfor RCs, related by optional movement. However, syntactic evidence for movement is entirely absent in Nepali—‘anti-localityeffects’ are evident in coreference and binding across islands, reconstruction effects, and anaphor binding. In contrast to Hindi, Iargue that Nepali correlatives are a type of left dislocation, supported by both syntactic and information-structural criteria. Nepalicorrelatives are contextualized with cross-linguistic patterns as a left-peripheral discourse strategy.Philipp Angermeyer (New York University/Queens College, City University of New York) Session 30Varying in codes & styles: The multilingual speaker in sociolinguisticsI address the place of multilingualism in variationist sociolinguistics. Drawing on a data set of interpreter-mediated courtroominteractions that involve speakers of English, as well as Spanish, Russian, Polish, or Haitian Creole, I compare codeswitching andstyle-shifting, two phenomena that are often viewed as parallel, but which are generally investigated separately. Differences in the useof style-shifting and codeswitching are identified with reference to different approaches to style (attention to speech, audience design,speaker-design), and the findings are related to questions of native proficiency, speaker intention, and metalinguistic awareness.Arto Anttila (Stanford University) Session 31Word stress in FinnishFinnish secondary stress exhibits extensive variation and is often hard to hear. We addressed these problems by studying thesegmental consequences of stress in a written corpus of 9.3 million word forms extracted from Finnish web pages. Two newgeneralizations emerged: (1) Morphophonemically low vowels /a, o/ are preferably stressed; morphophonemically high vowels /i, e/are preferably unstressed. (2) Ternarity arises as a response to clash between the foot head and an adjacent heavy syllable. Wepresent an OT model that closely approximates both the categorical and quantitative patterns in the data, noting that the quantitativepredictions are largely independent of rankings.Arto Anttila (Stanford University) Session 31Adams Bodomo (University of Hong Kong)OCP effects in DagaareIn tone languages, adjacent high tones are often avoided. Different languages resolve HH sequences in different ways, but differentresolutions can be found even in one and the same language. In Dagaare (Gur, Niger-Congo) the possible resolutions aredissimilation, downstep, merger, or no resolution, depending on the morpholexical environment. We present evidence that a HHsequence is resolved only within a tonal foot and account for the different resolution patterns by assuming that morphemes specifypartial rankings: The tone of the complex word is the concatenation of the tones of its constituent morphemes, evaluated by the unionof their rankings.Jennifer E. Arnold (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill) Session 24Carla Hudson-Kam (University of California, Berkeley)Michael K. Tanenhaus (University of Rochester)Why is that speaker disfluent? The role of attribution in the effect of disfluency on comprehensionUsing eye-tracking and gating experiments we examined reference comprehension with fluent (Click on the red- ) and disfluent(Click on [pause] thee uh red-) instructions while listeners viewed displays with two known (e.g. houses) and two novel objects (e.g.99

squiggly shapes). Disfluency made novel objects more expected, influencing listeners' on-line hypotheses from the onset of the colorword. The novelty bias was sharply reduced by instructions that the speaker had object agnosia, and thus difficulty naming familiarobjects, establishing that listeners can make situation-specific inferences about likely sources of disfluency. However, it was notaffected by evidence of distraction (beeps and construction noises).Amalia Arvaniti (University of California, San Diego) Session 38Cynthia Kilpatrick (University of California, San Diego)The production & perception of epenthetic stopsWe examined the production and perception of American English epenthetic and underlying stops (prin[t]ce/prints) in relation toword-familiarity and context. Production data showed that durational differences are weak, especially in word-final position infamiliar words, possibly because, in these positions at least, the underlying [t] in [nts] is beginning to weaken. The greater thanpreviously reported similarity between epenthetic and underlying stops in production was supported by two perception experiments inwhich listeners performed nearly at chance level. Thus, the changes in production have led to neutralization between the presence andabsence of [t] in terms of perception.Peter K. Austin (University of London) Session 19How to talk to a menak: Speech levels & politeness in Sasak, eastern IndonesiaThe Sasak language (Western Malayo-Polynesian spoken on the island of Lombok, eastern Indonesia), has a system of speech levelsthat distinguishes high-mid-low along with honorific and humble forms. The system is primarily encoded by choice of pronouns,nouns, and verbs and involves lexical suppletion. Only fragmentary information about Sasak is to be found in the existing publishedliterature on speech levels and politeness. I describe the Sasak speech levels system and its use, especially to and by the menak'nobility' minority on Lombok, based on participant observation, a corpus of texts, and elicitation cross-checking research carried outin 2002-2005.Heriberto Avelino (University of California, Berkeley) Session 43Sam Tilsen (University of California, Berkeley)Eurie Shin (University of California, Berkeley)Reiko Kataoka (University of California, Berkeley)Jeff Pynes University of California, Berkeley)The phonetics of laryngealization in Yucatec MayaYucatec-Maya contrasts modal and 'rearticulated' vowels, and high, low, and 'neutral' tones. These contrasts are exploitedproductively in the expression of voice paradigms: Passive voice is marked by a rearticulated vowel; antipassive and mid voices aremarked by low and high tones, respectively. The lexical and morphosyntactic function of laryngeal features in Yucatec is welldocumented; however a thorough investigation of their phonetic properties is scanty. We present the first phonetic descriptionaccount of Yucate laryngeal feautures and then discuss the findings in connection with theoretical and typological aspects ofphonation and its relevance for tonogenesis.Seiki Ayano (Mie University) Session 36Masaaki Kamiya (Hamilton College)Multilevel nominalization: Evidence from verbal nouns in JapaneseThe nominalizing suffix -ing derives three kinds of nominals in English: result nominal, event nominal, and verbal gerunds.Following Emonds' (2000, 2005) theory of multilevel insertion, I focus on the difference that results from pre-PF nominalization onthe one hand and PF-nominalization on the other. Pre-PF nominalization targets the head of a phrase, which derives both result andevent nominal, while PF nominalization targets an entire phrase, which derives verbal gerund with a VP-internal structure. The multilevelnominalization analysis receives cross-linguistic support from Japanese verbal nouns that are required to undergo nominalizationby the merger with a null nominalizing suffix.Nigar Gulsat Aygen (Northern Illinois University) Session 1Morphosyntactic variation & data inconsistencies: The Turkish ECMThis paper focuses on variation in data and questionable grammaticality judgments. Unlike work on applied linguistics and historicallinguistics, research on syntax does not follow the requirements of a scientific research. Variation and/or data inconsistencies partially100

esult from the informal methodology of data collection, i.e., relying on one's own judgments rather than collecting data within theprinciples of fieldwork. Furthermore, adequate controls are necessary to eliminate potential bias in the author's own grammaticalityjudgments. I propose that systematic data collection on all varieties rather than one's own dialect would resolve the currentmethodological problems in Turkish linguistics.Molly Babel (University of California, Berkeley) Session 101Michael J. Houser (University of California, Berkeley)Maziar Toosarvandani (University of California, Berkeley)Andrew Garrett (University of California, Berkeley)Descent vs diffusion in language diversification: Mono Lake Paiute & Western Numic dialectologyWe assess arboreal models of language relationship based on data from Mono Lake Paiute (MLP), a previously undocumented dialectof Northern Paiute (NP). Mono and NP are the two members of the Western Numic branch of Uto-Aztecan; MLP is geographicallyintermediate. We show that some MLP innovations are shared with Mono dialects but not other NP dialects, while some apparent NPinnovations are absent in MLP. Western Numic behaves more like a dialect continuum than has been assumed, that is, and is lesscongenial to tree models of language diversification.Emmon Bach (SOAS/University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 105Fiona Campbell (University of British Columbia)Patricia A. Shaw (University of British Columbia)On a Northern Wakashan suffix: -[x]'idThe suffix listed in Boas (1947:365-6) as -[x]'id has a number of interesting properties--semantic, distributional, comparative, andmorphophonological. We concentrate on the semantic and the morphophonological questions, taking Haisla/Henaaksiala as our mainempirical base—the disparate meanings raise questions about morphemic identity and the compositional character of complex lexicalitems, and the morphophonology leads to important questions about allomorphy and allophony. Our discussion touches on languageparticularand universal issues in the two domains.William Badecker (Johns Hopkins University) Session 1Gender & resolution agreementGender resolution patterns from a variety of languages (Italian, Icelandic, Modern Greek, Slovene, Serbian / Croatian, Latin, andothers) are shown to follow from the interaction of ranked, violable markedness constraints (e.g. *Fem >> *Masc >> *Neut) andfaithfulness constraints (e.g. a constraint requiring the phrase and all its conjuncts agree in gender, and another that requires theconjoined phrase to agree on both gender and number with one of its conjuncts). The OT analysis is preferable to rule based proposals(too powerful) and to generalized feature based accounts using union or intersection of feature sets for gender (descriptivelyinadequate).Gabriela Pérez Báez (University at Buffalo, State University of New York) Session 10Jürgen Bohnemeyer (University at Buffalo, State University of New York)Domain mapping in spatial description: The case of Juchitán ZapotecMesoamerican languages are well-known for their highly productive systems of semantic extension of body part (BP) terms to objectparts and spatial regions. We compare the system of relational spatial nominals of Juchitán Zapotec to those described by MacLaury1989 for Ayoquesco Zapotec and by Levinson 1994 for Tzeltal Maya. On the basis of the Juchitán evidence, we suggest that a global‘structure mapping’ (Gentner 1983) as described by MacLaury and a shape/function-based algorithm as described by Levinson may bejust different parts of a larger cognitive domain mapping process.Adam Baker (University of Arizona) Session 3Quantitative models of internal & social factors in sound changeI present a quantitative computational model to test hypotheses about the interaction of internal and external factors in sound change.Simulated speakers interact with one another and modify their pronunciations based on social parameters; coarticulatory biases arealso optionally present in individual speakers. Results of simulations demonstrate that entire populations can participate in a soundchange that is phonetically-motivated for only a subset of speakers. This effect is robust even in sparsely connected social networks,indicating that sound changes can differentially affect subpopulations of a speech community only where one population activelyavoids the pronunciations of another speech community.101

Adam Baker (University of Arizona) Session 3Quantitative models of internal & social factors in sound changeI present a quantitative computational model to test hypotheses about the interaction of internal and external factors in sound change.Simulated speakers interact with one another and modify their pronunciations based on social parameters; coarticulatory biases arealso optionally present in individual speakers. Results of simulations demonstrate that entire populations can participate in a soundchange that is phonetically-motivated for only a subset of speakers. This effect is robust even in sparsely connected social networks,indicating that sound changes can differentially affect subpopulations of a speech community only where one population activelyavoids the pronunciations of another speech community.Brett Baker (University of New England, Australia) Session 37Mark Harvey (University of Newcastle, Australia)Complex predicates & argument structureWe argue that complex predicates fall into two classes in terms of argument structure. In coverb constructions, the contributingpredicates 'merge' to form single predicates at 'lexical conceptual structure' (LCS; Jackendoff 1990) that have the semantic range ofmonomorphemic verbs in English. In many serial verb constructions, by contrast, the contributing predicates do not merge. Thisallows for a much wider range of LCSs. However, none of the current analyses of complex predicates predict these two classes. Weargue that these differences fall out from the method of composition of the LCSs of each type.Wendy Baker (Brigham Young University) Session 27Laura Catharine Smith (Brigham Young University)The impact of cross-language perception on learning French & German vowelsThis study examines whether native English speakers judge English /i/ and /u/ as being more perceptually similar to either German orFrench /i/, /u/, /y/ and whether differences in these judgments cause differences in how accurately learners of German or Frenchperceive and produce vowels in their second language (L2). Results suggest that not only the language but also the L2 dialectadvanced learners were exposed to affect both their similarity judgments between English and German/French vowels and their abilityto produce (but not perceive) the vowels of their L2. Acoustic analyses are also used to account for the findings.Douglas Ball (Stanford University) Session 33Aki the predicator: A unified analysis of Niuean instrumentalsIn reassessing the behavior of preposition/particle aki in the Polynesian language Niuean, I argue that aki is a predicator, a kind ofdeficient verb with verbal lexical semantics but without verbal syntax. The dyadic, eventive denotation of aki can explain both theexceptional absolutive case-marking, both when aki is a ‘preposition’ and a ‘particle’, as well as the thematic restrictions put on theexternal argument when aki is a particle. Finally, this account feeds a view of aki-object extraction where the object of aki extracts asan ordinary absolutive, eliminating the need for the second aki proposed by Massam (1998).Marlyse Baptista (University of Georgia) Session 90Bare nouns in Cape Verdean Creole, European & Brazilian Portuguese: A comparative analysisI demonstrate how the determiner systems of Cape Verdean Creole (CVC), European Portuguese (EP), and Brazilian Portuguese (BP)diverge and converge. The use of bare nouns in CVC is significantly more widespread than in EP and BP where bare nouns are usedfor abstract, mass, or mass-type nouns and where bare plurals (overt plural marking) convey a generic, or an indefinitenonspecific/nonreferential plural reading. BP departs from EP and behaves like CVC in that it uses bare nouns (no plural marking)with a generic or indefinite nonspecific/nonreferential plural interpretation and proper names are not modified by definite determiners.Michael Barrie (University of British Columbia) Session 29The CED & cyclic linearizationThis proposal offers a novel account of lack of extraction from subjects with expanded empirical coverage. We propose thatextraction from a moved XP is possible only if the XP has not moved across a phase boundary. Following Fox and Pesetsky 2005, weassume that linearization takes place near spell-out. If an XP moves out of a phase, its internal constituents are linearized before thatphase is closed off. Once it has been linearized, no further operations may alter that linear order, effectively freezing the XP, givingrise to CED effects.102

Herbert Barry, III (University of Pittsburgh, Emeritus) Session 68Fictional namesakes of author, father, & mother in the novels of Charles DickensSentiments of Charles Dickens about his family members might be revealed by the importance and behavior of his fictional charactersgiven their first names. In his 14 completed novels, the important fictional namesakes include 6 of himself (Charles or Charley), 11 ofhis father (John), and 2 of his mother (Elizabeth). Ethical diversity of the fictional namesakes corresponds to the author's ambivalentfeelings toward himself and his parents. More benign feelings later in his life may be indicated by the occurrence of the mostimportant and most admirable namesakes of himself and his parents in the last 7 novels.David Basilico (University of Alabama, Birmingham) Session 48Event structure, particle verbs, & ditransitivesSyntactically-oriented event structure approaches to the particle verb (PV) and ditransitive constructions posit a common structure; theverb, which encodes the process part of the event, selects a small clause, which encodes the result state (RS) (Harley 1995, den Dikken1995, Folli & Harley 2005, Svenonius & Ramchand 2002). I argue that only the PV contains a small clause. Specifically, I argue thatthe PV is formed by combining the particle with a root before the root is categorized as a verb, while the ditransitive is formed bycombining a v appl head (Pylkkänen 2002) after the root is categorized.Rosemary Beam de Azcona (La Trobe University) Session 96Southern Zapotec ka: A new adverbial grammaticalization path for focus particlesWe know that both copulas and demonstratives can be sources for focus particles through grammaticalization (Heine & Kuteva 2002).I argue for an adverbial source of a new focus particle in Southern Zapotec (SZ). Some SZ languages mark focus with ka, which ishomophonous with an adverb meaning 'always, still, anyway'. Ka has both temporal and modal meanings. The modal adverb is usedin contrasting a less expected but possible reality with the expected but uncertain reality, leading to its inclusion in contrastive focusstatements.John Beavers (Georgetown University) Session 37The role of durativity in argument realizationI explore the interaction of durativity and affectedness in explaining why achievements do not undergo conative alternations (broke(*at) it). Following the scalar approach to change of Hay et al. 1999, I define various degrees of durativity and affectedness thatcross-classify dynamic predicates into aspectual classes. However, only some of these classes are conceptual possibilities. On thisapproach the conative is an aspectual type-shifting operation that preserves durativity while decreasing affectedness. Achievementsdo not undergo the conative since the resultant aspectual class is, I show, a conceptual impossibility, thus linking durativity andaffectedness in ways that predict argument realization.Michael Becker (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 42Nihan Ketrez (Yale University)Andrew Nevins (Harvard University)When & why to ignore lexical patterns in Turkish obstruent alternationsTurkish word-final stops show lexically-specific voicing alternations: cep ~ cebi vs top ~ topu. We found three factors in the lexiconthat predict alternation rates: place of articulation of the final stop, number of syllables in the word, and height of the precedingvowel. Our experiments show that while speakers used these first two factors in their patterns of alternations for novel words, therewas no reliable effect of vowel height. Cross-linguistically, obstruent voicing is never affected by the height of a neighboring vowel.This suggests that UG imposes biases to ignore such relationships, even if the lexicon contains themElena Benedicto (Purdue University) Session 103Borrowing patterns: Modality in MayangnaElena Benedicto (Purdue University) Session 56Modality without modalsMayangna shows a variety of morphosyntactic structures for expressing modality, among them, one with no visible element indicatingmodality. (1) includes a (person) inflected infinitival, attaching directly to (main clause) tense and negation, with or without a sentence103

final particle; this structure encodes universal quantificational force (necessity). The present work deals with this last case.(1) yang wauhtaya yak ulnik (ki).PRN.1s notebook in.P write.INF1sg PTC[3s?]'I must write in the notebook'The hypothesis developed here postulates that the nonfinite morpheme creates an intensional domain while sentence-final particles actas operators on that intensional domain.Andrea Berez (University of California, Santa Barbara) Session 102Spatial differentiation as middle voice motivation in Dena'ina Athabaskan iterative verbsRecent studies of Athabaskan middle voice constructions have attempted to find a unified semantic motivation for their presence. Ipresent data from Dena'ina Athabaskan which suggest that the relative differentiation of spatial starting and ending points of an actionplays a role in middle voice marking in verb forms containing the prefix nu-, traditionally referred to as the iterative morpheme. Ipropose that among verb forms which contain nu-, those which describe identical starting and ending points tend to occur with middlemarking whereas those which describe a spatial differentiation between start and end points tend to occur without middle marking.Sarah Bunin Benor (Hebrew Union College) Session 64Orthodox Jewish American EnglishOrthodox Jews' speech includes influences from textual Hebrew/Aramaic, Israeli Hebrew, and Yiddish. Distinctive features exist inphonology (e.g. pre-nasal /ae/ nonraising), syntax (e.g. He's already religious for 20 years), lexico-semantics (e.g. phrasal verbs: learnout 'deduce'), lexicon (e.g. thousands of loanwords), discourse markers (e.g., a hesitation click), prosody (e.g. quasi-chantingintonation), and subtractive features (e.g. cursing taboo). I discuss social factors in the creation of this speech variety and argue that,like other ethnolects, it is best analyzed as an inventory of distinctive features from which speakers select variably (consciously andsubconsciously) as they construct their hyphenated selves.Erica J. Benson (University of Wisconsin, Eau Claire) Session 58Experiences with faculty/undergraduate collaborative research in dialectologyUndergraduate research has been described as "the pedagogy of the twenty-first century" (Dotterer 2002: 81). Althoughfaculty/undergraduate collaborative research is not without its challenges (e.g. inexperienced researchers, lack of resources), it hasnumerous benefits for students (e.g. increased motivation and enhanced communication skills) and benefits for faculty (e.g. allowingus to accomplish more scholarly research, enhance our teaching through discoveries of local language use/attitudes, and contributevaluable service to our institutions/communities). I reflect on the challenges and benefits of my experiences with two types offaculty/student research--individual and research team projects.Tessa Bent (Indiana University) Session 27Production of nonnative prosodic categoriesCan models of cross-language speech perception, which currently focus exclusively on segmentals, be extended to suprasegmentalcategories? We test whether native English speakers' production of Mandarin tones can be predicted based on the relationshipbetween English intonation categories and Mandarin tone categories. The results suggest that nonnative speech production theorieshave a wider scope than their current instantiations. During the production of novel suprasegmental categories, English speakers seemto be drawing on their native intonation categories to guide their productions. The mappings between the suprasegmental categories inthe native and nonnative languages explain speakers' productions of nonnative suprasegmental categories.Judy B. Bernstein (William Paterson University) Session 51Declarative & interrogative person markers in DPI examine correspondences between English th- and wh-, as in there/where. Postal 1966 suggests that then/there consist of a definitearticle plus pronoun, parallel to the/them linguists. In this spirit, Kayne 2004, 2005 argues that there/where are pronominal forms thatpermit the nonpronunciation of an associated noun (e.g. there/where PLACE). I argue that th- and wh- both display (third) 'person',the fundamental property of D. The distinction is that this typically associated with declarative and wh- with interrogative. Theshared 'person' feature allows the forms to be used interchangeably in e.g. the woman that/who you know.104

Douglas S. Bigham (University of Texas, Austin) Session 62Vowel variation in southern IllinoisApproaches from social psychology can explicate sociophonetic approaches regarding regional and social linguistic variation. Icompared vowel plots for 50 students in southern Illinois to responses on an attitudes survey regarding the "kinds of people" and the"ways people talk" in both southern Illinois and the Chicagoland area. By connecting the survey data to the vowel data, I show thathow a speaker's uses her or his vowel space is as predictive of attitudes about these areas as sociohistorical trends. This finding maycall into question issues of dialect diffusion, dialect acquisition, and language change.Charles Boberg (McGill University) Session 62Regional phonetic differentiation in Canadian EnglishI present new data on the vowel production of 84 speakers of English from across Canada, permitting a more detailed analysis ofregional variation in Canadian English than was possible in the Atlas of North American English (Labov, Ash, & Boberg 2006).Wordlists elicited a uniform set of data from each subject, which was analyzed acoustically. MANCOVA tests examined the effect ofregion on the phonetic measures. Significant regional differences are reported for the position of /æ/ before /g/ and nasals, theadvancement of /ahr/ and raised /aw/, and the retraction of /E/ in the Canadian Shift.David Boe (Northern Michigan University) Session 79Chomsky's linguistic historiographyThis past year marks the 40th anniversary of the publication of Noam Chomsky's Cartesian Linguistics: A Chapter in the History ofRationalist Thought (1966). Despite some critical responses after its publication (e.g. Aarsleff 1970), Chomsky continued to invokeand elaborate these Cartesian antecedents throughout his career, and in a recently reissued second edition (2002), the text is left largelyunchanged (apart from English translations provided for the numerous foreign-language passages). I consider how Chomsky'srationalist perspective has fared since the 1960s, particularly in light of subsequent neo-empiricist developments in cognitive science,and revisit several earlier critiques of this work.Marianne L. Borroff (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York) Session 23Gestural reorganization as the source of glottalized consonants in underlying C? & ?C ClustersI address the formation of glottalized consonants via coalescence of C?/?C sequences (e.g. Kashaya, Buckley 1994; Yurok, Blevins2003). I propose coalescence results from [?]'s inability to phase sequentially to other gestures. Instead, the C? gestures reorganize tosimultaneity, resulting in the percept of a glottalized consonant. Additional data support the proposal that sequential alignment of [?]is unavailable; X? coalescence is common cross-linguistically. This account also explains phenomena showing that even apparentlysequential [?] is not parsed into syllabic or temporal structure; it doesn't resolve hiatus in Yatzachi Zapotec (Borroff 2005) and variestemporally in Arbore (Hayward 1984).Marianne L. Borroff (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York) WITHDRAWN Session 100Prosodic influences on the realization of glottal stop in Yatzachi ZapotecI address the status of the Yatzachi Zapotec glottal stop, which is often realized as creak, rather than a full stop. Factors influencing itsrealization include speech register and tone; glottal stop is most stop-like in careful speech and high-toned forms. The first patternsuggests that creakiness results from casual speech lenition of the stop target. The second shows that lenition of glottal stop isavailable only when it doesn't interfere with tonal contrasts (creak and high tone are often incompatible). Thus, an appropriaterepresentation of glottal stop in YZ is as a consonantal segment with a prosodically conditioned creaky allophone.John P. Boyle (Northeastern Illinois University) Session 106The Hidatsa mood markers revisitedI examine the set of clause final markers found in the Siouan language, Hidatsa. Matthews (1965:99-112) described six final moodmarkers that carry illocutionary force and are necessary for a sentence to be grammatical. Recent fieldwork and an extensive reviewof the literature reveal a much richer and more complex system than that proposed by Matthews. I show that Hidatsa has threedifferent interconnected sets of markers. This new understanding brings the language into line with what we now know about otherSiouan languages and the large number of clause final markers that are possible.105

Travis G. Bradley (University of California, Davis) Session 23Eric Russell Webb (University of California, Davis)Accounting for intrasyllabic rhotic metathesis: The interplay of articulation & perceptionBlevins and Garrett 1998, 2004 argue that rhotic metathesis occurs when listeners reinterpret an elongated [low F3] feature in a nonhistoricalposition. However, not all cases are amenable to such an account, as no single phonetic property unifies the class of rhotics.We examine two cases of intrasyllabic rhotic metathesis, namely leftward movement of apical taps in Spanish and rightwardmovement of dorsal fricatives in French. We analyze the directional asymmetry as a conspiracy of articulatory and perceptualconditions. Rhotic-vowel overlap produces indeterminate linear ordering, which listeners subsequently reinterpret in accordance withattested patterns of the language (Hume 2004).Michelle C. Braña-Straw (University of Essex) Session 9Examining vowel changes in South-East EnglandInternal accounts of language change underpin much variationist work on U.S. English. The Southern Shift (SVS), attributed toSouthern U.S. varieties is presumed to operate in South-East England (SEE), Australia, and New Zealand. Diachronic and synchronicevidence from the front and back vowel systems for Suffolk, England, challenges the presumption that SVS occurs in SEE. Suffolkvowels conform to predicted SVS 'end states', without the necessary evidence for interrelated chain shifts. Rather, SVS 'end state'variants have existed in Suffolk since at least the 1800s in competition with other variants, finally winning out, through a process ofdialect contact.Jonathan Brennan (New York University) Session 12Only, finallyI examine the focus particle only in cases where it follows its focused associate (John spoke to one linguist, only). Adopting Kayne's(1998) framework, the characteristics of final only are captured by appealing to a finely articulated DP. Limitations on the placementof focus when only appears finally suggest that the focus particle heads a DP-internal projection similar in structure to Kayne's VPexternalOnlyP. The projection hosts a specifier into which the focused associate raises. Unlike VP-external only, there are no higherprojections that allow only to raise and precede its specifier, accounting for the limited distribution.George Aaron Broadwell (University at Albany, State University of New York) Session 95Differential object marking in Copala TriqueCopala Trique, an Otomanguean language spoken in Oaxaca, Mexico, shows differential object marking (DOM), with obligatoryaccusative marking in some contexts, but not others (Bossong 1985, Aissen 2003). Accusative is obligatory only when the directobject is a human pronominal; in all other elicitation contexts, both variants are judged good. However, discourse shows twointeracting factors--animacy and specificity--that influence the frequency of accusative marking. Such data seem to require atheoretical approach, such as stochastic optimality theory, which is capable of modeling the variable strength of multiple factors whichaffect grammaticality.Bruce Brown (Brigham Young U) Session 78Hooshang Farahnakian (Brigham Young U)Mary Farahnakian (Brigham Young U)David Gardner (Institute for the Study of Language and Culture)Deryle Lonsdale (Brigham Young U)Matthew Spackman (Brigham Young U)Dialectal effects in the pronunciation of Farsi given namesSegmental phonemes are compared to acoustical suprasegmental properties to determine how well each accounts for dialectaldifferences in spoken Farsi given names, family names, and place names. First, an accuracy-of-classification paradigm is used tomeasure how well dialect is subjectively recognizable to native speakers from spoken names. Second, these same spoken names arestatistically analyzed for segmental phonological differences. Third, the spoken names are statistically analyzed for acousticaldifferences. Lens model computations are used to compare phonological segmentation and acoustical analysis, and acoustic propertiesare found to be better mediators of accuracy in identifying dialect from spoken names than segmental phonemes.106

Cati Brown (University of Georgia) Session 11Tony Snodgrass (University of Georgia)Michael A. Covington (University of Georgia)Susan J. Kemper (University of Kansas)Ruth E. Herman (University of Kansas)Measuring propositional idea density through part-of-speech taggingWe present a computer program, CPIDR (Computerized Propositional Idea Density Rater), that measures idea density automaticallythrough part-of-speech tagging. Idea density, the number of propositions per N words, is a useful measure of discourse complexityand of possible cognitive impairment on the part of the speaker. Propositions correspond roughly to verbs, adjectives, adverbs,prepositional phrases, and conjunctions (Snowdon et al. 1996). By counting these parts of speech and then applying readjustmentrules for particular syntactic structures, we closely replicate the proposition counts given by the standard Turner & Greene method.David West Brown (University of Michigan) Session 63The importance of distinguishing dialect from register variation in teaching Standard EnglishIn trying to meet some of the challenges of dialectally diverse classrooms, researchers and educators have often focused on methodsfor explicating codeswitching. Some preliminary data collected for a study of language education in Washington, DC, suggest thatrather than codeswitching from AAE into StE at school, students were style-switching from less formal to more formal registers ofAAE. In light of this data, it may be useful for methods in the education of both teachers and students to engage in examinations ofboth dialect and register and be clear about distinguishing between the two.Michiko Todokoro Buchanan (University of Minnesota, Twin Cities) Session 12Two types of sluicing in JapaneseI propose a new analysis of Japanese sluicing. I argue that previous analyses cannot sufficiently account for the optionality of theappearance of a case marker following a wh-phrase. I claim that sluicing with a case marker and sluicing without a case markerinvolve two different structures derived from different structures through different operations. In particular, sluicing with a casemarker is derived from No-da focus structure through focus movement followed by remnant deletion. On the other hand, sluicingwithout a case marker is derived from cleft structure through cleft-reduction.Adam B. Buchwald (Indiana University) Session 42Determining well-formedness in phonology: Type vs token frequencyResearch in phonology has revealed that well-formedness is a gradient property of sound structure sequences within a language.However, this work has primarily focused on the type frequency of sound sequences (the number of words in the lexicon containing asequence), and it remains possible that a correlated measure--token frequency (the number of encountered exemplars)--determineswell-formedness in phonology. The present research uses an aphasic speaker's productions as an index of well-formedness differencesamong word-initial consonant clusters. Predictions of type and token frequency accounts of well-formedness are compared, withresults indicating that well-formedness differences reflect differences in type frequency.Eugene Buckley (University of Pennsylvania) Session 100Velar fronting in AlseaWhile the large majority of velar stops in Alsea are transcribed as fronted in the original sources, typical of the Northwest Coast, someplain velars are written in situations of possible contrast with fronted velars. I examine the detailed distribution of velars in existingtranscriptions and argue that the fronting is indeed derived rather than underlying. Apparent occasional contrasts between the twoplaces of articulation can be attributed to several factors: a lesser degree of phonetic fronting adjacent to nonfront vowels;nonphonemic short vowels that reflect a different underlying contrast; and interactions with word structure that suggest the fronting ispartly dependent on the following segment, but only word-internally.Ann Bunger (University of Pennsylvania) Session 15Jeffrey Lidz (University of Maryland)Two-year-olds distinguish unaccusatives from unergatives: Thematic relations as a cue to verb classPrevious work shows that children use syntactic information to guide their hypotheses about verb meaning. Bunger and Lidz 2006107

demonstrated that 2-year-olds map novel unaccusative verbs onto just the result subevent of a complex causative event and noveltransitive verbs onto the entire causative event. We present data from a new preferential looking study demonstrating that 2-year-oldsmap novel unergative verbs onto the means subevent of a causative. We conclude that the interpretation of novel verbs is driven notonly by the number of arguments in a given syntactic frame but also by the semantic roles played by those arguments.Pamela Bunte (California State University, Long Beach) Session 99Saving the San Juan Southern Paiute language through narration: Language ideologies, language revitalization, & identityThe core San Juan Paiute community were traditionally Southern Paiute speaking until the last decade of the 20th century. However,presently most members of the youngest generation are no longer speaking Paiute, and the elders no longer tell the winter stories as amatter of course. Since winter stories or Coyote stories are a major vehicle for conveying Paiute teachings, the Paiute-speaking elders'solution was to set up several storytelling sessions where traditional winter narratives were told and discussed. I analyze theaudiotaped metadiscursive and metanarrational talk through which they negotiate language shift and culture maintenance.Lynnika Butler (University of Arizona) Session 101Natasha Warner (University of Arizona)Heather van Volkinburg (University of Arizona)Quirina Luna-Costillas (Amah Mutsun Tribal Band)Metathesis in Mutsun morphophonology: Newly discovered dataRecent research in the dormant Mutsun language has uncovered previously unknown data (Harrington 1922, 1929-30), including morethan 100 semantically related noun-verb pairs distinguished by consonant-vowel (CV) metathesis. Mutsun was a heavily suffixinglanguage and most frequently formed nouns from verbs via a large and nuanced repertoire of nominalizing suffixes, makingmetathesis a surprising and seemingly superfluous morphological strategy. I compare and contrast examples from the newly founddata with the well-documented phenomenon of phonotactic metathesis in two Mutsun suffixes and discuss possible historical sourcesand theoretical implications of Mutsun morphological metathesis.Tracy R. Butts (California State University, Chico) Session 68Saundra K. Wright (California State University, Chico)Strange fruit: The importance of naming in Jesse Fauset's "Double Trouble" & The Chinaberry TreeJessie Fauset's short story "Double Trouble," published in The Crisis in 1923, provides the foundation for her third novel, TheChinaberry Tree (1931). Overall, these two texts share the same plot--a tragic tale about two young women forced to live as socialoutcasts and virtual prisoners in their own home because of their mother's sexual transgressions. When developing the story into anovel, however, Fauset makes a few, albeit important, name changes, which are significant in yielding insight into Fauset's literaryobjectives and helping readers gain a better understanding of the sophisticated and modernist text the author ultimately creates.Gabriela Caballero Hernández(University of California-Berkeley) Session 94Lilián Guerrero (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México)The complexity of verbal (indirect) causation in Rarámuri & YaquiAlthough Rarámuri and Yaqui express verbal (indirect) causation through different structures, they share a striking characteristic:They allow double coding of the notion of causation. Periphrastic constructions contain independent causative verbs in main clausesand bound causative verbs in lower clauses. While two causative predicates exist, the causer is expressed only once, meaning that twoclauses share the actor. We look at the formal expression of the causing event and the coding of the actor and undergoer participants.This pattern raises the general question of what might determine this apparent redundancy and how frequent it is cross-linguistically.Seth Cable (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 39Wh-fronting as by-product of Q-movement: Evidence from TlingitWh-fronting is commonly thought to reflect a syntactic relationship between wh-words and interrogative Cs. On the basis of originalfieldwork on Tlingit, I argue against this. Rather, wh-fronting in all languages is a by-product of fronting of a 'Q(uestion)-particle',such 'Q-movement' being independently visible in Japanese and Sinhala (Hagstrom 1998, Kishimoto 2005). Wh-words areobligatorily c-commanded by Q-particles, which are the elements truly attracted into the CP. Displacement of wh-words occurs onlyin languages where the complement of Q contains the wh-word, as general principles entail that Q cannot detach from its complement.108

Michael Cahill (SIL International) Session 23The phonetics & phonology of labial velars in DagbaniDagbani has the unusual [tp, df] as allophones of /kp, gb/ before front vowels (e.g. kpání ‘spear’, but tpíní ‘guinea fowl’). Words liketpíní (more narrowly, [cp íní] also show significant friction in the release, due to palatal tongue blade position. As asymmetrical twoplacedfeature geometry is necessary to explain this categorical but partial place change, with [labial] place being primary for /kp/ and[dorsal] being secondary. The [coronal] of the front vowel spreads leftward, displacing the [dorsal] V-place feature of /kp/. Result:[labial] under C-place remains, but V-place now has [coronal], shared with the vowel, that is, tpi, not *kpi.Catherine A. Callaghan (Ohio State University) Session 101Costanoan reclassificationA reanalysis of the data argues for the following reclassification of Costanoan languages:I. KarkinII. Northern CostanoanA. SF Bay. This was a single language, united by trade across the San Francisco Bay, with Ramaytush, Chochenyo, and Tamyenas the chief dialects.B. Chalon (Soledad)III. Southern Costanoan.A. South Central1. Awaswas (Santa Cruz)2. MutsunB. RumsenRichard Cameron (University of Illinois, Chicago) Session 49Gender segregation & sociolinguistic variation in two Chicago elementary schoolsChildren's social orders show relative gender segregation. Emerging around age 3, segregation peaks in middle childhood and thendecreases. If children separate along gender lines, their cross-gender interactions will not be as frequent as interactions within theirsame gender groups. If less frequent, in keeping with Bloomfield's (1933:46) ‘density of communication’ principle, one may predictstatistical differences to emerge progressively among girls and boys. This prediction is investigated in the English spoken by childrenfrom two public schools in the Chicago metropolitan area. Focusing on two stable sociolinguistic variables, (dh) and (ing), we findsupport for the prediction.Kathryn Campbell-Kibler (University of Michigan) Session 19Integrating social information into sociolinguistic comprehensionI explored how background social information shapes the contribution of the variable (ing). Open-ended interviews and a web-basedexperiment used four recordings of spontaneous speech, presented as talk show excerpts. Speakers were described as professionals,academics, or political candidates and were rated on seven six-point scales. Background information influenced (ing) on pairs ofresponses, such that when speakers were presented as professionals (but not academics or politicians), ratings of trustworthiness andintelligence increased with perceived political left-leaning for -in guises, and with right-leaning for -ing. The social meaning of avariable is thus influenced by external social information.Rebeka Campos-Astorkiza (University of Southern California) Session 2Representation of minimal contrast: Evidence from phonetic processesI focus on the role of minimal contrast. Minimally contrastive segments are pairs of segments that differ just along one dimension ofcontrast. I present experimental evidence from Lithuanian showing the influence of minimal length contrast on a phonetic process thatmodifies duration, i.e., the voicing effect of obstruents on preceding vowels. Based on these results, I argue that the phonologicalrepresentation must include information about minimal contrast, which the phonetic component can access. I formalize minimalcontrast with a contrast-coindexing mechanism, framed within optimality theory. Contrast-coindexing applies to minimallycontrastive segments capable of distinguishing pairs of words.109

Nancy J. Caplow (University of California, Santa Barbara) Session 38Stress & tone in TibetanThe Tibetan language is comprised of over 100 dialects, including both tonal and nontonal varieties. I offer a reconstruction of thestress patterns in Proto-Tibetan nouns and verbs, based on original field data and acoustic analysis of nontonal dialects spoken inPakistan (Balti) and Qinghai China (Amdo). This reconstruction begs the question of what became of stress correlates in thoseTibetan dialects that innovated tone as a lexically contrastive feature. I begin to address this puzzle by examining a tonal dialectspoken in northeastern Nepal (Tokpe Gola), tracing a shift in the allocation of acoustic resources over time.Wallace Chafe (University of California, Santa Barbara) Session 99Idiosyncratic usages among last speakersThe last speakers of a moribund language may introduce changes that are not shared with other speakers, each individual taking thelanguage in his or her own idiosyncratic direction. This development can be attributed to a profound decrease in the number ofsituations in which the language is used--a restriction to a limited number of very special contexts and a failure to use the language atall in the home environment. Whatever stability would normally be supported by frequent interaction with other speakers is thus lost,and there is less pressure to keep idiosyncratic variants from taking hold.Shiaohui Chan (University of Arizona) Session 54Lee Ryan (University of Arizona)Thomas G. Bever (University of Arizona)Syntactic functioning in nonlanguage areas of the brainThe involvement of Broca's and Wernicke's areas in language has been extensively investigated; however, the linguistic roles of otherareas, especially those buried deep within the brain, are generally ignored. This project used functional magnetic resonance imaging(fMRI) to study a group of nonlanguage brain regions--the basal ganglia--which have been found to be implicated in building upsequences of behavior into meaningful, goal-directed repertoires. We hypothesized that building a sentence involves arrangingsyntactic constituents into a sequence expressing the speaker's intention; hence the basal ganglia may be recruited in sentenceproduction. Our fMRI results supported this hypothesis.Charles Chang (University of California, Berkeley) Session 43Korean fricatives: Production, perception, & laryngeal typologyI focus on the production and perception of the laryngeal contrast in Korean fricatives in word-initial position. Acoustic analysesshow that the two fricatives differ from each other significantly in frication duration, aspiration duration, F1 onset, intensity buildup,and voice quality. Perceptual data indicate that the quality of the following vowel is by far the most important cue, with aspirationduration, but not frication duration, also serving as a significant cue. In distinguishing two voiceless categories, the Korean fricativecontrast constitutes an exception to Jansen's 2004 laryngeal typology and may require the addition of an aspirated voiceless leniscategory.Mariana Chao (University of Central Florida) Session 59Stephanie Colombo (University of Central Florida)David Bowie (University of Central Florida)Linguistic stability & variation across the lifespanThis study adds to the discussion of linguistic change in adulthood by presenting analyses of r-lessness, voicing of / /, and wordmedialand -final t/d deletion among 10 lifelong residents of the Wasatch Front of Utah who were recorded as adults at decadeintervals. The analysis finds significant differences in the linguistic behavior of these individuals at the different times sampled.Further, the individual speakers did not appear to exhibit a consistent trend over time.Anne Charity (College of William and Mary) Session 58Hannah Askin (College of William and Mary)Mackenzie Fama (College of William and Mary)Listener assessments of dialect use & academic success: An online surveyWe developed matched guise surveys that measure listeners' perceptions of African-American English use by African-Americanelementary school students. The surveys are designed to indicate whether listeners judge students as more academically and socially110

proficient based on the presence or absence of specific features of African-American English and/or southeastern American English.We focus on the perception of rising vs flat question contours. Listeners associated flat contours with a lack of social and academicskills. We present the online versions of the surveys and demonstrate how they can be used as hands-on learning tools to promotelinguistic tolerance.Marc Charron (University of Québec, Outaouais) Session 68Naming in/& translation: Towards a close (transitional) reading of Don QuijoteI demonstrate that if naming in the first chapter of Don Quijote is shrouded in uncertainty, it is because the passages themselves wherenaming is done (or undone?) are fraught with ungrammaticalities, syntactic ambiguities, and general linguistic indeterminacy.Moreover, I attempt to show that naming in DQ in translation is considerably complicated by the fact that naming is in many waystranslating. In fact, the business of naming in the translations of DQ (namely the recent English and French versions) raises questionsabout and also sheds light onto the interpretive act of naming qua translating.Cheng-Fu Chen (University of Texas, Austin) Session 20The Rukai (Austronesian) nonfuture perfect & the interpretation of anteriorityThe Rukai (Austronesian, Taiwan) nonfuture tense is underspecified for past or present while the composition of the nonfuture and theperfect only has a past interpretation. I argue that the perfect is associated with the feature [+anterior] that codes a temporal relation.This analysis accounts for the restrictions that the nonfuture perfect only describes past eventualities and that only an experientialreading can emerge. The coded temporal relation of anteriority prevents the interval of the eventuality to overlap with the speechtime, which in turn asserts that the eventuality does not hold at the speech time.Lindsey N. Chen (University of Southern California) Session 69A study of onoma in Disney's Uncle ScroogeI examine the names of characters and places in one of the most popular comics of all times-Disney's Uncle Scrooge. I suggest thatpart of the enduring appeal of Uncle Scrooge can be attributed to its creator Carl Barks's effective use of linguistic/literary devices fornaming. Within this paper, I also discuss the larger cultural implications of these names. If name is to be any indication, then perhapsit is accurate to say that Uncle Scrooge aptly reflects the American culture of the time--material wealth, ingenuity, adventurousness,and, of course, a sense of humor.Lawrence Cheung (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 17Licensing conditions of negative wh-wordsIn Cantonese, some wh-morphemes (e.g. bin 'where', dim 'how', and me 'what') can occur before a modal or auxiliary to triggernegative interpretation, paraphrasable as "No way...". Generally, the speaker must presuppose that the hearer has an oppositeassertion. Though the phenomenon is rarely reported in the generative literature, comparable use of wh-words is found in Mandarin,Japanese, Russian, Hebrew, Farsi, Malay, and Brazilian Portuguese. I propose the NWH is a variable bound by an invisible negativeoperator on the left edge. The presence of the operator can be shown by NPI-licensing effects and by intervention effects.Máire Ní Chiosáin (University of California, Davis) Session 55Jaye Padgett (University of California, Santa Cruz)A perceptual study of Irish palatalizationWe report on an AX discrimination study testing the perception of the palatalization contrast in Connemara Irish. One native speakerrecorded five repetitions of 32 words from lists. The factors manipulated were palatalization, word-initial vs word-final position,labial vs alveolar place, and voicing of the target consonant. These words were presented in the discrimination experiment to 10native speakers of Connemara Irish. Both correctness and reaction times were measured. Preliminary analysis shows more confusionbetween plain and palatalized consonants word-finally than word-initially.Elaine Chun (University of Texas, Austin) Session 49The emergence of style in mock Asian stylizationI examine the extent to which stylistic features are emergent outcomes of interactional moments, focusing specifically on highlightedlinguistic performances that refer to comical or derisive racial stereotypes of Asian immigrants performed by Asian American youthsand their non-Asian American friends. My broad analysis finds that the features of this language practice may pattern in somepredictable ways, yet my close analysis of a few cases suggests that style is also an emergent interactional product. The potentialrecruitment of diverse forms as part of the mock Asian style has implications for the study of style more generally. 111

Sarah Churng (University of Washington) Session 39Double constructions in ASL: Realized by resumptionI examine the duplication of certain morphologically simple elements in American Sign Language (ASL). At Spell-Out, the lexicalitem--never its phrase--is doubled in the right periphery. An account drawn from Resumption (Boeckx 2003) captures these effects.As the resumptive pronoun is first paired with its antecedent, so the resumptive lexical item and its corresponding phrase are mergedas constituents. Then by movement they separate into a discontinuous constituent and achieve ‘doubling’. An implementation ofminimal grammar captures these chain formations per the minimalist program, and the resulting analysis bolsters resumptive strategyas an account of linked and displaced elements.Barbara Citko (University of Washington) Session 14Determiner sharing from a cross-linguistic perspectiveI address the universality of the constraints on determiner sharing, which is exemplified in (1).(1) Few dogs eat Alpo or dogs Whiskas. (Johnson 2000)In English, determiner sharing has been shown to be contingent on verb (or tense) gapping, to be limited to conjunct initialdeterminers and to be possible only with a subset of determiners. I focus on Slavic languages, whose determiner sharing constructionsdiffer from the English ones in ways that cast doubt on the currently most popular account of this construction, the so-called smallconjunct account of Johnson 1999 and Lin 2000.Oana Sãvescu Ciucivara (New York University) Session 1Challenging the person case constraint: Evidence from RomanianI present evidence from Romanian clitic combinations which challenge the widely accepted view that the person case constraint,which bans accusative clitics other than 3rd person in the presence of a 3rd person dative clitic, has universal validity. I argue that theperson and case restrictions that Romanian clitics are subject to fall out from a system in which clitics undergo feature drivenmovement to two different types of functional projections in the functional sequence: a case projection, where clitics check structuralcase, and a person projection, where clitics are subsequently attracted to check uninterpretable person features.Clancy Clements (University of New Mexico) Session 87The presence of the standard variety & the development of language attitudesIn the Korlai Creole Portuguese speech community, the Portuguese linguistic and cultural influence has been largely absent sincearound 1740. However, in the Daman Creole Portuguese speech community, Portuguese language and culture have been there since1580. Their presence, I argue, has been the main reason for the creation of two distinct Daman Portuguese varieties, although theDaman community is geographically roughly in the same place. This comparison raises some fundamental questions about languageattitudes, language change, and socio-biological basis of linguistic stratification, which will be discussed.Shai Cohen (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 17Too in the complement of believeI discuss examples showing that too in the complement of the verb believe always require a certain relation to hold between, on theone hand, the pair consisting of some individual x and the attitude holder's doxastic alternatives B, and, on the other hand, the pairconsisting of the antecedent of too and the common ground c. The relation holds only if neither x nor the antecedent of too exhauststhe possibilities with respect to which individuals have the property in question in B and c, respectively.Richard Compton (University of Toronto) Session 36Christine M. Pittman (University of Toronto)Affixation by phase: Inuktitut word formationWe argue that Inuktitut's polysynthetic nature is due to the interaction between syntax and PF. The morphologically complex unitsdemonstrated to be phonological words in Inuktitut (Sadock 1980) correspond to CP and DP phasal spell-out domains. Affixhood isnot specified idiosyncratically for each morpheme but is instead simply the result of the way in which phonological words are built:phase by phase. We demonstrate that noun incorporating and clause incorporating verbs both take complements smaller than DP/CPs,explaining their bound status. We also show that adverbial and adjectival words are DPs and CPs (taking either case or moodmorphology).112

Bernard Comrie (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig) Session 105Endangered numeral systems of the Americas & their theoretical relevanceRecent work on documention of indigenous numeral systems of the Americas, on endangered numeral systems, and on the theory andtypology of numeral systems suggests both that such indigenous numeral systems are highly endangered--often more so than thelanguages to which they belong--and that important insights into the general theory of numeral systems depend crucially on input fromthese languages. I discuss some key examples to illustrate this point and to emphasize the particular urgency of documentingindigenous numeral systems.Jessica Coon (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 95Right specifiers vs V-movement: VOS in CholBasic word order in most Mayan languages is VOS. Previous proposals (e.g. Aissen 1992) achieve VOS by parameterizing specifierheadorder. Such accounts, however, fail to explain certain strong restrictions on objects in VOS constructions. I argue that allspecifiers in Chol precede their heads and that VOS order is the result of obligatory verb raising coupled with incorporation of an NPobject. This analysis both explains the object restrictions as well as other word order facts and also situates Chol in a larger pattern ofpro-drop languages which have been argued to satisfy the EPP via verb raising.Jennifer Cornish (University at Buffalo, State University of New York) Session 21The acoustics of unstressed vowels in pitch-cued stress languagesThe possible independence of shortened vowel duration and lessened articulatory effort in phonetic vowel reduction poses aninteresting question for languages that are not reported to use duration as a main acoustic correlate of stress. To investigate hownecessary shortened duration is to the process of phonetic vowel reduction, the current study investigates the relationship between theacoustic realization of stress and the presence of phonetic reduction in unstressed vowels in Polish. Analyses examine voweldurations, reduction and rates of spectral change at different levels of stress and in different prominence positions.Rebecca T. Cover (University of California, Berkeley) Session 28The semantics of aspect in BadiarankeI analyze the semantics of two aspectual constructions in Badiaranke (Atlantic, Niger-Congo) with surprising distributions: theperfective/stative and the imperfective. With non-stative verbs, the perfective/stative denotes a completed or terminated event; withstative verbs, it denotes an ongoing state. The imperfective, unsurprisingly, may express either habitual or progressive semantics;unexpectedly, it is also used to make assertions about the future. I argue that the perfective/stative cannot be assigned a unifiedsemantics, but that all three types of imperfective clauses do have a common semantic core. Finally, I propose a historical explanationfor the synchronic division of the semantic space.Thera Crane (University of California, Berkeley) Session 47The force of o-: Left periphery interactions in OshiwamboWord-initial o- in the Bantu language Oshiwambo (Guthrie R.20) cliticizes onto a variety of constituents, including most positivemain clause verbs, subject and focus-fronted object question words, and focused nouns. The syntax and semantics of o- have beentreated in a number of works (Halme 2006, Fivaz 1984, et al.), but no unified analysis has been proposed. I argue that an analysis ofo- as the phonological instantiation of a force feature (as described in Rizzi 1997) both accounts for the wide range of data andpredicts what is otherwise a puzzling distribution of resumptive pronouns in relative clauses.Megan J. Crowhurst (University of Texas, Austin) Session 97Monica Macaulay (University of Wisconsin, Madison)On Karuk accentBright 1957 identifies three classes of lexically-specified accent--circumflex (falling tone on long vowels), acute (high), and low. Weshow that the distribution of accent is predictable. Circumflex accent is analyzed as floating HL: H docks to the first mora of therightmost long V, and if there is none, to the initial syllable, with L on the next syllable. Such initial H association on short Vs createsspurious acutes. In real acute accent words, H is assigned to the penultimate syllable when no tone is present underlyingly. Wegenerate low tone by associating lexically specified Ls to final syllables.113

Jennifer Culbertson (Johns Hopkins University) Session 47Geraldine Legendre (Johns Hopkins University)Verb-second & clitic-second effects in Old FrenchMost analyses of Old French focus on its V2 character; however, OF actually imposes second position restrictions on finite verbs andclitics. I argue that these restrictions, viewed from an OT standpoint, predict V2 and alternative word orders found in the language.Specifically, a set of edge-alignment constraints operating separately on verbs and clitics force them toward the left-edge of theintonational phrase while preventing them from appearing in initial position. Further, the edge-alignment constraints on cliticsoutrank those on verbs, causing clitic-second to have priority over verb-second.Emily Curtis (University of Washington) Session 8Soohee Kim (University of Washington)Underspecification & the mora in Korean morphophonologyWe present an analysis of Korean alternating (‘irregular’) verbs, focusing on verbs with l ~ll and t~l alternations. A unified accountof the many irregular verb paradigms is essential to determining the underlying status of / / and building a set of constraints andrankings that works for all the verb classes. Underspecification in the roots is found to be crucial, as is the moraic status of the vowel //, and a moraic interpretation of the geminate /ll/--this is in accordance with cross-linguistic generalizations and is a significant findingin a language devoid of other obvious reference to moraic structure.Hope C. Dawson (Ohio State University) Session 79Brian D. Joseph (Ohio State University)Linguistics: Humanities or science? Evidence from trends in multiple authorshipLinguistics has always straddled the line between the humanistic and scientific disciplines. This dual status is reflected in the degreeof co-authorship, with humanistic disciplines, e.g. classics, having single authorship as typical and scientific disciplines, e.g. biology,having multiple authorship as usual. We offer data on co-authorship for articles published in Language and other linguistics journals,and add data on recent submissions to Language and comparisons to journals in other fields. As measured by a growing percentage ofco-authored papers since 1925, linguistics is moving toward the sciences, a trend supported also by an increasing average number ofauthors per paper. The numbers, though, fall short of those for the sciences, so linguistics is still positioned between humanities andthe sciencesJonathan Decker (Brigham Young University) Session 78Michael Jenkins (Brigham Young University)Leslie E. Koenen (Brigham Young University)Scott Irvine (Brigham Young University)Decade of birth, geo-location, & gender: A cross-cultural comparison of accuracy of identification for French, German, & Braziliangiven names since 1835This three-nation--Germany, France, and Brazil--cross-cultural replication of a study compares the accuracy of Americans inidentifying decade of birth, geo-location, and gender from given names in America since 1848. The first study compares the accuracyof respondents in each of these three nations to that of Americans. The second study is a cross-cultural replication of detailed analysesof decade identification to test the hypothesis that, in each nation, decade of birth is identified better for female names than malenames and that the basis for accuracy can also be better understood for female names.Kamil Ud Deen (University of Hawaii, Manoa) Session 53Filler syllables in Swahili: Distribution, rates, & cross-linguistic measures of comparisonI investigate the occurrence of filler syllables (or proto-morphemes, pre-morphemes, or morphosyntactic placeholders) in the speechof four Swahili-speaking children. I investigate the rates, phonological and syntactic contexts, and developmental profile of fillersyllables (FS) and argue that FS may be a useful indicator of grammatical development, on par with other useful indicators such asMLU (Brown 1973) and verbs-per-utterance (Valian 1991).114

Francesca Del Gobbo (University of Venice) Session 47Linda Badan (University of Padua)On the syntax of topic & focus in ChineseUsing the diagnostics in Benincà and Poletto 2004, we find that Chinese has two types of topics: hanging topic (HT) and leftdislocated topic (LD). We show that the Chinese topics that have no grammatical link with the rest of the sentence--aboutness topics(AT)--are not HTs. We discover that all different categories of topic precede the only left periphery (LP) focus in Chinese, i.e. evenfocus.In fact, focus with contrastive stress without focus marker is not possible in the LP of Chinese (Gao 1994), and the contrastivenominal found in the LP is actually a contrastive topic.Christine DeVinne (Ursuline College) Session 67Naming the Goodyear blimpIn 2006, Goodyear Tire & Rubber, Akron, OH, sponsored a worldwide contest to name the latest airship in its fleet. From 21,000entries, the corporation selected 12 finalists, which it then submitted to an electronic public vote. Launching ceremonies in June 2006christened the blimp with the top entry, “The Spirit of Innovation”. Based on media coverage, corporate websites, and interviews withGoodyear executive offices and the winning contestant, I detail and analyze the process as evidence for the power of names to conveycorporate image and promote customer loyalty.Tonya Kim Dewey (University of California, Berkeley) Session 4Yasmin Syed (University of California, Berkeley)The absolute construction in Gothic & GreekIt has long been assumed that the absolute construction in Gothic is not a native construction but was borrowed in translation of theBible from Greek. However, close comparison of the parallel texts reveals that the Gothic absolute construction is a nativeconstruction, related to the Greek construction in a complex and systematic manner. Thus the Greek genitive absolute may berendered in Gothic in a number of different ways depending on the semantic relationship between the absolute and the matrix clause,as well as on the tense and aspect of the Greek participle.Christian DiCanio (University of California, Berkeley) Session 43The phonetics of fortis-lenis: The case of TriqueThe phonetic basis of what constitutes a fortis-lenis stop contrast has been controversial within the literature. I investigate itsrealization in Itunyoso Trique, using acoustic and laryngographic data from eight speakers. Subtle cues involving closure duration,burst amplitude, burst duration, prevoicing, and pitch are used for the contrast. All of these vary as a function of the stop's position inthe word, suggesting that positional strengthening and the phonemic fortis-lenis opposition are interacting. Since Trique has ninetones, the use of pitch as a cue for stop-type is notable, suggesting a link between stop-fortition and pitch.Marianna Di Paolo (University of Utah) Session 9Applying sociophonetics methods to Shoshoni vowelsMeasurements were made of F0, F1, F2, F3, voice quality, and nasality of vowels from legacy recordings of speakers from fourdialects of Shoshoni relating oral histories, stories, and/or wordlists. The vowel system, /i i u o a/, is complicated by ai, ai. and ai,reportedly variable across speakers and dialects. Reports claim that ai is [ ε~e], some ai words are always [ai], but most ai words areunpredictably [a~ai~ε~e]. Results show that ai and ai are phonetically diphthongs with similar trajectories but different onsets.Treating them as mid or low front monophthongs explains other mysteries of Shoshoni and Uto-Aztecan.Cathryn Donohue (University of Nevada, Reno) Session 40Towards a typology of causee case-markingThe syntax of morphological causatives has been widely studied; however most studies typically focus on mapping the resultinggrammatical functions to arguments and the syntax of the causatives rather than on formulating a model of the resulting case-marking.Moreover, few have addressed the case-marking of the arguments of a predicate that results from causativizing a ditransitive predicate(e.g. make, give). I present a model for causee case-marking which accounts for this phenomenon in ergative and accusativelanguages alike and predicts the observed differences in these resulting causativized case arrays based on a small number ofparameters.115

Scott Drellishak (University of Washington) Session 7Statistical techniques for detecting & validating phonesthemesPhonesthemes are "form-meaning pairings that crucially are better attested in the lexicon of a language than would be predicted, allother things being equal" (Bergen 2004). English gleam, glare, and glisten, for example, share a meaning related to light or vision. Ipropose a statistical, computational, language-independent method for detecting phonesthemes that involves examining dictionarywords for correlations between phonetic content and meaning, using orthography as a proxy for phonetic content and definitions as aproxy for meaning. The method is based on latent semantic analysis (Deerwester et. al. 1990) and the information-theoretic conceptof mutual information (Fano 1961).Stanley Dubinsky (University of South Carolina) Session 25On the syntax of exhaustive control & the calculus of events controlExhaustive control (EC) verbs (try) can be distinguished from partial control (PC) verbs (want) by a number of diagnostics. Landau's2000/2004 analysis involves T/Agr features and T-to-C movement. However, EC nominals (attempt) and PC nominals (desire)exhibit the same contrasts without the required CP-TP structure. In the proposed event-based analysis, only EC involves movement.EC involves vP complements, PC involves TP/EventP complements, and movement from event-checking to theta-checking positionsis blocked. The restriction on movement from Ev-positions to Th-positions mirrors the classic prohibition on movement from A-barto A positions and permits raising but not control across TP/EventP.Karen A. Duchaj (Northeastern Illinois University) Session 71Jeanine Ntihirageza (Northeastern Illinois University)Law & Order, “Special Victims Unit”: An ethnographic analysis of address formsWe examine address forms in the American workplace. Previous studies have often focused on individuals' relationships--age, rank,etc.--as determiners of address. Examination of data from the television drama Law and Order, “Special Victims Unit” reveals thatthis explanation falls short. While static roles set the parameters for which forms are available, conversational style, as determinedmoment to moment by the speaker, is the final determining factor. Our study contends that address forms are conversational toolsemployed by speakers to dynamically reflect and create the style of the conversation and that such uses facilitate the accomplishmentof tasks.Lachlan Duncan (University at Albany, State University of New York) Session 95Phrasal noun incorporation in Chuj MayanChuj Mayan manifests classic 'compounding' noun incorporation (NI) (Mithun 1984, Rosen 1989) although its incorporated nounexhibits unusual dialectical variation. A morpholexical analysis cannot account for NI in Chuj's San Sebastián dialect because itsincorporated noun can be modified by noncompounding prenominal adjectives as well as postnominal adjectives and finite relativeclauses. I contend that Asudeh's (2004) and Asudeh and Ball's (2005) non projecting Ssemantic argument (NPSA) presents theoptimal approach to account for Chuj's NI and its complex modificational and phrasal alternations. Indeed the NPSA approach showspromise for the analysis of NI in other Mayan languages.Walter Edwards (Wayne State University) Session 93Tense in non-past-copula constructions in Guyanese Creole: Implications for grammar theoryI begin with a brief examination of copula behavior in Rural Guyanese Creole (RGC) and Urban Guyanese Creole (UGC) and proceedto consider what these syntactic behaviors imply for the underlying grammar of nonsentential small clauses, particularly in non-pastcontexts. GC data show that the copula is absent in non-past utterances across syntactic contexts. This observation has importantconsequences--first, that RGC and UGC are similar codes; and second, that these varieties exemplify the existence of grammars thatare fully intact yet lack the syntactic tense node. Such grammars allow for the nonexpression of the semantically empty copula in thepresent tense.Patience Epps (University of Texas, Austin) Session 102Hup (Amazonia) & the typology of question formationI examine an apparent typological oddity in the Amazonian language Hup (Nadahup/Makú family). In violation of the universalproposed by Greenberg 1966, Hup uses a word order inversion strategy for polar (yes-no) questions but not for content questions.116

However, a cross-linguistic examination of the inversion strategy reveals that it is extremely rare outside Europe; moreover, Hup's useof inversion in polar questions is consistent with Hup's discourse strategy of fronting focused constituents and is thus clearlymotivated. These observations lead to a reevaluation of Greenberg's Universal #11 as simply an artifact of the European linguisticarea.Ardis Eschenberg (Nebraska Indian Community College) Session 94Alice Saunsoci (Nebraska Indian Community College)Ablaut in Umo n ho nIn Umo n ho n (Omaha), a Mississippi Valley Siouan language, verbs which end in -e in the first and second singular subject forms endin -a in all plural person forms. Also, these verbs also often end in -a in the third person singular forms. Thus, this alternation, whichhas been labeled as ‘ablaut’, does not simply vary based on a plurality distinction or person distinction. I explore the concept ofablaut, maintaining that it is generally morphologically conditioned, following Koontz 1984 but further refines the rules conditioningit to include pragmatic conditioning.Christina Esposito (Macalester College) Session 21The effects of linguistic experience on the perception of phonationHow do judgments of listeners with phonemic phonation contrasts differ from those of listeners with allophonic distinctions/nocontrast at all? What are the acoustic correlates of phonation perception? Gujarati (contrasts breathy vs modal), Spanish (nobreathiness) and English (allophonic breathiness) listeners judged breathy and modal stimuli from many languages. Gujaratis betterdistinguished breathy and modal stimuli than other listeners. English listeners were no better than Spanish. Gujaratis relied on H1-H2, the measure associated with their phonation production. English listeners relied weakly on H1-H2, the measure associated withtheir phonation production. Spanish listeners relied on H1-H2.Bruno Estigarribia (Stanford University) Session 26English yes-no questions: Variation in adult input & criteria for acquisitionWhat is the role in language acquisition of input to children? I analyze longitudinal data from CHILDES to show that extensivelyapplied criteria for acquisition fail when we consider the variation in adult productions of English yes-no questions. We also explorehow this variation, also present in child-directed speech, influences language development, in particular how the distribution ofdifferent adult question types determines the shape of children's developmental path.Zarina Estrada Fernández (University of Sonora/Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig) Session 98Lexical borrowing in Yaqui: A Loanword Typology perspectiveThe Loanword Typology project developed by the EVA-Max Planck Institute has established as its main goal the systematicdocumentation of loanwords patterns in languages from different parts of the world. The main results of this project will focus on theconstruction of a database as well on the publication of a volume where the main findings will be discussed. I deal with somemethodological issues--the difficulties in the exact dating of a borrowing and the difficulties in determining the source language ofborrowings, e.g. the loanword limeete 'glass'.Zarina Estrada Fernández (University of Sonora/Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig) Session 106Rolando Félix Armendáriz (University of Sonora)Middle voice in Uto-Aztecan languages of Northwest Mexico: Some similarities & differencesAccording to Kemmer 1993, 1994, cross-linguistically, middle constructions show an idiosyncratic behavior, that is, some maybehave as intransitives, others as middle, and a third group as transitives. I focus on the morphosyntactic properties of middle voiceconstructions in four Uto-Aztecan languages from northwest Mexico--Warihío, Yaqui, Pima Bajo, and Southern Tepehuan. Theanalysis of these four Uto-Aztecan languages shows that they could be organized along a continuum of transitivity. FollowingKemmer 1993, this continuum is as follows:S. Tepehuan Pima Bajo Yaqui Warihío-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ReflexivesIntransitives117

Marc Ettlinger (University of California, Berkeley) Session 7Amy Finn (University of California, Berkeley)Carla Hudson Kam (University of California, Berkeley)The effects of sonority on word segmentationTransitional probability, phonotactics, and stress all have been shown to play a part in the segmentation of speech into words. Weinvestigate whether the sonority hierarchy also plays a role. By pitting transitional probabilities against complex onsets that adherewith varying degree to the sonority sequencing principle (SSP; Jespersen 1904), we found that violations of the SSP led listeners tosegment words differently than they would have using transitional probabilities alone. This suggests that in addition to the learners'existing lexicon (Pitt 1998, Samuel 1986, Moreton 2002), certain critical acoustic universals also effect how a learner perceives andacquires language.Cleveland Kent Evans (Bellevue University) Session 77From Jose Maria to Axel & Alondra: Hispanic popular culture & given names in the United StatesRecent increases in the use of certain names show that Spanish language media have a big impact on what Spanish-speaking parents inthe United States choose to name their children. A good indication of major media impact on a name is the "tsunami curve," where asudden sharp increase peaks after only one or two years and then begins to recede. Statistics on several names popularized bycharacters in telenovellas or by celebrities, such as actresses and athletes, give striking examples of the impact of popular culture onparents' choices of given names in the Hispanic-American community.Cleveland Kent Evans (Bellevue University)From Shelby to Cohen: Seventy years of popular culture influence on American given namesANS Presidential AddressOver the past 70 years the names of popular film and television characters, "reality" program contestants, popular singers or songs,athletes, newscasters, and even murder victims have influenced what American parents name their children. Though it is incorrect toexplain all changes in name popularity by reference to particular media events, especially among the very most common names,names that fit the criteria of "different but not too different" can often have striking increases in use when they are presented tomillions of expectant parents at the same time through the modern mass media.Caleb Everett (University at Buffalo, State University of New York) Session 2The perception of nasality in KaritianaI present experimental data suggesting that in Tupí-Karitiana /b/ and /d/, previously considered allophones of /m/ and /n/, are attainingphonemic status. The data suggest that [b] and [d] exhibit greater perceptual distance, with respect to their homorganic nasalcounterparts, than would be expected if these sounds were merely allophones of the nasals in question. The perception data areconsistent with subtle distribution patterns. This study builds upon related speech perception studies such as Harnsberger 2001 andHuang 2004, which also demonstrate that heightened levels of distributional contrast between sounds correlates with greaterperceptual distance between the sounds.Thórhallur Eythórsson (University of Iceland) Session 33The new passive in Icelandic really is a passiveA syntactic change currently underway in Icelandic involves the so-called new passive, containing an auxiliary be and a nonagreeingpast participle assigning accusative case to a postverbal argument. Contra Maling and Sigurjónsdóttir 2002, I argue that thisconstruction is a passive without NP-movement but with structural accusative case assignment. The absence of structural accusativecase assignment in the canonical passive and its presence in the new passive is attributed to parametric variation in a case feature in afunctional head taking a VP complement. Thus, the difference between the canonical passive and the new passive in Icelandic isminimal.Paul D. Fallon (University of Mary Washington) Session 38Reconstructing glottalized obstruents for Proto-Central Cushitic (Proto-Agaw)Appleyard 2006 claims that "glottalized consonants do not need to be reconstructed for Proto-Agaw" (PA) since glottalization is dueto Ethiopian Semitic languages. Examination of other Cushitic languages reveals data suggesting that glottalized consonants shouldbe part of the inventory of PA. A reconstruction with ejectives also yields more plausible sound changes. A change from velar118

ejective to velar fricative is more plausible than the reverse since sufficient glottal pressure is difficult to maintain during productionof fricatives (Maddieson 1984). This study contributes to the reconstruction of Proto-Agaw and Proto-Cushitic and deepens ourunderstanding of sound changes involving glottalization.Ji Fang (Palo Alto Research Center) Session 14Peter Sells (Stanford University)A formal analysis of the verb copy construction in ChineseBased on historical evidence, facts of aspect attachment and of adjunct distribution, we propose that the verb copy construction (VCC)in Chinese is analyzed as a double/multiple-headed coordinated VP, with each VP as a co-head (in contrast to the single-head analysesof Huang 1982; Gouguet 2004, 2005). We further propose that the first VP stands in a subsumption relation (Zaenen & Kaplan 2002,2003) to every other VP. Our account predicts that the argument structure of V must be fully satisfied in the first VP, with all otherVPs introducing adjuncts, and it correctly allows extraction from only the first VP.Nicolas Faraclas (University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras) Session 85Jesús Morales Ramírez (University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras)Pier Ángeli Le Compte Zambrana (University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras)Intonation in Crucian EnglishlLexifier creoleUsing acoustic analysis, we document the intonation patterns of Crucian in order to determine how these intonation patterns compareto those found in other dialects of Afro-Caribbean English-lexifier Creole (ACELC).Ashley W. Farris (Indiana University) Session 50Doubly-derived environment blockingI highlight a phonological blocking effect not previously discussed, doubly-derived environment blocking. The phenomenon isnoteworthy because a sound that is allowed to occur, whether faithful or derived, is blocked when it is too distant in terms of featuresor derivational steps from the input. Although this effect does not result in opaque outputs, it seems to require an account motivatedby opacity effects. I argue that faithfulness-based extensions to optimality theory, such as local conjunction, can easily account for theeffect. However, markedness-based extensions, like comparative markedness, cannot. [NIH-DC00012 & 001694]Rolando Félix Armendáriz (University of Sonora) Session 95Preferred argument structure in Warihío & YaquiDu Bois 1985, 1987b, 2003 establishes some restrictions in the informational flow in discourse, what he calls ‘preferred argumentstructure’. The restrictions that have certain predictive value are: (1) Avoid more than one lexical core argument per clause. (2)Avoid lexical agents (A's). (3) Avoid more than one new core argument per clause. (4) Avoid new lexical mentions in A function.Such predictions seem to be confirmed by the languages of the present study. However, methodological issues--signaled by Englandand Martin 2003--appear when different narrative genera are compared, especially life stories and folk tales.Ted Fernald (Swarthmore College) Session 104Ellavina Perkins (Navajo Language Academy)Negative polarity items in NavajoCross-linguistically, a range of environments license negative polarity items (NPIs). Hale and Platero's (2000) ‘negative polarityconstruction’ consists of a verb containing an enclitic -í after its stem (e.g. nayiisnii'-í-da 's/he didn't buy anything'). We show that thisconstruction occurs strictly within negative scope. We identify a minimizer, lá'í ndi, which is grammatical in the same environment.We argue that expressions like haida 'anyone', conceptually linked to the enclitic -í, are a different variety of NPI. Making sense ofthe distribution of these expressions is a part of the job of descriptive linguistics where theoretical considerations have made acontribution.Fernanda Ferreira (Bridgewater State College) Session 93Popular Brazilian Portuguese as a semi-creole: Evidence from complex pluralsPrevious studies of Popular Brazilian Portuguese (PBP) propose that patterns of plural suffixation parallel those found in Portuguesebasedcreoles, making the case for its classification as a semi-creole (Holm 1998, 2004). Alternatively, Naro and Scherre 2000 and119

Scherre 2001 argue that the phenomenon follows language-internal developments. The present study focuses on variable marking ofcomplex/invariant plurals (nouns ending in /l, r, z/ and nasal diphthongs). Statistical runs reveal that a numeral adjective favors thedeletion of /s/ at the noun, regardless of its relative position in the noun phrase. The study advances the discussion of priorcreolization for PBP.Fred Field (California State University, Northridge) Session 88The double-whammy: Linguistic minority writers, rhetorical strategies, & salient grammatical featuresReading, presumably half of literacy, is not merely deciphering an alphabet or decoding written versions of what people say. Itinvolves considerable cultural knowledge, knowledge characteristically possessed by ‘mainstream’ children of traditionally literatemiddle class folks. When engaging in academic writing (literacy's other half), nonnative speakers of English and those who speaknonstandard varieties, including creoles, are typically penalized for both failing to structure discourse according to ‘accepted’rhetorical strategies and for surface grammatical errors (hence, the double whammy). I discuss links between cultural literacy andwritten language, popular culture and oral language, and their affects on teachers' expectations.Sara Finley (Johns Hopkins University) Session 7William Badecker (Johns Hopkins University)Vowel harmony & cognitive restrictions on feature-based learningWe present results from three artificial grammar learning experiments that support a cognitively biased, feature-based theory ofphonological learning. Adults listened to mini languages with morphophonological alternations that were modulated by back/roundvowel harmony (Experiments 1 and 2) and height harmony (Experiment 3). Training with positive data exposed participants to fourvowels in a six-vowel inventory. Forms with the two remaining vowels appeared at test only. If participants use features and naturalclasses, they should generalize to the novel segments. Participants’ generalization to novel segments correlated with cross-linguisticharmony typology, supporting the cognitively biased feature-based theory of learning.Malcolm A. Finney (California State University, Long Beach) Session 89Creoles as mediums of instruction: A realistic or an idealistic notion?I support the notion of using creoles as mediums of instruction and draw on linguistic and pedagogical principles for support.Acquisition and development of literacy skills are more effective with oral proficiency. Thus, literacy introduction is preferable in thelanguage--the creole--that children speak and think in. I address two possible ways in which this could be implemented, monolingualcreole instruction or a bilingual education program using both the creole and the existing official languages as mediums of instruction.I further address challenges in implementation including problems of standardization and codification, negative attitudes, andresources required.Malcolm A. Finney (California State University, Long Beach) Session 88Determining country of origin through language analysis: Asylum cases involving Sierra Leone Krio & EnglishThe civil war in the 1990s in Sierra Leone resulted in refugees purportedly from Sierra Leone seeking asylum primarily in Europeancountries, which have often relied on paid analyses and counter-analyses of recordings of language use (including Krio and English) todetermine accurate language use and in effect speech communities of applicants. As a counter-analyst, I use concrete examples frommultiple assignments I have been involved with to identify the strengths and challenges of such analyses. Language analysis could beuseful in identifying degree of fluency in a target language but not always in determining country of origin.R. W. Fischer (University of Amsterdam) Session 104Eva van Lier (University of Amsterdam)Comparable distribution of parts-of-speech & dependent clauses in Cofán, an unclassified language spoken in the Amazonian borderregion between Colombia & EcuadorIt has been argued that the distribution of a language's parts-of-speech (PoS) system is similar to the distribution of its dependentclauses (DC's) (E. van Lier, Folia Linguistica 40:239-304, 2006). We discuss Cofán (R. Fischer, A grammar of Cofán, in prep.) as acounter-example to this claim, because it combines functionally flexible DC's with functionally specialized PoS-classes. We arguethat similarity in the distribution of PoS and DC's should be regarded as a default pattern from which a language can deviate as long asit has others means (word order, case marking) to assure functional transparency.120

Kathryn Flack (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 18Phonotactic restrictions across prosodic domainsFor any phonotactic restriction on syllable onsets and codas, it can be shown that there are corresponding restrictions on the edges ofhigher prosodic domains--words, phrases, utterances, etc. In order to account for these correspondences among restrictions on theedges of prosodic domains, I argue that any markedness constraint referring to syllable onsets (M Onset ) or codas (M Coda ) is part of aM Onset (Onset/Y) or M Coda (Coda/Y) constraint schema. Through constraint interaction, these prosodic domain-edge markednessconstraints can induce epenthesis, deletion, and metathesis at the edges of prosodic domains and can also determine a word’s prosodicstructure.Nicholas Fleisher (University of California, Berkeley) Session 46Infinitival relative standards for attributive gradable adjectivesI examine the syntax and semantics of English attributive adjectives with postnominal infinitival clauses. I am particularly concernedwith those adjectives that do not select infinitival complements, like long, and with the ‘inappropriateness’ reading associated withthem in this construction, as in the sentence Middlemarch is a long book to read in one sitting. I propose that sentences of this typeare in fact comparatives, with the infinitival clause filling the role of the than-clause in an ordinary comparative. Theinappropriateness reading falls out from basic composition of the independently motivated semantics of comparatives and infinitivalrelatives.Simeon Floyd (University of Texas-Austin) Session 104On the status of the ‘adjectival noun’ in the Quechuan languagesThe Quechuan languages are frequently described as prototypical of systems that do not formally distinguish between adjectives andnouns. I show how a close look at syntactic head-modifier relationships and at issues of discourse context can reveal a subtle formaldistinction between a large class of nouns and a smaller class of true Quechua adjectives. I use examples from my video/elicitationmaterials of the Imbabura and Cotopaxi dialects of Ecuadorian Quechua and compare them with examples from several Peruviandialects to find ways of rethinking the concept of ‘adjectival nouns’ in the Quechuan languages.Vivienne Fong (Stanford University) Session 37Verbs, sources, & goalsThe source prepositions from and out of/off are different. In manner of motion constructions, from PPs tend to require a goal phrase;out of/off tend not to. From PPs tend to require a goal phrase with atelic verbs, but not with telic verbs; out of/off are neutral. Thesetendencies are unaccounted for in discussions of the Goal Path bias. I propose different semantics for from and out of/off, and modelthe co-occurrence patterns of these preposition and verb classes in optimality theory. The resulting factorial typology reveals a set ofuniversal implications that correctly predicts the asymmetries in verb-PP combinations.John Foreman (Utica College) Session 99Do children still speak Macuiltianguis Zapotec?I explore whether children still acquire Sierra Juárez Zapotec as spoken in San Pablo Macuiltianguis (SPM) in Oaxaca, Mexico. SomeZapotec villages are filled with Zapotec-speaking children, and in SPM itself, numerous Chinantec speakers attend the junior high.However, the youngest Zapotec speaker I had previously identified is 32. The 2000 census, though, found some 197 Zapotec speakers5-19 years old in SPM. I report the results of a qualitative study that investigated in what sense these children are speakers. Do theyhave passive comprehension or are they active speakers?Catherine Fortin (University of Michigan) Session 29Indonesian sluicingWhen sluicing is viewed cross-linguistically, certain morphosyntactic patterns are assumed to be without exception. These patternsinclude the P-stranding generalization (Merchant 2001) and the prohibition on voice alternations between antecedent clauses andsluices that contain 'sprouted' (Chung, Ladusaw, & McCloskey 1995) wh-expressions. In this, the first detailed examination ofIndonesian sluicing, I show that Indonesian appears to conform to neither of these two patterns, and I address the implications of thisnew data for 'movement-and-deletion' analyses of sluicing (e.g. Ross 1969) which maintain a semantic identity condition must obtainbetween the antecedent and sluiced clauses (e.g. Merchant 2001).121

Cynthia A. Fox (University at Albany, State University of New York) Session 64La pâtisserie de Bayeux: (Mis)adventures in transcribing a mega-corpus of Franco-American FrenchWe report on the transcription phase of a project to collect and analyze a large-scale representative sample of the French spoken by theFranco-American population of the northeastern United States. We first describe the transcription protocol and the different measurestaken to train and ensure uniformity of practice among our research team. We then provide examples of utterances that were initiallymisunderstood and of their subsequent reanalysis. We demonstrate how these misperceptions, which frequently provided comic reliefduring an otherwise arduous task, help us to better understand features that define Franco-American as a distinct variety of NorthAmerican French.Itamar Francez (Stanford University) Session 37Semantic structure & argument realization in (mostly Hebrew) existentialsAcross languages, the single NP in existential constructions (the ‘pivot’) exhibits coding properties inconsistent with either subject orobject classification. Previous analyses have related the morphosyntax of pivots to unaccusativity. I argue that unaccusativity cannotaccount for the properties of pivots and that they are best analyzed as a semantically predicative element rather than a semanticargument. I propose a novel semantics for existentials in which the pivot is a predicate of contextually determined domains. I showhow the proposed semantics illuminates the otherwise anomalous morphosyntax of Hebrew existentials, demonstrating thatmorphosyntactic generalizations are to a large extent semantically driven.Elaine J. Francis (Purdue University) Session 12Stephen Matthews (University of Hong Kong)Verb-doubling facilitates sentence production in CantoneseSeveral constructions in Chinese exhibit verb-doubling, whereby a copy of the main verb occurs both before and after the directobject. Our study examines cases where there is a choice between constructions with and without verb-doubling in Cantonese. Incontrast to previous discourse-based accounts, we propose that grammatically nonobligatory verb-doubling occurs to facilitatesentence processing when the object is heavy, as predicted by Hawkins' 2004 principle of minimize domains. Our poster reports theresults of an elicited production task using stimuli with light, medium, and heavy object NPs in configurations where verb-doubling ispossible but not present in the stimuli.Melissa Frazier (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill) Session 50Dominance in inflectional paradigmsI examine the accent patterns of athematic nouns in Proto-Indo-European, which are each distinguished by alternating stress or vowelquality between ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ forms. Surface stress is predictable given the accent specifications of the morphemes thatcompose the stem. The strong endings are dominant and responsible for the accent/ablaut alternations. In optimality theory, the weakforms are accounted for with a ranking of faithfulness and alignment constraints. The dominant strong endings trigger antifaithfulnessconstraints (Alderete 1999), and so a new type of antifaithfulness constraint is introduced that works within inflectional paradigms,following the optimal paradigms model (McCarthy 2005).Shin Fukuda (University of California, San Diego) Session 25Control/raising ambiguity with aspectual verbs is a structural ambiguityAccording to most of the current analyses of control/raising, which assume that the control/raising distinction derives from selectionalrestrictions, control/raising ambiguity with aspectual verbs (Perlmutter 1970) would have to be a lexical ambiguity. I argue, instead,that it is a structural ambiguity. Following Wurmbrand's (2001) analysis of the control/raising ambiguity in German, I argue thataspectual verbs occupy two different positions in a clause, either below or above voice/v, in three unrelated languages--Japanese,Basque, and Romance languages. My analysis is also extended to English aspectual verbs, whose positional differences arguablyresult in two different complement structures--infinitival and gerundive.N. Louanna Furbee (University of Missouri, Columbia) Session 98Tojolab'al reflexes of a Classic Maya rhetorical structure & its discourse markers (T 126/M-L 32M & T 679/M-L YM1)I report identification of (1) a discourse structure and (2) two particles in present-day Tojolab'al Maya narrative that reflect both arhetorical device and two marker glyphs in Maya hieroglyphic inscriptions. Both in hieroglyphic inscriptions and present-day122

narratives, this rhetorical device attaches a focal event to happenings that occurred both before and after it, situating it in adistinguishable sequence. Glyph texts employed an additive glyph, the ‘anterior date indicator’, and a subtractive glyph, the ‘posteriordate indicator’. In Tojolab'al, the reflexes of these two are ti (ti xa/teya (ti ay xa)) 'until' and ay xa (axa) 'since', respectively.Susanne Gahl (University of Chicago) Session 32When that sounds unlikely: Sequential & syntactic probabilities in pronunciationWords shorten in high-probability contexts. This observation has been considered evidence that grammar is probabilistic. But whichprobabilities affect word durations? Two possible factors are the probability of a word, given its neighbors (word-to-word transitions)and the probability of a word's syntactic context. Most linguists assume that grammar is not reducible to word-to-word transitions.Therefore, if only word-to-word transitions, but not syntactic probabilities, affect pronunciation, then pronunciation cannot tell uswhether grammar is probabilistic. I present corpus evidence from the duration of verbs and optional that in complement clauses,reflecting the respective contributions of word-to-word transitions and syntactic probabilities.Gillian Gallagher (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 55Coalescence in West Greenlandic Eskimo: Survival of the well-cuedIn West Greenlandic Eskimo (WG), geminates are formed through coalescence in two derived environments (C 1 C 2 C: 1,2 ).Pharyngealization is preserved, when present, from either C 1 or C 2 while major place and manner features are preserved from C 1 inone environment and C 2 in the other. I argue that feature preservation in WG is predictable from the quality and duration of cues inthe underived, i.e., citation, form. Pharyngealization is consistently preserved because it is cued by the lowering of an adjacent vowelin the underived form; other place and manner features are preserved from the prevocalic consonant.MaryEllen Garcia (University of Texas, San Antonio) Session 57Sociolects in Mi Vida Loca: Indexing identities of Mexican American YouthsThe independent movie, Mi Vida Loca, ‘My Crazy Life’ (1993), depicts the lives of a girls' friendship network in the Echo Parkdistrict of Los Angeles. The Mexican American youths and their boyfriends live by their own code of ethics, values, and honor. Theirlanguage--primarily English with some codeswitching to Spanish--serves to underscore the unique identity of this group historically,ethnically, and societally. I examine how specific U.S. sociolects are employed by the characters and how the identities indexedthrough them serve to portray their ethnicity, peer alignment, and social rebellion.Susan Garzon (Oklahoma State University) Session 65The 18th-century roots of southern American discourse patternsThe speech of American southerners often juxtaposes polite indirection with potential hostility, as Barbara Johnstone hasdemonstrated. I trace this discourse pattern to the 18th century, when colonial Virginians battled to uphold their honor within ahierarchical social order. Amid drinking and wagers, convivial conversations easily turned to insult and challenge. However,threatening speech was often mitigated by ‘elaborate civility’, utilizing hypothetical structures and respectful address terms. Evidencecomes from 18th century letters and the comedies of Robert Munford. As southerners moved westward, they transplanted their socialorder, values, and discourse patterns, modifying them over time.Lewis Gebhardt (Northwestern University) Session 51Bare nouns aren't bareCommon bare count nouns are typically interpreted as -type predicates, on the assumption that they refer to sets of entities orproperties; or they are variously interpreted as or , depending on the language. I argue from Persian and English that nounsare always of type . Apparent differences in the distribution of bare nouns between classifier languages (Persian) and numbermarkinglanguages (English) stem from morphological differences. What look like bare nouns aren't bare. Rather they projectfunctional structure with potentially null heads. A standard cross-linguistic DP syntax reflects the same semantic interpretations ofnominals.Effi Georgala (Cornell University) Session 48Two distinct sources for the dative alternationIdiom facts from English and Greek pose a challenge to the uniform polysemy view that assigns two distinct underlying syntactic123

structures to the double object construction and the prepositional construction (Marantz 1993, Harley 2003 among others). I departfrom the uniform polysemy tradition in that (1) I argue that there are two distinct sources for to-datives. (2) I allow applicative tolicense both DP and PP complements, as long as they bear the same theta role. By respecting UTAH (Baker 1988) and allowingvariation in categorial structure, my approach captures the fact that thematic role configurations map directly to syntax.Donna B. Gerdts (Simon Fraser University) Session 105The semantics of reciprocity in HalkomelemHalkomelem reciprocals often have a strong 'each other' meaning, allowing all permutations of agents and patients, includingadjacency, pairwise, melee, and chained meanings. Halkomelem also has asymmetric reciprocals, with a singular subject and anoblique-marked co-argument, and reciprocal unergative verbs with a 'together' reading. Often, several reciprocal verbs appear in achain. The range of meanings for Halkomelem reciprocals is so broad that, rather than thinking of them as part of the domain ofanaphora (as one would for English each other), it is more useful to discuss reciprocity in terms of event structure, as one wouldpluractionality.Jürgen Gerhards (Free University of Berlin) Session 72Denis Huschka (German Institute for Economic Research, Berlin)Gert G. Wagner (Berlin University of Technology)Naming differences in divided GermanyWe present the results of an analysis of different naming in East and West Germany. As a consequence of World War II, Germanywas territorially divided. This division lasted 40 years, a time span in which highly different geo-political frameworks influencedpeoples lives and, eventually, name choices as well. The questions are: To what extent can we, regardless of a common language anda shared cultural history, observe different name distribution patterns and name preferences in the two parts of the country? What dothe differences look like? And how did the differences develop over time?Carrie Gillon (University of British Columbia) Session 51Determiners as domain restriction: Evidence from Skwxwú7meshI propose a strict correlation between syntax and semantics, whereby the position D is universally associated with domain restriction(cf. Westerståhl 1984). Evidence for this comes from two unrelated languages: English and Skwxwú7mesh Salish. This correlationbetween D and its meaning allows us to explore the difference between Skwxwú7mesh and English. English nominals display adefinite/indefinite split whereas Skwxwú7mesh nominals do not. I argue that definiteness is not a primitive of the grammar andinstead arises from the interaction of domain restriction and assertion of uniqueness.Ives Goddard (Smithsonian Institution) Session 101Contamination effects of two Mahican morphological changes(1) In Mahican (Eastern Algonquian), imperative singulars would be expected to have -n (< PA *-ro) in some forms and -h (< *-nro)in others, but -h has replaced -n in all forms by ordinary paradigmatic analogy. By contamination, obviative singular and inanimateplural suffixes ending in -n (< *-ri) replaced this in some endings with -h by contamination from the imperative. (2) When thecontraction of aw- to o was replaced by contraction to a, this replacement of surface * o by a spread by contamination to grammaticalcategories and words where it was neither phonologically nor morphologically motivated.Shelome Gooden (University of Pittsburgh) Session 61Maeve Eberhardt (University of Pittsburgh)AAVE in Pittsburgh: Ethnicity, local identity, & local speechWe investigate the use of features of Pittsburgh speech by African Americans in the region, focusing on two variables--themonophthongization of /aw/ and the low-back merger, which differ in their salience in the region. Data analyzed are drawn fromsociolinguistic interviews conducted with African Americans in Pittsburgh from three age groups. Findings reveal that whereasspeakers reject "whiteness" through avoidance of high-salient features, there is not simultaneous rejection of "localness" since theAfrican American interviewees not only self-identify as ‘Pittsburghers' but also use less salient features of the local dialect in theirown speech.124

Kyle Gorman (University of Pennsylvania) Session 35Jennifer Cole (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Mark Hasegawa-Johnson (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Margaret Fleck (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Automatic detection of turn-taking cues in spontaneous speech using prosodic featuresEnd-of-turn (EOT) cues allow speakers to coordinate turn-change with minimal pause or overlap. We model EOT in the Switchboardcorpus by assuming that EOT cues are prosodic features on the turn-final word. A CART classifier trained on a set of acousticprosodicfeatures (F0, segment and pause duration) extracted from each word and stress foot predicts EOT with .936 accuracy(baseline .5). Segment duration is a robust predictor. F0 is a poor predictor by itself but improves classification accuracy combinedwith other features. Segment duration is the most salient cue for low-latency (i.e., on-line) prediction.Tania Granadillo (Miami University) Session 98The Kurripako-Baniwa continuum within the Arawak language familyMuch confusion surrounds the position of the Kurripako-Baniwa dialect continuum within the Arawak family and the number ofvarieties involved. At least two different languages are called ‘Baniwa’, and various dialects within the continuum have at times beenidentified as separate languages by authorities on South American language classification. I present the more than 100 names thathave been used to identify the Kurripako-Baniwadialects, explain how they have come into being, and identify those that refer to thesame dialect. I propose a classification of these dialects into four groups as suggested by native-speaker collaborators and presentcomparative evidence that supports this classification.Sven Grawunder (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig) Session 21Pharyngealized prosodeme quality in KetThe present study of interspeaker and intraspeaker variability focuses among the prosodemes in Ket on the 'pharyngeal(ized) tone'. Asacoustic measures served amplitude slope and envelope tilt of the sound pressure wave, zero crossing rate, formant transitions,bandwidths trend, and formant amplitude trend in order to calculate the coefficient of variance as a central measure. The most salientcharacteristic is a peak of the zero crossing rate right in the beginning of the constriction phase. Within the investigated context, theinvestigated characteristics are highly invariant (COV below 10%). Only in nonisolated context the speakers show higher variability,but not higher than 20%.Stefan Th. Gries (University of California, Santa Barbara) Session 35Resampling corpora: Investigating the amounts & sources of variation within & between corporaI investigate the fact that corpus analyses of even the same (kind of) phenomenon always yield different results. I introduce a newstatistical approach to corpus data, which is based on simulations and bottom-up exploratory statistics and achieves three objectives.(1) The approach identifies and quantifies the degree of variability coming with the results by providing interval estimates. (2) Theapproach allows us to explore the source of the observed variability. (3) It even offers a measure of corpus homogeneity on the basisof any particular phenomenon (rather than just words or character n-grams).Veronica Grondona (Eastern Michigan University) Session 104Chorote active-inactive alignment & its typological significanceI discuss the alignment system in Chorote, a Matacoan language spoken in Argentina and Paraguay, and situate Chorote within thetypology of alignment systems and within languages of the Chaco region. Chorote, like other languages of the Chaco, has a system ofperson markers on the verb with active-inactive alignment (also called 'active-stative'). The parameters that define the system inChorote differ to a certain extent from those of other languages of the area. The treatment of such systems has been disputed recently,both in terms of their theoretical treatment and the terminology applied to them.Donovan Grose (Purdue University) Session 21Deriving phonological domains from morphosyntax: Evidence from nonmanual adverbials in ASLSuprasegmental nonmanual behaviors (NM) in American Sign Language (ASL) have been recently compared to intonation in spokenlanguages. Accounting for the phonological domains of various types of NM requires two nonisomorphic parses: a morphosyntacticparse (M 0 ) derived from syntactic phases, and a prosodic parse (P 0 ) composed of prosodic constituents (Seidl cite). NM can beidentified referring to both parses, such as adverbial NM referencing M 0 and eye-blinks referencing P 0 .125

Steven Gross (East Tennessee State University) Session 82Language processing dynamics in creole formation & interlanguage developmentMany current models of creole genesis recognize the central role that adult L2 acquisition processes, e.g. transfer, relexification, andreanalysis, play in the early development of creole languages. However, while the insights offered on this relationship between creoleformation and SLA have shed light on the often-noted absence of inflectional morphology from the primary lexifier language increoles, few attempts have been made to link this fact with what we know about language processing constraints. I argue that thearchitecture of the mental lexicon and the differential accessibility of morphemes during language production lie at the heart of thestructural similarities between creole languages and interlanguage development. This model of language production suggests severalhypotheses concerning the structure of creoles and interlanguage systems, which are put to the test. The evidence indicates that thisview of language production can explain a large body of linguistic data from various creoles and second language development.M. Catherine Gruber (University of Chicago) Session 6The rhetorics of erasure in defendants' apology narratives at sentencingI report on the apology narratives produced by defendants during their allocutions at sentencing hearings. The data for this paperconsist of 52 apology narratives that were collected in three different federal courtrooms. These courtroom apologies are marked byerasure in the forms of all-inclusive expressions and the use of bare I'm sorry and I (just) apologize statements which erase the forargumentof the canonical argument structure for sorry and apologize. I argue that erasure can be understood as a protective strategyin the context of the monologic speech event of allocution.Lilián Guerrero (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México) Session 25Same-subject deletion: A matter of economy?This study outlines the syntax and semantics of want complements found in Uto-Aztecan languages. Two crucial aspects areexamined--whether the notional subject of the dependent unit is left implicit or not and whether the desiderative predicate is realizedas a full verb, an auxiliary verb, or a verbal affix. The analysis questions the proposal of economy and frequency as the solemotivation for same-subject deletion in want complements and provides evidence for an iconic effect: The more syntacticallyintegrated the two units are, the closer the events denoted by a predicate and its complement will be.Seungwan Ha (Boston University) Session 14On ellipsis features & right node raisingRight node raising (RNR) has been argued to be a purely PF-phenomenon. However, I show that RNR contains many properties ofellipsis, such as lack of morphological identity and sloppy identity. Contra previous accounts, I propose that RNR is an ellipsisphenomenon and licensed by a variant of the E(llipsis)-feature (Merchant 2001) and that the E-feature in RNR (i.e., E RNR ) can belinked to contrastive focus. Therefore, when the focused pre-RNR element is merged, it can bear ERNR, thus instructing PF not topronounce the RNR target. Also, e-GIVENness imposed by E RNR must be observed in RNR.Youssef A. Haddad (University of Florida) Session 25Copy adjunct control in AssameseoThe main purpose of this paper is to document and analyze a phenomenon of obligatory copy control into conjunctive participle(CNP) clauses in an Indo-Aryan language: Assamese. Copy control in Assamese is a relation of co-referentiality between twopronounced subjects, as illustrated in 1.(1) [Ram-Or i xomoi no-thok-i] xi i/*j / Ram-e bhat na-kha-l-e[Ram-GEN i time NEG-keep-CNP] he i/*j / Ram-NOM rice NEG-eat-PAST-AGR‘Having no time, Ram didn't eat rice.’The analysis adopts the movement theory of control (Hornstein 1999). Following Nunes 2004, I argue that 1 is an instance ofsideward movement. At PF, both copies are pronounced for reasons to be specified.Hyun-Jong Hahm (University of Texas, Austin) Session 45The meaning of pronouns in Peninsular Spanish & ItalianCoordinated phrases do not have syntactic heads and cause semantic agreement (Pollard & Sag 1994). I propose that polite pronounsusted(es) in Peninsular Spanish and lei in Italian have the same person value-3rd, explaining 3rd person verb agreement; however,126

their different semantic interpretations of pronouns and finite verbs (in Horn scale) in each language explain different personagreement with coordinated phrases. Spanish 2nd person verbs have specific meaning related to intimate hearer/addressee whileItalian ones have meaning related to any hearer. With coordinated phrasal subjects, verbs are selected by scalar implicature.T. A. Hall (Indiana University) Session 50Comparative markedness makes the wrong typological predictionsAccording to comparative markedness (CM; McCarthy 2003), every markedness constraint has an 'old' and a 'new' version. Analternative to CM is 'traditional' OT (enriched faithfulness theory: EFT), which uses faithfulness constraints that are not relevant inCM. I consider the CM treatment of [-voice] assimilation in Mekkan Arabic and show that it can also be accommodated in EFT. Idemonstrate that CM and EFT make different typological predictions: According to CM there should not be languages in which[+voice] (but not [-voice]) assimilates, but according to EFT there should be. Since such languages exist (e.g. Ukranian), theconclusion is that EFT is superior to CM.Peter Hallman (University of Toronto) Session 37Incorporation of null arguments in InuktitutNull pronominal 'external' (ergative and absolutive) and 'internal' (instrumental, etc.) arguments in Inuktitut differ in interpretation.Null external arguments are definite (analogous to English s/he) while null internal arguments are indefinite (analogous to Englishone). The indefinite interpretation is a 'predicate modification' reading characteristic of overt incorporated objects, suggesting that nullpronominal internal arguments are syntactically licensed by incorporation. The unavailability of incorporation to external arguments(which are licensed by agreement) explains the interpretational disparity between internal and external null arguments in Inuktitut.Eric P. Hamp (University of Chicago) Session 81Brian D. Joseph (Ohio State University)Austrian engineer Karl Steinmetz: Forgotten Albanologist, sometime linguistDocumentation on Albanian from the pre-modern period is exceedingly sparse. Thus, several previously obscure and generallyignored early 20th century works by Austrian engineer Karl Steinmetz--his Not-Woerterbuch (Sarajevo 1912), Grammatik (Sarajevo1913), and Feldwoerterbuch (1913)--based on visits to pre-World War I Albanian-speaking territory, are actually importantAlbanological contributions. We present information on Steinmetz and discuss noteworthy linguistic aspects of these works.Together, they present a fresh view of the early 20th century Geg dialect and reveal Steinmetz as a keen and accurate observer of thelanguage. They thus bear unexpectedly valuable early, if undernoticed, witness to pre-WWI Albanian dialectology.Kathryn L. Hansen Session 23Evidence for discrete movement segments in American Sign LanguageThe movements of American Sign Language have variously been treated as holistic units, as interpolations between static postures,and as segmental positions that incorporate only a subset of the movements. The present analysis, however, unites the movementswith a set of recombinant distinctive features. The contrastive status of certain finger and arm movements exemplifies the unifyingnature of this system. Allophonic variations, conditioned by adjacent nonmovement postures, provide evidence of a class of discretesegment-sized movement units along the syntagmatic axis or skeletal tier.Sharon Hargus (University of Washington) Session 102Virginia Beavert (Heritage University, Toppenish)The case for adpositions in Yakima SahaptinPrevious descriptions of Sahaptin morphology and syntax do not mention an adposition category, with the exception of Jacobs 1931,who regards the case suffixes as postpositions. We suggest that a category of adposition should be recognized for (at least) theYakima dialect of Sahaptin (YS). In YS, some relation-indicating words require a nominal object; some prohibit a nominal object;with some a nominal object is optional. When a nominal object is possible, a case suffix is required on the object. The case suffix isnot predictable on semantic or other grounds, adding to the grammatical distinctness of the adposition category.127

Heidi Harley (University of Arizona) Session 106Jason Haugen (University of Arizona)On the grammatical expression of inception & cessation in Hiaki (Yaqui)We describe and compare the various constructions used for inception and cessation in Hiaki (Yaqui). In addition to verbal suffixesthere are verb-affix ‘hybrids’ that can stand alone or be suffixed to another verb: naate (inceptive) and ya'ate (cessative). One hybrid,hapte 'stand up', is only used for plural subjects and is ambiguous between 'start' and 'stop'. We analyze its aspectual meaning as'change in action' (i.e. beginning an action not yet begun or ceasing an action already ongoing). The singular subject form of thissuppletive verb (kikte) does not have this meaning. Finally, while suffixal -taite (inceptive) cannot appear as a free verb, it is able tohost a cessative suffix.Martin Haspelmath (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig) Session 40Explaining some universals of causative verb formationSynthetic causative verbs can be formed the more easily (i.e., in more languages or with shorter coding), the higher the noncausativebase is on the following scale: energy-costly unaccusatives ('break') > automatic unaccusatives ('freeze') > unergatives ('laugh') >transitives ('cut'). This scale, called ‘spontaneity scale’ here, generalizes over some earlier noted universals (e.g. by Nedjalkov andSil'nickij 1969, Haspelmath 1993, Shibatani 2002). I argue that the explanation for the various trends covered by this scale isfrequency of use: The higher a noncausative base is on the scale, the more likely it is that it will occur as a causative.Martin Haspelmath (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig) Session 84Typical creole features & the World Atlas of Language StructuresTo count as characteristic of creoles, a grammatical feature not only has to be present in most creoles and absent in their lexifierlanguages but must also not be pervasive in the world’s languages. Thus, to understand what is typical of creoles, we need to knowwhat is typical in general. I present a new tool for worldwide comparison, the World Atlas of Language Structures (OUP 2005). Thislarge-scale collaborative work shows the worldwide distribution of 142 grammatical features in 400 languages on average. Creolistscan exploit this database to evaluate ‘typical’ creole features in a worldwide context.Midori Hayashi (University of Toronto) WITHDRAWN Session 18What accounts for boosts in downstep? Syntax-prosody mapping revisitedBruce Hayes (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 7Colin Wilson (University of California, Los Angeles)A maximum entropy model of phonotactics & phonotactic learningWe propose a theory of phonotactic grammars and an algorithm for learning them. Our grammars, which consist of constraintsweighted according to the principle of maximum entropy, characterize both categorical and gradient phonotactic patterns. Ourlearning algorithm assumes no a priori constraint set but instead uses its own resources to construct the constraints. To illustrate themodel, we first show that a baseline version suffices to learn the phonotactics of English onsets. An augmented version of the model,with autosegmental tiers and metrical grids, can learn more complex systems: vowel harmony, unbounded stress, and the completephonotactics of Wargamay.Kirk Hazen (West Virginia University) Session 62Sarah Hamilton (West Virginia University)The effects of migration on Appalachian language variation patternsOur analysis of one Appalachian family's language variation affected by migration reveals distinctive quantitative levels of vernacularpatterns. One of the most important variables is was leveling, with the migrants having a higher rate (70%) of the vernacular variantsthan those who stayed (45%). The findings indicate that Appalachian migrants negotiate their sociolinguistic identity between theirfamily members and their adopted homes. Once "reunited" in West Virginia, they work to reestablish their sociolinguistic profiles,reinforcing local, West Virginia norms. From our analysis of this one family, migration has affected the language variation patterns oftraditional Appalachian speech.128

Jeffrey Heinz (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 7Learning long-distance agreement patternsI present an unsupervised learning algorithm that learns long-distance agreement (LDA) patterns. LDA patterns are those wheremembers of some set of segments may not follow members of another set of segments, no matter how many segments intervene.LDA patterns are represented as finite-state acceptors that only reject words that disobey the long-distance phonotactic. This propertyis advantageous because this acceptor can be intersected with acceptors returned by algorithms identifying other (local) phonotacticpatterns. The algorithm works by building an acceptor using precedence relations in the input sample--thus the final grammar acceptsonly words containing precedence relations in the sample.Ivonne Heinze Balcazar (California State University, Dominguez Hills) Session 103The borrowing patterns of three Kaqchikel Maya generationsI discuss the results of a study conducted in Tecpán, Guatemala, on the borrowing patterns of Kaqchikel monolingual adults andchildren and Kaqchikel-Spanish children. A major finding of this study is that these generations' borrowing patterns reveal linguisticchanges that are in progress due to socioeconomic conditions, e.g. the clothing practices of the community. Another finding is that theresults provide synchronic evidence to Brown's (1999) proposal regarding diachronic borrowings in Native American languages.Moreover, the results point to sociolinguistic patterns of discourse that adopt Spanish lexemes for new cultural concepts and items andreplace Kaqchikel lexemes that have lost their ‘communicative power’ (Richards 1998:99).Randall Hendrick (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill) Session 46Explaining a weak adjectival island in EnglishInfinitival complements of tough movement adjectives function as islands for wh-movement as in 1. However, wh-movementsometimes applies acceptably to such complements as in 2.(1) *How interested was it hard to seem?(2) Who was Jill anxious to vote for?I outline a semantic explanation for these weak islands facts that assimilates them to negative islands. I contend that the island effectresults from the interaction of the semantics of how questions proposed in Rullmann 1995 with the semantics of gradable adjectivesoffered by Kennedy and McNally 2005. Corroborating evidence comes from modal contexts.Jessica Peterson Hicks (Northwestern University) Session 26Jeffrey L. Lidz (University of Maryland, College Park)Jessica Maye (Northwestern University)The role of function words in infants' syntactic categorization of novel wordsWe show that at 15 months, infants exploit function words to interpret novel content words as nouns and verbs. In two HPP tasks,infants were familiarized to nonwords paired with a determiner or auxiliary. At test, words occurred with a new functor that wasgrammatical or ungrammatical; alternatively, functors occurred with unfamiliar words. Infants listened significantly longer to items inwhich novel words occurred with a functor of the familiarized category than to either ungrammatical targets or to unfamiliar words.These results support the proposal that co-occurrence relationships between words facilitate construction of initial syntactic categories.Sarah Hilliard (Duke University) Session 60Principles of nonstandard orthography in folk dictionariesI explore the complex set of issues raised in the representation of speech through writing within folk dictionaries, informal"dictionaries" of nonstandard dialects. Adoption of nonstandard orthography is a pivotal issue within folk dictionaries due to thesedictionaries' frequent emphasis on representing phonological patterns language and their use of alphabetic arrangement. Furthermore,nonstandard spellings may be symbolically loaded, especially in light of the typical place of dictionaries in American society astouchstones of standard spelling and usage. Based on a close reading of approximately 50 folk dictionaries, I describe and analyze therole of orthography within this genre.Martin Hilpert (Rice University) Session 56English be going to & Dutch gaan: Two futures going their separate waysComparisons of the expression of future time in English and Dutch commonly view the forms be going to and gaan are translational129

equivalents. I argue that their similarity has been overstated. Based on quantitative data from historical and synchronic corpora, Ishow that be going to and gaan have developed in different ways, and have come to convey different functions in modern usage.Differences with respect to transitivity, agentivity, and lexical aspect show that movement-based future markers do not grammaticalizeidentically across languages.Daniel J. Hintz (University of California, Santa Barbara/SIL International) Session 94Evidentiality & the co-construction of knowledge in South Conchucos QuechuaThe term ‘epistemicity’ generally invokes the notion of knowledge held by an individual speaker, whether the source of thatknowledge is personal or nonpersonal, whether that knowledge results from direct or indirect experience, and whether the individualholds that knowledge with a high or low degree of certainty. In addition to these evidential and validational dimensions ofepistemicity, South Conchucos Quechua also expresses knowledge grammatically along another dimension, that of individual vsmutual knowledge. Elements of individual knowledge, expressed by the enclitics =mi (high certainty) and =chi (low certainty), serveas building blocks for an emerging mutual knowledge, expressed by =cha: (high certainty) and =chir (low certainty).Diane M. Hintz (University of California, Santa Barbara/SIL International) Session 103Discourse pattern replication: Uses of the perfect in Spanish in contact with QuechuaResearchers have been fascinated with present perfect usage in Andean Spanish (e.g. Klee & Ocampo 1995, Escobar 1997).Perplexingly, it is used in the complicating action of narratives and also in conjunction with temporal references. I demonstrate thatsh(qa) in South Conchucos Quechua is used both as a past tense as well as a type of surprising "Hot news" perfect and then show thatthese uses are replicated in the Spanish of the area. While much research on language change has focused on sounds, morphology,lexicon, and syntax, I show that discourse-pragmatic patterns can be borrowed as well.Marc-Olivier Hinzelin (University of Konstanz) Session 47The best position for object clitics in the history of Romance languagesThe position of object clitics in Romance languages shows a great deal of diachronic and diatopic variation: Whereas nowadays inmost Romance languages clitics occur obligatorily in preverbal position (w.r.t. the finite verb), the postverbal position existed in themedieval period in all languages. Today, postposition to the (non-imperative) finite verb is encountered only in North-Western Ibero-Romance languages (e.g. European Portuguese). My analysis examines the competing grammars of the existing pre-/postverbal wordorder doublets in the medieval varieties and offers a model to explain the grammatical change that eliminates one possibility but leadsto two different outcomes.Philip Hofmeister (Stanford University) Session 44Facilitating retrieval of wh-phrasesThe effect of wh-phrase form on dependency processing is investigated here. I argue that memory retrieval necessary for processing adependency is expedited when a richer set of linguistic retrieval cues (=more information and length) is available. Two self-pacedreading-time experiments address how the explicitness of wh-phrases affects wh-dependency processing. The results show that moreexplicit wh-phrases lead to significantly faster reading times at the subcategorizing verb and in spillover regions. This evidence, alongwith corpus findings, supports the hypothesis that the form of a wh-phrase influences how easy that information is to recall for use independency processing.Michael J. Houser (University of California, Berkeley) Session 106Pluractionality in Northern Paiute: Mono Lake Paiute & Oregon Northern PaiuteThroughout Uto-Aztecan, pluractionality--semantic plurality of the event denoted by a verb--is marked by a combination of affixationand reduplication. However, the southwestern regions of Western and Central Numic have lost reduplication as a productive strategyfor expressing pluractionality. I compare the form and semantics of pluractionality in two dialects of Northern Paiute--OregonNorthern Paiute (ONP), which has maintained reduplication, and Mono Lake Paiute (MLP), a previously undocumented dialect, whichhas lost reduplication. In MLP, we find that a number of suffixes have (partially) filled in the semantic space occupied byreduplication in ONP.130

Jonathan Howell (Cornell University) Session 18Second occurrence focus & the acoustics of prominencePartee 1991 challenged the significance of the observation that certain adverbs (e.g. only) reliably ‘associate’ with phonologicallyprominent words to truth-conditional effect. She noted second occurrence focus appears to lack a phonological realization, e.g. (1).Several recent studies have suggested that the focus is realized by other cues including duration and intensity.(1) a. Johnson only PEDDLES pedals lately.b. Even THOMPSON only peddles pedals lately.I report on a small production study showing that, contra many assumptions, a simple duration difference is not a straightforwardindication of semantic focus. I address spectral cues and perception.Yuchau E. Hsiao (National Chengchi University) Session 31The rhythmic structure of Taiwan folk verseA topic that has recently attracted much attention is the grammar of metrics. I discuss the rhythm of Taiwan folk verse, based on acorpus of 2,648 lines. Unlike the classical verses, where every syllable receives a beat, the folk verses allow two syllables to share abeat and allow grammatical words to contrast rhythmically. Some of the folk verse lines may have alternative readings--one derivedby one-to-one mapping, while the other by beat sharing. I posit a set of constraints to govern the beat assignments under OT andexplore a general theory of meter.Sarah Hulsey (Masachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 56Distributed modal readings in gapping sentencesThere is a conjunction/disjunction asymmetry in gapping sentences containing a modal. Conjunction always takes narrow scoperelative to the modal; disjunction may take either narrow- or wide-scope. I adopt a Hamblin semantics for disjunction: or is not aBoolean operator, but introduces a set of alternatives; the modal can distribute pointwise over the Alt-set, giving the distributed modalreading. In contrast, I analyze conjunction as a traditional Boolean operation (defined for sets). This analysis makes predictions forthe distribution of various modals in negated gapping sentences.Hyekyung Hwang (University of Hawaii, Manoa) Session 54Amy J. Schafer (University of Hawaii, Manoa)Length effects in the resolution of the dative NP ambiguity in KoreanPrevious reports on whether implicit prosody influences syntactic disambiguation in silent reading have been mixed. While Hirose2003 found phrase length effects in Japanese, Jun and Kim 2004 did not find an effect of relative clause length on prosodic phrasing inproduction in Korean, although RC length did affect off-line perception. We examine whether and how the length of the matrixsubject affects a following dative NP's on-line attachment preferences in Korean sentences. Our results indicate effects of thepreceding phrase length on dative NP attachment during silent reading, supporting the implicit prosody hypothesis (Fodor 1998,2002).Jiwon Hwang (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York) Session 55Ellen Broselow (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York)Susana de Leon (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York)Nancy Squires (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York)Minimizing the distance between perception & productionWe report on results of behavioral and ERP studies of perception in which Korean listeners were presented with pairs of stimuli alonga continuum that ranged from no vowel (e.g. tegnal) to a full vowel (e.g. tegnal) at intervals of 20msec. This experiment revealed thatthe boundary for categorical perception of the /stop-nasal/ vs /stopV-nasal/ varies by place. We propose that Korean speakers'tendency to insert a vowel more often in /gN/ sequences than in /bN/ sequences is due to this perceptual asymmetry.Larry M. Hyman (University of California, Berkeley) Session 31There is no pitch-accent prototypeMany scholars use the term ‘pitch-accent’ to refer to a defective tone system whose mark is obligatory, culminative, privative,131

predictable, and/or restricted in distribution. However, I show that all five of these properties are amply attested in both ‘syllable-‘and ‘word-tone’ systems. Further support will be presented for the view that prototypes for stress-accent vs tone are defined by twodistinct clusters of properties from which nonprototypical ‘pitch-accent systems’ freely pick-and-choose, producing mixed,ambiguous, and sometimes analytically indeterminate systems which appear to be ‘intermediate’. These systems neither define a thirdprototype nor can they be placed along a single continuum.Atakan Ince (University of Maryland, College Park) Session 29Non-wh-phrases in sluicing in TurkishThis study analyzes sluicing structures in Turkish where one of the remnants is a wh-phrase and the other a non-wh-phrase. I showthat these are not gapping structures because whereas the ordering of remnants in gapping is not strict, sluicing requires the strictordering of the non-wh-DP before the wh-phrase, even when the wh-phrase is the subject and the DP is the object. This ordering is theopposite of similar structures in Hungarian and Russian. I argue that the non-wh-phrase is in contrastive TopicP and the wh-phrase isin FocusP, and the ordering of these phrases differs in languages.David Ingram (Arizona State University) Session 53Phonological determinants of the vocabulary spurt in childrenThe present study explores the hypothesis that the vocabulary spurt children undergo between the ages of 1 and 2 is the result ofchanges in their phonological system. Phonological analyses were conducted on diary studies of children acquiring English, French,Hebrew, and Czech. The results found partial support for the hypothesis, with the children showing in varying degrees phonologicalchanges coinciding with the word spurt. Changes in phonotactics, either due to new combinations of acquired sounds or the spread ofacquired sounds to new word positions, led to greater increases in word learning than the addition of new sounds.Shinichiro Ishihara (University of Potsdam) Session 21Focus intonation embedding in Japanese wh-questionI report experimental results on a property of focus intonation (FI) in Japanese that has not been reported before. Deguchi andKitagawa 2002 and Ishihara 2002 claim that in wh-question sentences, the prosodic domain of FI corresponds to the semantic scope ofthe wh-question. In a matrix wh-question containing an indirect wh-question, where two wh-phrases take different scopes, twoindependent FIs are expected. The results reveal that in such sentences, the FI of the embedded wh-question is realized, but embeddedinside that of the matrix wh-question. I discuss problems of previous accounts of Japanese FI and possible solutions.Michael Israel (University of Maryland, College Park) Session 17Who cares & why bother: Polarity sensitivity in the verbal lexiconI argue that the restricted distributions of polarity sensitive verbs reflect their status as grammaticalized scalar pragmatic operators.Both verbal NPIs and PPIs are shown to cluster in a few narrowly defined semantic domains where they profile inherently scalarrelations between a volitional experiencer and an event type. While such polarity items conform to very general patterns, evidencefrom both adult and children's usage suggests that they are mentally represented in ways that are item-specific and that must belearned from experience. These results are taken as evidence for a usage-based approach to the grammar of polarity sensitivity.Rika Ito (St. Olaf College) Session 64Hmong in transition: Acoustic analysis of Hmong American English in the Twin CitiesI examine the vowel system of 12 Hmong Americans in the Twin Cities to assess their degree of accommodation to the NorthernCities Shift. The Hmong are one of the latest to arrive in the U.S. from Asia. Preliminary results suggest that Hmong Americans haveaccommodated their speech to the local norm to some degree. The low front vowel is fronted but not raised for both men and women.The low back vowels are not merged, and both occupy relatively conservative positions. I discuss the effect of age, gender, level ofeducation, and age of arrival in the U.S.Ray Jackendoff (Tufts University) Session 13The week after week construction & its theoretical challengesThe English NPN (week after week) construction is productive with five prepositions--by, for, to, after, and (up)on--with a variety ofmeanings, including succession, juxtaposition, and comparison; it also has numerous idiomatic cases. This mixture of regularity andidiosyncrasy lends itself to a construction grammar account, in which the lexicon includes specified syntactic structures matched with132

meanings. However, the internal syntactic structure of NPN violates standard principles of phrase structure, and the required identityof the two nouns (in most cases) presents descriptive problems. Furthermore, when NPN appears in NP positions, it can take normalNP complements such as relative clauses, and it has quantificational semantics despite the absence of a lexical quantifier. Thesepeculiarities collectively present severe challenges to linguistic theory; a partial solution will be offered in terms of the parallelarchitecture developed in my Foundations of language.William H. Jacobsen, Jr. (University of Nevada, Reno) Session 100Does Washo have glottalized resonants?In Washo there is a series of glottalized stop phonemes, but conflicting considerations apply to the potential recognition of clusters ofglottal stop with resonants as unitary glottalized resonants, both oral and nasal. These are favored by several factors--phonotactics(the general lack of parallel consonant clusters); the similar shape of certain pronominal prefixes; a glottalizing morphophonemicchange; reduplication patterns; and a pattern of metathesis of the two consonants. This analysis would involve, however, recognizingmorphophonemic rules giving rise to glottalized resonants that would not reflect any loss of contrasts.T. Florian Jaeger (University of California, San Diego/Stanford University) Session 32Usage or grammar? Comprehension & production share access to same probabilitiesI present evidence that syntactic production and comprehension have access to the same probabilistic syntactic information. Hence,probabilistic information is part of the syntactic system shared by production and comprehension (supporting Gahl & Garnsey 2004over Newmeyer 2006). The evidence comes from syntactic reduction in English. For example, reduced complement clauses (withouta complementizer) are known to be comprehended more easily when predictable. I show that the predictability of such clauses alsoinfluences their reduction likelihood in production. Evidence from relative clause reduction further suggests that knowledge ofsyntactic probabilities is not limited to subcategorization probabilities but includes other collocational information.Carmen Jany (University of California, Santa Barbara) Session 102Argument structure alternations with no oblique category: The case of ChimarikoArgument structure alternations affect the number and function of participants in a clause, particularly changing the clause core.Often, they serve syntactic purposes and are based on a formal core-oblique distinction (Thompson 1997). In Chimariko, a nowextinctlanguage of Northern California, a grammatical oblique category based on formal marking is lacking. However, argumentstructure alternations exist and are achieved through verbal derivational affixes. Although these affixes shape core argument structuresemantically, there are no obvious grammatical shifts in argument structure. Rather than having a syntactic impact on the clausestructure, these constructions serve lexical, semantic, and discourse purposes.Soo-Yeon Jeong (Harvard University) Session 51Microparametric variation in the syntax of numeral classifiersThis study examines microparametric variation in the syntax and semantics of numeral classifiers in East Asian languages. I comparetwo groups of languages (various dialects of Chinese vs Korean/Japanese) and show that many differences in the syntax of classifiersin these two groups can be explained by positing two different underlying structures. I argue that this synchronic difference is due todifferent diachronic changes undergone by the two groups of languages, which, in turn, interacted with head-parameters of theselanguages.Daniel Johnson (University of Pennsylvania) Session 30Factors controlling the acquisition of vowel inventory: Results from a large-scale surveySaying "kids get their accents from their peers" (Ervin-Tripp) oversimplifies Payne 1976: Some phonological distinctions must comefrom parental input, though most phonetic features are (re)learnable later. A low back vowel survey was administered to ~2000subjects, aged 9-19, in northeastern U.S. communities having complete distinction, incipient, recent, and completed merger.Geography's clear role interacts with complex individual and family differences. The earliest peer group's effect is predominant, andnot always reversible: Young movers can retain their distinction after 10 + years among merged peers. Yet the parental effect isunexpectedly large. Mothers' influence is greater than fathers'; siblings', almost negligible.133

Keith Johnson (University of Arizona) Session 21Aerodynamic factors in L2 acquisition of the Spanish multiple vibrantThe Spanish multiple vibrant consonant, or trilled /r/, is a highly complex segment requiring a confluence of precise articulatory andaerodynamic movements for successful production. This makes it a particularly difficult sound for second language learners tomaster. The present study investigates aerodynamic characteristics of nonnative trills in learners of different proficiency levels todetermine in what way(s), if any, nonnative trill production differs from that of native speakers. Significant differences were found inaverage airflow in the trills of native and nonnative speakers.John E. Joseph (University of Edinburgh) Session 79‘All consciousness is of difference': The career of a concept from philosophy to linguistics via physics & geometrySaussure's conception of a language as a system of values generated purely by differences between elements became the cornerstoneof modern linguistics. In the early 1890s, while critiquing papers on Riemannian geometry by his brother René, Saussure encounteredexcerpts from an 1882 study of the concepts of modern physics by J. B. Stallo, who wrote that "Thought, in its most comprehensivesense, is the establishment or recognition of [...] relations of identity and difference". Stallo attributed to J. S. Mill this idea that "allconsciousness is of difference". I retrace the contexts within which this concept was formulated and transmitted.Matthew L. Juge (Texas State University, San Marcos) Session 21Beyond sound change & the loss of grammatical categoriesSound change supposedly causes grammatical category loss, as in the Latin future and passive. Detailed comparative analysis showsthat sound change alone cannot account for these losses. Certain future and perfect forms were supposedly destined to merge, butother data contradict the homonomy avoidance argument. Some sound changes would have caused syncretism in the future, butItalian and Occitan show analogy can 'resolve' syncretism. Cross-linguistically, we must establish ways to evaluate proposedmechanisms and avoid preconceived notions about what kinds of categories are subject to loss. Combining phonological andmorphological insights will allow development of a typology of category loss.Jongho Jun (Seoul National University) Session 42Stem-final obstruent variations in Korean are product-orientedI show that the observed relative preference among stem-final variants of Korean nouns is determined by the distribution of finalobstruents of the suffixed noun stems (cf. Albright 2005). Further, I show that similar variation patterns are observed amongprevocalic allomorphs of bound stems which are typically combined with the verb ha 'do'. To explain the fact that similar patterns areobserved in two totally different categories, I propose a product-oriented approach in which a single set of language-specific stochasticconstraints govern the realization of the stem-final obstruents in suffixed words, irrespective of their category membership.Elsi Kaiser (University of Southern California) Session 45Reference resolution in the presence & absence of pronounsVarious factors have been claimed to influence referent prominence/salience. Some claim topics are most salient; others regard foci asmore salient. We tested the discourse properties of topics and foci in subject/object-position, and investigated whethertopicality/focusing and grammatical role influence salience in a top-down manner or whether their influence is bottom-up, stemmingfrom heuristic search processes (Stevenson, Crawley, & Kleinman 1994). Sentence-completion results suggest subjecthood plays alarger role in pronoun interpretation than topicality/focusing, but differences between Exp.1--with pronoun-prompts--and Exp.2--without pronoun-prompts--suggest the subject-preference is a bottom-up effect due to pronoun-triggered search. Results also showpronominalization-likelihood and upcoming-mention-likelihood can pattern distinctly.Elsi Kaiser (University of Southern California) Session 45Jeffrey T. Runner (University of Rochester)Rachel S. Sussman (University of Wisconsin, Madison)Michael K. Tanenhaus (University of Rochester)Pronouns as reflexives? A look at prenominal possessive pronounsWe report experiments investigating (1) how syntactic and semantic information influence anaphor resolution in picture-NPs (pictureof her/herself) and possessives (her picture) and (2) whether anaphoric forms vary in sensitivity to different information types.Pronouns and reflexives in PNPs are not in complementary distribution. Some claim semantics plays a role, with PNP-reflexives134

preferring sources-of-information and PNP-pronouns preferring perceivers-of-information (e.g. Kuno 1987, Tenny 2004). Wedemonstrate that both factors influence anaphor resolution, but PNP-pronouns and PNP-reflexives exhibit different degrees ofsensitivity to them. Possessives cannot be grouped straightforwardly with pronouns or reflexives, which has implications fortheoretical PNP analyses (e.g. PRO-in-NP, Chomsky 1986, Davies/Dubinsky 2003).Sheikh Umarr Kamarah (Virginia State University, Petersburg) Session 89Krio in Sierra Leone education: Ten years after the decreeIn 1995, Krio, an English-lexified Atlantic creole spoken in Sierra Leone, along with three other languages, was declared a nationallanguage to be used as a medium of instruction in primary schools and as a subject in colleges. The thrust of this paper is a criticalevaluation of the interfacing of the 'instrumental,' 'accommodation,' and 'awareness' uses to which Krio has been put in thismultilingual situation. In particular, I look at the transitioning process from Krio to English, and its attendant implications.Vsevolod Kapatsinski (Indiana University) Session 42Rules & analogy in Russian loanword adaptationDuring adaptation, verbs borrowed into Russian acquire a stem extension. I examined how well neighbors of the borrowed verbpredict its stem extension and whether there are islands of reliability that could give rise to rules. Behavior of the novel verb waspredicted by its neighbors in 89% of the cases regardless of what stem extension the verb takes, contrary to the dual mechanismmodel. Large islands of reliability allowing for the formation of rules were found. Somewhat surprisingly, many of the induced rulesare nonlocal. This suggests that nonlocal relations are not limited to identity.Aaron Kaplan (University of California, Santa Cruz) Session 50Vowel harmony in Lango: Noniterativity & LlicensingATR harmony in Lango holds between suffix and root-final vowels, seeming to require a standard harmony rule with its iterativityparameter turned off. Standard optimality theoretic accounts of harmony fail: Curtailing the whole-word spreading effects ofharmony constraints is not trivial. Despite the rule-based approach's apparent advantage, Lango is best (empirically and conceptually)analyzed through positional licensing within OT: ATR features must be linked to root vowels. This analysis reveals that Lango andtraditional harmony systems have distinct motivations, indicating that iterative and noniterative phenomena are unrelated. Theiterativity parameter-based approach that unites these phenomena under one analysis is misguided.James Kari (Dena'inaq' Titaztunt) Session 98Some features of the Dena'ina Topical DictionaryTopical vocabulary research and associated narrative development have been two cornerstones of my research on several Athabascanlanguages. I summarize here some features of the forthcoming Dena'ina Topical Dictionary. The book has a 33-year history, and theforemost Dena'ina experts of our time have contributed words. The geography of Cook Inlet basin and the Southern Alaska Range isreflected in the diverse vocabulary of the Dena'ina dialects. Some interesting themes in this lexicon are terms for the marine-orientedbiota, month and wind names that reflect diverse micro-climates, and a strong propensity for tabooistic innovations.Reiko Kataoka (University of California, Berkeley) Session 100Phonetics of three-way contrast in Nevada Northern Paiute stopsThe southern dialect of Northern Paiute or Nevada Northern Paiute (NNP) has a three-way distinction among medial obstruents--fortis, lenis, and what has been called by Numic specialists ‘voiced fortis’. I present the acoustic evidence on these three types ofmedial stops. Major findings include: (1) greater articulatory effort employed in the production of fortis stops than lenis counterparts;(2) long preaspiration preceding the fortis stops; and (3) strong correlation between consonantal duration and vocalic duration. Idiscuss these findings in connection with the synchronic and diachronic phonology of the NNP and Northern Paiute in general.Graham Katz (Stanford University) Session 46Attitudes, gradability, & entailmentThe analysis of degree modifiers such as surprisingly (below) raises two questions for semantic theory.(1) a. Svetlana was surprisingly late.b. His apartment was surprisingly small.What import does the choice of one polar adjective (late and not early) have and what determines whether the modified form entailsthe positive form (surprisingly late is late, but surprisingly small need not be small). The claim to be defended is that these degreemodifiers indicate an attitude toward extremity on a scale, bearing much in common with exclamatives such as How tall he is! 135

Andrew Kehler (University of California, San Diego) Session 14Contrastive topics & illusory sloppy interpretations in VP-ellipsisHardt's (1992, 1999, 2004) example 1 has an apparent sloppy interpretation that is unexpected on many theories of VP-ellipsis:(1) Every boy in John's class hoped Mrs. Smith would pass him. In John's case, I think she will.However, such readings exist in examples with no pronoun in the antecedent clause, casting doubt on Hardt's analysis:(2) I think Mrs. Smith will pass most of the students in the class. In John's case, however, I don't think she will.I argue that the contrastive topic marked by “in X's case" evokes a question-under-discussion that licenses ellipsis in such examples.Steve Hartman Keiser (Marquette University) Session 65The disappearing past & the futures of Pennsylvania German dialectologyI review changes in the map of Pennsylvania German dialects over the past two centuries noting two main events--the development ofa sectarian Midwestern dialect in the 19th century and the obsolescence of regional nonsectarian dialects in Pennsylvania in the 20thcentury. I then consider current migration patterns and dialect contact scenarios in Pennsylvania and the Midwest and look forward tothe next century of Pennsylvania German dialectology--suggesting that future research on dialect divergence and convergence focuson the interaction of geographic proximity, economic interdependence, and, especially, religious ideology.Justin Kelly (Georgetown University) Session 93Movement phenomena in Saramaccan: A minimalist perspectiveI investigate movement phenomena in Saramaccan (SA) and show that these issues can easily be explained within a minimalistframework (Chomsky 1995, 1998, 2000). In part 1, I examine A'-movement in detail, including island effects, the interaction betweenfocalization and wh-movement, and some issues with focus particles. In part 2, I discuss ‘verb copy’ in SA (Byrne 1985, 1987). Ipropose a sideward movement (Nunes 2004) account of the data, claiming that the focalized verb incorporates with a null focusparticle.Tyler Kendall (Duke University) Session 19On the status of pause in sociolinguisticsIn variationist sociolinguistics, pause has been found to be a systematic constraint for certain variables (e.g. CCR). However,variability in pause realization itself has been analyzed less often by sociolinguists. I consider pause as a linguistic variable byexamining quantitatively the (silent) pauses of a number of English speakers in North Carolina. Is pause used (consciously orunconsciously) as a part of individuals' presentation of self and reflective of group (i.e. ethnic, class-based, etc.) norms or is thevariation found in pause realization ‘insignificant’ along these lines and more appropriately viewed as a psycholinguisticphenomenon?Nadia Kerecuk (London, UK) Session 81Ukrainian grammars: Towards a history of ideasThe compilation of grammars of Ukrainian underwent successive waves of political manipulation and language prohibitions in the OldRussian Empire, Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Soviet Union, until their respective demises. Written both in and outside the territoryof Ukraine, these grammars have built on a long eastern and western European tradition. By the end of the 19th century, severaltrends had emerged, which spilled over into Europe with the migrant grammarians through the interwar period, and subsequentlytraveled to the New World after WWII. I examine the factors that have impacted the compilation of Ukrainian grammars.Nihan Ketrez (Yale University) Session 52Cardinal reading in children's indefinite objects: Is it really wide scope?In English and Dutch, young children do not have access to wide scope interpretation of indefinite objects with respect to negation(Musolino et.al 2000, Krämer 2000). In Chinese and Spanish, where an indefinite can have a cardinal reading (one N vs an N),children have early wide-scope (Su 2001, Miller & Schmitt 2004). Children's difficulty with wide scope is observed to be restricted toone set of languages. I argue that such a distinction does not exist.136

Marcin Kilarski (Adam Mickiewicz University) Session 81Algonquian & Indo-European gender in a historiographic perspectiveI examine the degree to which Algonquian gender has been regarded as semantically and culturally motivated, and suggest analogieswith accounts of gender in Indo-European. The presence of exceptions in Algonquian has led to conflicting interpretations: Whilesome focused on the arbitrary nature of the categorization, others regarded them as culturally based. Algonquian languages provide anexample of how claims that have traditionally been made about Indo-European gender, particularly its semantic arbitrariness, havebeen extended to languages apparently less suited for the purpose.A. Killimangalam (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 16J. M. Michaels (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)Syntactically conditioned phonology: Agentive suffixes in MalayalamThe agentive suffix in Malayalam has traditionally been assigned differing underlying representations based on variations in itsphonological realization (Mohanan 1982, Madhavan 1983). Rather than stipulating different underlying representations for this affix,we propose that the observed differences in its phonology are a direct result of the syntactic configuration in which the suffix ismerged. Specifically, the phonology of the suffix is determined by whether it is merged with a phase boundary intervening betweenitself and the root to which it attaches. To implement our proposal we utilize syntactically grounded OT constraints (Trommer 2001).Cynthia Kilpatrick (University of California, San Diego) Session 53Jessica Barlow (San Diego State University)Sarah CraggReduplication in child phonology: A structural markedness accountReduplication is argued to be a strategy children use to compensate for phonetic or prosodic restrictions in their phonology. Weexamine productions from a diary study of J, who shows reduplication on both monosyllabic and bisyllabic forms. We show that J'sreduplication patterns are not due to phonetic context but to constraints on structure. We propose that reduplication in acquisition isnot only dependent on segmental markedness, but also markedness of foot structure, as well as precedence structure of input forms.This has implications for how reduplication must be overcome in acquisition, either through maturation or remediation ofphonological delay.Jieun Kim (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 29What makes sluicing in Korean?I investigate the derivational source and process of sluicing construction in Korean. I show that English-type wh-movement+TPdeletion analysis (Ross 1969, Merchant 2001) does not apply to Korean. I argue that Korean sluicing is derived from a pseudo-cleftbut not from a cleft. The difference in these two constructions comes from the different property of the complementizer kes in eachconstruction: nominal vs predicative. The availability of conversion of a presuppositional clause to DP in a pseudo-cleft makes PFdeletion possible since it can be licensed by agreeing functional head D. According to my argument, what seems to be the pronoun itin Korean, kukes, is actually a reduced CP.Kyoungsook Kim (Southern Illinois University, Carbondale) Session 27Usha Lakshmanan (Southern Illinois University, Carbondale)The role of specificity in the L2 interpretation & processing of English articlesAccording to the specificity hypothesis (Ionin, 2003), L2 learners of English overuse the definite article the in specific indefinitecontexts because they associate the with specificity as speaker knowledge, rather than with definiteness. We tested the predictions ofthe specificity hypothesis through an on-line and an off-line experiment. Eighteen intermediate and advanced Korean L2 learners ofEnglish and 14 native-English controls completed a word-by-word, self-paced moving-window reading task and an off-line semanticacceptability-rating task, involving the same experimental stimuli as the on-line task. The specificity hypothesis was supported onlyin the case of the on-line results for the intermediate group.Kyung-Ah Kim (Cornell University) Session 22Sujin Yang (Cornell University)Barbara Lust (Cornell University)A case study of childhood bilingualism: Syntax firstWe developed a methodology combining experimental and naturalistic investigations to examine the comprehensive course and137

comparative rate of acquisition across different linguistic domains in childhood bilingualism. We exemplify initial results of this onone case study of a 3-year-old Chinese-English bilingual through testing of syntactic, lexico-semantic, and pragmatic knowledge.They suggest that syntactic development leads in L2, followed by lexico-semantic development, and lastly by pragmatic competence.This possible developmental precedence of syntax over other dimensions of the language faculty bears not only on the process of earlybilingualism, but also on the relative roles of pragmatic knowledge in language acquisition.Yuni Kim (University of California, Berkeley) Session 97Segmental & prosodic aspects of Huave glottal fricativesHuave, a language isolate of Oaxaca State, Mexico, has a consonantal /h/, which behaves phonologically like other consonants, and avocalic /h/ that can be analyzed as the voiceless second mora of a long vowel (Noyer 2004). I propose representations for the twotypes of /h/ which keep them separate while still accounting for the dissimilatory interactions between them. Also, I sort out the twotypes of /h/ in the morphology by showing that some mysterious instances of /h/ are best seen as morphophonological vowellengthening processes rather than consonantal epenthesis or infixation.Rafe H. Kinsey (Stanford University) Session 32T. Florian Jaeger (University of California, San Diego/Stanford University)Thomas Wasow (Stanford University)What does that mean? Experimental evidence against the principle of no synonymyA prima facie counterexample to Bolinger's dictum that "a difference in syntactic form entails a difference in meaning" is theoptionality of that in English complement and relative clauses. Various authors argue for subtle meaning differences between theforms with and without that, but they provide only anecdotal supporting evidence. We tested these purported meaning differencessystematically by comparing ratings of sentences with and without that and found no difference. This questions Bolinger's dictum,suggesting that such a purely semantic approach cannot explain the presence of both syntactic forms.Beata Beigman Klebanov (Hebrew University, Jerusalem) Session 34Lexical cohesion in texts is based on free associationsLexical cohesion is a text-structuring device that connects words with related meanings (Halliday & Hasan 1976). Using experimentaldata, I show that lexical cohesion in texts is overwhelmingly based on free associations; however, not all free associations createcohesion. In particular, high occurrence frequency of the items, large textual distance, and the weakness of the association diminishthe cohesion-creating potential of an association. I discuss implications for computational modeling of cohesion and relate thefindings to the study of discourse oldness/topicality.Gregory M. Kobele (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 14Edward P. Stabler (University of California, Los Angeles)On copying in language & grammarA revitalization of the investigation of copying constructions across languages has revealed a vast range of phenomena that seem toinvolve copying. However, some remain skeptical that copying is needed in syntax, and it has been suggested that we do not know atractable formalism that assigns reasonable constituent structures to copies. Building on prior work, we show that a very simpleextension of formal minimalist grammars elegantly allows copy-movement and assigns appropriate constituent structures, withoutsacrificing efficiency. We discuss exactly why a copying analysis is to be preferred, comparing various analyses of the Yorubapredicate cleft construction.Karen Kow Yip Cheng (University of Malaya) Session 72Names in multilingual-multicultural MalaysiaStudying onomastics in Malaysia is interesting, but, more so, it is also challenging. Malaysia is a multiracial land where Indians,Chinese, Malays, and the natives of the land live in peace and harmony. I set out to study proper names of Malaysians from linguistic,ethnic, and cultural perspectives. The study examines and ponders important issues that surround a study of proper names. Theseissues include those of individual or self-identity, racial identity, and cultural identity. Without a doubt, the issue of gender identity isone that is all-inclusive in any study of this nature.138

Marvin Kramer (Dharma Realm Buddhist University) Session 86Alienable/inalienable possession in Saramaccan as a transferred feature from FongbeNew data reveal Saramaccan to have a fully developed typologically consistent A/I system, with similarities to the Fongbe A/I systemthat suggest transfer. Both systems have fluidity for inalienables where the GEN marking is preferred while OBJ marking is moreassociated with alienables, not atypical of an A/I distinction, but language-specific. In both systems the GEN marker has a tighter bondwith the possessed item, a language-specific version of the generalization that inalienable possession is less dependent-marked thanalienable. Transfer of A/I into Saramaccan would present a counterexample to arguments in McWhorter 2001, 2004 that A/I wouldnot transfer.Jelena Krivokapic (University of Southern California) Session 18An experimental inquiry into the relation of prosodic boundary perception & articulationPerceptual and kinematic experimentation is combined to examine speakers' perception of phrase boundaries in relation to thetemporal articulatory properties of prosodic boundaries. Subjects read 24 sentences containing the string C 1 #VC 2 , where # is aprosodic boundary varying in strength. Thirty subjects estimated the prosodic boundary strength by listening. Parameters ofconsonant duration were measured using articulator movement-tracking data (EMA). For the subjects analyzed to date the resultsshow that perceived boundary strength (PBS) is statistically correlated with the temporal quality of the constrictions at the boundary.Further, the response data show a gradient distribution of PBS. [Supported by NIH.]Paul D. Kroeber (Indiana University) Session 95Alsea serial verbsIn Alsea (Oregon coast), a single clause sometimes contains two finite verbs, in somewhat flexible order, and not necessarily adjacent;one verb has auxiliary-like semantics, normally either 'try' or '(do) again'. Both verbs in the clause are marked identically forcategories including object person, transitivity, realis/irrealis, imperative, and passive. (Subjects are clause-level clitics.) Some othercategories, mostly closer to the root--derivational rather than inflectional?--are marked only on the non-‘auxiliary’ verb, e.g. reflexive,durative.Paul V. Kroskrity (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 104Understanding Arizona Tewa inverse constructionsArizona Tewa inverses defy two of six criteria conventionally attributed to ‘inverse constructions’. One, they do change case markingby obligatorily marking agents as ‘oblique’. Two, inverses provide a structure which focuses on patients and tends to suppress agentarguments. Morphological evidence provided by an examination of the inverse prefix set clearly establishes the coding priority ofpatients by invariably displaying more number and person information about patient rather than agent arguments. This focus onpatient and de-focus of agent is also evidenced in syntactic processes like relativization and discourse measures like topic continuity intraditional narratives.Ivona Kucerova (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) WITHDRAWN Session 1Derivational intervention & Icelandic agreementHolmberg and Hroarsdottir 2003 (among others) argued that long-distance agreement across a dative argument (DAT) in Icelandic issensitive to phi-features of the DAT and must be computed globally. I argue instead that agreement is always local and proceeds in astrictly derivational fashion. I show with new data that agreement reflects the syntactic position of the intervening DAT: A DATbehaves as an intervener only if it does not undergo object shift, i.e., semantically motivated movement. Thus, agreement hassemantic consequences: It directly reflects whether the intervener has undergone semantically driven movement or not.Chi-hsien Kuo Session 24Information status & discourse functions of conditionals in MandarinThis study investigates the relationship between conditional functions and the information status of conditionals in Mandarin. Thedatabase of this study consists of 204 conditionals from TV talk shows, radio talk shows, and casual conversations between closefriends. The information status of conditionals is assigned according to the status of NPs used in the conditionals. The results showthat the information status of conditionals is closely related to the discourse functions of conditionals, i.e. repeating, presenting theopposite, broadening, narrowing down, and polite directives. Furthermore, the relationship between conditional functions anddiscourse genres is significant.139

Pei-Jung Kuo (University of Connecticut) Session 22Children's acquisition of English expletive constructionsI conducted an acquisitional investigation inspired by Freeze 1992, which claims that existential constructions are derived fromlocative inversion. Based on this claim, my study predicts an ordering effect, with the child's first use of presentational locativeinversion (PLI) prior to, or at the same time as, the first use of the expletive construction (Expl). I examined 12 British Englishspeaking and 7 American English speaking children in the CHILDES database. The final results showed that the ordering PLI

Linda Lanz (Rice University) Session 97The phonetics of stress in IñupiaqUsing two data sets, a phonetic analysis of stress in Iñupiaq, an endangered Alaska Native language of the Eskimo-Aleut family, wascarried out. The data sets represent two native speakers of the same dialect. Vowel duration, pitch, and intensity were measured forvowels in stressed and unstressed syllables. Analysis of the results showed that the main phonetic correlate of stress in Iñupiaq isincreased pitch while intensity plays a weak role and duration is statistically insignificant. The finding that duration is insignificant isunexpected given the contrast between phonemically long and short vowels.Cassidy Larsen (Brigham Young University) Session 78Jessica Scott (Brigham Young University)James Wuehler (Brigham Young University)American given name markers of decade of birth, geo-location, & gender: A comparison over the past century & a halfEight native, American informants generated names and collateral information for persons in their own genealogical chart, producing553 names covering a century and a half. Respondents identified gender, birth location, and decade of birth from given name alone.Gender was very accurately identified but decade and location much less so. We examined decade identification more closely, using aBrunswikian lens model analysi and found that female names can be more accurately located by decade than can male names, and thatthe basis for accuracy from the subjective properties is better understood for the female names.Meredith Larson (Northwestern University) Session 24Ryan Doran (Northwestern University)Rachel Baker (Northwestern University)Matthew J. R. Berends (Northwestern University)Alex Djalali (Northwestern University)Yaron McNabb (University of Chicago)Gregory Ward (Northwestern University)Distinguishing among contextually-determined aspects of utterance meaning: An empirical investigationDistinguishing between context-dependent and context-independent aspects of utterance meaning has been much debated recently byphilosophers, linguists, and psychologists alike. We experimentally investigated whether speakers distinguish between minimal andenriched propositions. Subjects were asked to evaluate various types of meaning in a truth-condition task. The stimuli were drawnfrom the literature, classified as Q-, I-, and M-based generalized conversational implicatures (GCIs). We found significant differencesbetween judgments of Q- and I-implicatures, suggesting that GCIs form a continuum in which I-implicatures are more easily defeatedwithout affecting the truth-conditional meaning of target propositions.Iman Makeba Laversuch (University of Cologne) Session 75From mulatto to multiracial: An historical onomastic examination of the ethnoracial labels used by the U.S. Census Bureau toclassify U.S. residents of African heritageFor over 200 years, the U.S. Census Bureau has faced the important but onerous task of racially classifying the nation. Anexamination of the official inventory of racial-ethnonyms reveals a surprising number for U.S. American residents of African heritage(USARAH). I provide a lexical-semantic analysis of the terminology used, considered, and rejected by the bureau for USARAH usingtwo corpora---a 500-word, diachronic corpus compiled from pre-20th century archives (e.g. records from slave ships and plantations)and a synchronic corpus of 50 coins from 10 years of letters sent to the government, courtesy of the bureau.Jenny Lederer (University of California, Berkeley) Session 45Prepositional semantics & the distribution of anaphora in the PPThe distribution of anaphoric pronouns in prepositional phrases has garnered much attention in the literature on antecedent bindingsince, contrary to fundamental binding principles, this syntactic environment appears to allow either reflexive or coreferentialnonreflexive pronouns (c.f. Safir 2004, Reinhart & Reuland 1993, Pollard & Sag 1992). I take a closer look at two prepositionalphrase contexts in English and Norwegian, which seem to allow (Norwegian) or prefer (English) the reflexive pronoun when the PPsuperficially denotes directionality. In opposition to formal syntactic accounts of the phenomenon, I argue that the grammar in bothlanguages must reference detailed spatial relations among event participants.141

EunHee Lee (University at Buffalo, State University of New York) Session 28Pluperfects in Korean & English discourseMany researchers have pointed out that the pluperfect form is required in order to signal a reversed order configuration only innarrative text types and have reported that it is seldom used in English news reports since the simple past can supplant it. The Koreanpluperfect -essess, by contrast, is freely used in both text types. In spoken discourse or isolated sentences, it signals discontinuity ofthe effect of a prior situation. In narratives, it triggers a flashback effect, like the English pluperfects. I claim that -essess has thesingle meaning of an event preceding the reference time and lacks the aspectual meaning while the English pluperfect is ambiguousbetween preterit and aspectual meanings. I further argue that the difference between the two languages can be explained by observingthe fundamental processing differences between narrative and nonnarrative text types. The semantics of the pluperfect in bothlanguages is represented by discourse representation theory.Russell Lee-Goldman (University of California, Berkeley) Session 13Michael Ellsworth (International Computer Science Institute)As--two constructions, not single prepositionWe show that the as illustrated below is best analyzed as a relativizer (contra Potts 2002), semantically filling the (gapped) predicaterole in the relative clause. A subconstruction licenses quasi-subject-auxiliary inversion (1b), which constrains the matrix clause to (1)have a positive epistemic stance (*If only you exercised, as do I...) and (2) appear before as. Noninverted as lacks these constraints,but we demonstrate its compatibility with a correlative relative analysis, covering also problematic examples like 2.(1) a. I enjoy spinach, as most people do__.b. ... as do__ most people.(2) As __ often happens, he fell.Vera Lee-Schoenfeld (Swarthmore College) Session 33Janneke ter Beek (University of Groningen)A-movement out of control clauses: Evidence for VO Order in Dutch & GermanRestructuring in German and Dutch may result in a discontinuous control clause, with an argument of the infinitive to the left of thematrix verb, while the rest of the complement clause is to the right of it. Standard tests demonstrate that the argument is in an A-position, and the distribution of NPIs licensed by adversative verbs shows it is in the matrix clause. Examination of possesor dativeraising shows that the complement clause is not a CP, which makes an extraposition account of the postverbal position of the infinitiveproblematic. The facts follow if the base order is VO rather than OV.Heike Lehnert-LeHouillier (University at Buffalo-SUNY) Session 55My cue is not your cue: A cross-linguistic study of perceptual cues to vowel quantityA contrast in vowel quantity is commonly realized as durational difference. However, other cues, such as a difference in vowelquality or F0 contour may co-occur with the durational difference and may influence the way listeners perceive vowel quantity. Iinvestigated the universal vs language-specific nature of perceptual cues to vowel quantity by comparing the use of vowel duration,quality and F0 by native speakers of three languages with phonemic vowel quantity contrast (Thai, Japanese, and German) and of onelanguage without quantity contrast (Spanish). While all listeners used vowel quality, the use of F0 was language specific.Wesley Y. Leonard (University of California, Berkeley) Session 99Ideology as a factor & a predictor of ‘success’ in language reclamationAlthough many practical issues figure into the viability of language revitalization or reclamation--for example the quality and quantityof documentation, access to financial and human resources, and the type of language policies in effect--language ideology is afundamental factor. The case of Miami language reclamation (from a situation with no speakers) exemplifies how ideological beliefscan guide both the details of the reclamation process and also the issue of what constitutes ‘success’. I present and analyze one Miamifamily's language ideology and argue that it is the key factor to their successful reclamation of myaamia.Philip LeSourd (Indiana University) Session 102‘Raising’ & long-distance agreement in Maliseet-PassamaquoddyMaliseet-Passamaquoddy employs both a ‘raising’ construction, involving apparent raising to object position out of a finitesubordinate clause, and a long-distance agreement construction, in which a verb appears to agree across a clause boundary. I argue142

against an analysis of these constructions in terms of overt or covert movement: The ‘raised’ nominal is in a thematic position in thematrix clause, and the putative raising operations would violate the complex noun phrase constraint. The ‘raising’ constructionappears to involve two distinct argument positions. Long-distance agreement remains challenging, however, if a movement analysis isexcluded.Susannah V. Levi (Indiana University) Session 27Stephen J. Winters (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)David B. Pisoni (Indiana University)Voice-familiarity advantage: Language-specific or language-independent?The speech signal carries both the linguistic content of an utterance and information about the speaker (‘indexical properties’). In alinguistic task, a listener must map a particular speaker's articulation of a word to the stored, abstract linguistic representation.Previous research has shown that listeners are better able to recover the linguistic content of an utterance when they are familiar withthe speaker's voice (e.g. Nygaard, Sommers, & Pisoni 1994), yielding a ‘voice-familiarity advantage’. We examine whether thevoice-familiarity advantage is language-independent by examining voice-familiarity of bilingual talkers.Lisa Levinson (New York University) Session 16The roots of verbsI present novel empirical evidence in support of the presence of category-neutral lexical roots in the syntax. I argue that such rootsmust be active in the syntax because they can be modified by 'pseudo-resultative' predicates, such as tight in She braided her hairtight. This modification provides insight into the semantic type of category-neutral roots, which are argued to vary, such that the verbbraid is derived from predicates of different types in implicit vs explicit creation contexts (braid her hair vs braid a braid). I furthershow this variation to correlate with differences in argument structure.Erez Levon (New York University) WITHDRAWN Session 49Prosodic & voice quality variation among Israeli gay menI examine how gay men in Israel use variation to linguistically perform their socio-sexual identities and position themselves withinsociety. Results are based on a sociolinguistic analysis of the speech of 18 men, who were observed and recorded over 12 months.Analyses focus on variation between subjects in order to determine whether certain features of prosody and voice quality aresignificantly correlated with external factors such as ethnicity and political affiliation. Results show systematic differences inobserved prosodic and voice quality characteristics that pattern with these men's different positions in and attitudes towards Israelisociety.William Lewis (University of Washington) Session 34Fei Xia (University of Washington)Daniel Jinguji (University of Washington)Projecting structure onto cata for resource-poor & endangered languagesThe availability of language-specific computational tools such as parsers can greatly benefit linguistic research, but it is highlydependent on the availability of significant quantities of hand-annotated data. We describe a method for leveraging a resource createdfor another purpose to the task of creating computational resources for potentially hundreds of the world's languages, specifically bymanipulating a database of interlinearized language examples discovered in scholarly papers, enriching them by projecting syntacticstructures from parsed and aligned English translations. Our methods have thus far been applied successfully to a small set oflanguages: Chamorro, German, Hausa, Irish, Korean, Malagasy, Welsh, and Yaqui.Chao Li (Yale University) Session 48Event complexity & argument realizationBased on the transitive and intransitive uses of verbs of change of state like break and Mandarin resultative verb compounds like xiganjing'wash-clean', I argue that the ‘argument-per-subevent condition’ proposed by Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1999, 2004, andRappaport Hovav and Levin 2001 to account for the argument realization of complex events is empirically incorrect. It proposes thatwhat is important for argument realization is the ‘structure participant condition’ (cf. Levin 1999), which requires each structureparticipant to be overtly expressed. I show that it is not always the case that argument realization patterns reflect event complexity.143

Brook Danielle Lillehaugen (Universidad Nacional Autónoma México) Session 105Pamela Munro (University of California, Los Angeles)Component part locatives & frames of reference (Chickasaw/Zapotec)Chickasaw (Muskogean) and Tlacolula Valley Zapotec (TVZ; Otomanguean) use component part words in expressing locativerelations; these are syntactic prepositions in TVZ and ‘relational nouns’ with nominal argument syntax in Chickasaw (Lillehaugen &Munro 2006). While it is not surprising that TVZ prepositions may use either inherent or relative frame of reference (FOR; Levinson2003), Chickasaw relational nouns may also use relative FOR, though their concrete sources might seem to favor inherent FOR. Weargue, therefore, that the FOR available to locatives is not predictable from their syntactic status and thus cannot be used as adiagnostic for syntactic category.Donna L. Lillian (East Carolina University) Session 71Changing the rules: The struggle over women's surnames & courtesy titlesI discuss women's naming choices in the context of changing responses to feminism over the past four decades and report on a new,North America-wide, online survey currently underway. Whereas Ms. was once closely associated with feminism, it no longer carriesa strong feminist connotation. Rather, Ms. has largely been co-opted by the mainstream and turned into a tool for more preciselyidentifying a woman's marital status. Furthermore, marriage is still regarded as a woman's ultimate accomplishment, and women wantto "advertise" this accomplishment by using Mrs. and taking their husband's surname.Susan Lin (University of Michigan) Session 55Effects of clear speech on short & long vowels in ThaiClear speech has been shown to involve increased gestures, in both the spectral and temporal dimensions. Previous work in this areahas shown peripheralization (expansion of the vowel space) under clear speech conditions when compared to casual or neutral speechconditions. These studies have also shown increased duration of segments under clear speech conditions. What remains unclear iswhether the speaker's primary goal in clear speech is to give listeners more information or to make the information easier to process.This study targets this question by examining the behavior of speakers of Thai, a language with contrastive vowel length.Gary Linebaugh (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign) Session 41Acoustic evidence for the asymmetry of height & backness effects in vowel-to-vowel coarticulationI present evidence that the acoustic effects of cross-consonantal vowel-to-vowel coarticulation are asymmetric with respect to theheight and backness dimensions. Effects on F2 are more systematic and more predictable than effects on F1. The asymmetry ofeffects on F1 vs F2 is evidence of asymmetry in height and backness effects. This finding is incompatible with a model of speechproduction that views coarticulation as the spreading of features, but it is consistent with a model that distinguishes among thedimensions of lingual articulation, such as the gestural coproduction model (Fowler & Saltzman 1993, Browman & Goldstein 1992).Mary S. Linn (University of Oklahoma) Session 96An historical applicative & its consequences in YuchiI explore the reconstruction of an historical applicative in Yuchi. An applicative prefix *yo- fused with the pronominal prefixes,leaving what an array of pronominal prefix sets. These can now be analyzed as two sets of pronominal prefixes, an actor and a patientset. The historical applicative prefix may be reconstructed as an earlier 3rd person patient prefix, perhaps cognate with that of Proto-Iroquoian nonspecific patient prefix *yu-. Additionally, the Yuchi impersonal 3rd person ko- and inanimate 3rd person hi- iscompared to the Proto-Iroquoian-Caddoan specific agent *ka-/*ya- and nonspecific agent *yi-, perhaps lending support to the Proto-Siouan-Iroquoian-Caddoan hypothesis.Leila Lomashvili (University of Arizona) Session 12Why are inherent/structural cases borne equal? Evidence from GeorgianThe paper continues the line of research in the minimalist case theory which claims that the distinction between the two varieties ofsyntactic case--structural and inherent--is spurious. The data from Georgian show that dative case and agreement morphology of theexperiencer subjects and the subjects of transitive/unergative verbs is checked in the same structural configuration. Also dative caseof two object arguments in double object constructions is checked in the spec-head relationship with the functional heads (VP applic andAgroP). The binding facts and adverbial clauses support the claim that inherent/structural gap is not relevant to Georgian.144

Carol Lombard (University of South Africa) Session 73Niitsitapi personal names & naming practices: A preliminary reportThe personal naming practices of the Niitsitapi (Blackfoot) people appear to be rooted in ancient local knowledge systems and thoughtpatterns that have played a part in defining and maintaining the traditional Niitsitapi way of life and, thus, cultural identity for manythousands of years. Within this context, it is possible to identify patterns of relationships between naming and other aspects oftraditional cultural knowledge. An awareness and understanding of such relationships contributes towards a clearer and deeperappreciation of how Niitsitapi personal names form part of the greater sociocultural fabric in which they are embedded.Christopher J. Long (Tohoku Gakuin University) Session 11A quantitative study of factors that influence the use of apology in Japanese gratitude situationsA stepwise regression analysis of apology expressions (e.g. sumimasen) in 2,532 Japanese gratitude situations selected ‘regret’ and‘situational expectedness’ as significant predictors. Additional analyses, however, revealed that only degree of expectedness differedsignificantly by interlocutor (situations were rated less expected when performed by superiors). This, along with the finding thatapology was used more with superiors, suggests that degree of expectedness (and not regret) is the primary factor determining the useof apology in Japanese gratitude situations. This finding, which challenges the validity of Nakata's 1989 account, was confirmed in afollow-up study of 333 first through ninth-grade students.Olga Lovick (University of Alaska, Fairbanks) Session 97Siri Tuttle (University of Alaska, Fairbanks)Intonational marking of narrative & syntactic units in a Dena'ina textDena'ina is an Alaskan Athabascan language spoken by less than 60 speakers in south-central Alaska around the Cook Inlet. Weconsiders pitch and duration effects in a recorded Dena'ina text. Dlin'a Sukdu, "Mouse Story", is a traditional ‘lesson story’, dealingwith the proper treatment of animals. We find that final lowering characterizes right edges of information units sometimes isomorphicwith intonational phrases. These include dislocated nominal elements, as well as paragraph-like units which may contain pauses. Ourfindings suggest that final lowering is functionally conditioned in Dena'ina intonation.Joanna H. Lowenstein (Ohio State University) Session 21Susan Nittrouer (Ohio State University)Fricative development in English-learning childrenFricatives are rare in babbling and early speech, are produced relatively late in development, and misarticulation of fricatives can bepresent in normally developing children even as they enter elementary school. Previous studies have found a slow process ofacquisition and tuning that is likely due to articulatory considerations. We analyzed the number of word-initial and -final sibilantsproduced in spontaneous samples by 7 infants, taped at 2-month intervals between 14 and 28 months, as well as spectral moments.Results suggest that these children were starting to develop spectral shapes for sibilants like those of slightly older children.Cynthia Lyles-Scott (Florida Atlantic University) Session 68A slave by any other nameToni Morrison's narrative, Beloved, is an example of many different types of literature. It is a supernatural tale about a slain daughterwho comes back to life. It is a love story about two people who find one another after nearly 20 years. It is also a familial tale aboutthree generations of women and how their lives were and are affected by the institution of slavery. Of all these aspects of Beloved thatcould be argued as important within the context of the novel, the theme of reclaiming the self and identity, especially through namesor the act of naming or nicknaming, is clearly the most dominant aspect of the narrative, as well as the focus of this thesis.Jonathan E. MacDonald (University of Cyprus) WITHDRAWN Session 48Verb orientation & P incorporationI propose that verbs of inherently directed motion (VIDMs) are either goal-oriented or source-oriented as the result of lexicalincorporation of a goal or source preposition a la Hale and Keyser 1993.(1) a. John returned to the party at noon.b. John returned from the party at noon.The goal phrase indicates John's location at noon; the source phrase does not. Return is a goal-oriented VIDM. The opposite patternshold for source-oriented VIDMs. Moreover, I suggest that the achievement status of these VIDMs falls out directly from the presentlexical derivational account.145

Martha J. Macri (University of California, Davis) Session 96Contrasting graphic traditions among the Ancient MayaThe Maya books and the earlier Classic monumental inscriptions contributed to the decipherment of the script. However, neithertradition was monolithic. Calendrical information in the Classic texts allows the assignment of a date of first known occurrence toeach sign. It is then possible to note which signs are shared between the two traditions and which are unique to one or the other. Isummarize a statistical comparison currently underway. A model emerges in which both traditions shared a common origin, but fromthe early Classic period (at least CE 400) appear to have developed independently.Ian Maddieson (University of California, Berkeley/University of New Mexico) Session 103Phonological typology & areal features of indigenous languages of the AmericasInformation on basic phonological properties such as segment inventories and canonical syllable structure has been assembled in adatabase currently covering over 600 languages. These include about 90 from each of a North American and a South and CentralAmerican grouping defined jointly by geographical and genetic considerations. Using this material, several phonological traitstending to distinguish American languages from those of other areas can be detected, and overlapping distributions that demarcateareal or genetic groupings within the Americas can be extracted. These observations can be considered in relation to both recent andancient patterns of migration and contact.Laura Mahalingappa (University of Texas, Austin) Session 15Variability in the acquisition of split-ergativity in Kurmanji KurdishThis study examines the acquisition of split-ergativity in Kurmanji Kurdish where children are faced with variable distribution fromcaretaker input, caused by the weakening of the ergative construction in the language. Data include spontaneous speech samples andexperimental data from children (2;0-4;6) and caretakers. Data from caretakers confirm the limited use of the ergative, patterns whichare reflected closely in the data from older children. However, younger children (2;3-3;3) show a higher tendency to use ergativecase-marking, possibly due to overgeneralization. Thus children seem to acquire ergative constructions early but ultimately conformto the variability modeled by the adult community.Charles Mann (University of Surrey, United Kingdom) Session 87North & south: Attitudes towards Anglo-Nigerian Pidgin in urban NigeriaQuestionnaire- and interview-based surveys of attitudes toward Anglo-Nigerian Pidgin (ANP) were undertaken on stratified randomsamples of 1,200 respondents in six urban centers in southern Nigeria (Ibadan, Lagos, Benin, Warri, Port-Harcourt, Calabar) and 700respondents in seven urban centers in northern Nigeria (Sokoto, Zaria, Kaduna, Kano, Jos, Bauchi, Maiduguri) in relation toperceptions of its language status, possible use as a subject and medium of instruction, and possible adoption as an official language inthe future, given its ever-increasing vitality and preponderance. I discuss the findings in relation to these differing geopolitical,geolinguistic, and sociolinguistic contexts, and language attitudes theory.Danilo Marcondes (Pontifícia Catholic University, Rio de Janeiro) Session 79Roots of the notion of structureStructuralism is one of the main currents of the study of language in contemporary thought, though there are different versions of itsince ‘the structuralist turn’ of the beginning of the twentieth century. Structuralist theories of meaning have their roots in ancientphilosophy, e.g. in Plato and Aristotle. We shall follow Ernst Cassirer's analyses of the structural principle from its origins up to itsinfluence in contemporary theories of language. Structure is defined as (1) providing a hierarchical principle of organization and (2)establishing a set of rules determining the valid relations among elements which are parts of a whole.Stefania Marin (Yale University) Session 41Lexical & postlexical vowel coordination, Romanian diphthongs, &d blendingI present an experimental study that induces a postlexical synchronous coordination between two vowels across word boundary, as away to test a specific articulatory phonology hypothesis regarding Romanian lexical diphthongs [ea]/[oa]. The observed postlexicaleffects are comparable to alternations in Romanian phonology between lexical diphthongs and unstressed vowels, supporting thehypothesis that the phonological representation of Romanian diphthongs is that of two vowels synchronously coordinated.146

Vita G. Markman (Pomona College) Session 20Two be's & predicate case in Russian: Matrix vs embedded clausesI address a prohibition on instrumental predicates in Russian present tense main clauses and their obligatory presence in embeddedclauses. I propose that there are two verbs be in Russian (jest' and byt') that have collapsed into one paradigm. Jest' lacks person,number, and aspect features while byt' is featurally robust. However, byt' does not exist in the present tense--jest' must be usedinstead. I argue that aspect features are crucial for licensing instrumental predicate case. Since jest' lacks them, instrumentalpredicates are impossible in present tense main clauses. In embedded clauses the matrix verb's aspect licenses instrumental predicatecase.Steve Marlett (SIL/University of North Dakota) Session 97Stress & extrametricality in SeriThe major pattern in the Seri language is for primary stress to fall on the penultimate syllable of the root (not the word). The latterdetail makes the stress system somewhat opaque; the boundaries between roots and affixes are often not clear. The facts arecomplicated in various other ways as well. First, final heavy syllables attract stress. Second, a final consonant generally counts asbeing extrametrical for the purpose of stress (although not for the minimal word condition in Seri). Third, some words areidiosyncratically marked as having an entire final extrametrical syllable.Andrew Martin (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 7Geminate avoidance in English morphologyGeminate consonants, although permitted in English across morpheme boundaries (e.g. nighttime), are statistically underrepresented.I propose that this is because learners of English internalize competing generalizations: Not only are geminates forbidden withinmorphemes, they are also rare overall since they only occur in a restricted class of words. I formalize this as a grammar consisting ofweighted constraints, coupled with a maximum entropy learning algorithm. Even when trained on data with no bias againstgeminates, this learner assigns the general constraint “*Geminate a nonzero weight, resulting in less-than-perfect well-formednessratings for compounds with geminates”.Kosuke Matsukawa (University at Albany, State University of New York) Session 38Reconstruction of Proto-Trique vowelsTrique languages (Chicahuaxtla Trique, Copala Trique, and Itunyoso Trique) are spoken in Oaxaca, Mexico, and belong to theMixtecan family of the Otomanguean stock. In Proto-Trique, seven oral vowels (/*i/, /*e/, /*ï/, /*ë/, /*a/, /*o/, /*u/) and four nasalvowels (/*in/, /*ïn/, /*an/, /*un/) are reconstructible, and these 11 vowels have four qualities (short vowel, long vowel, glottalizedvowel, and aspirated vowel). I show how the Proto-Trique vowel system was reconstructed and how the reconstructed Proto-Triquevowels have undergone historical sound changes in its three daughter languages.Stephen Matthews (University of Hong Kong) Session 91Virgina Yip (Chinese University of Hong Kong)Wh-interrogatives in Chinese Pidgin English: To move or not to moveWhile English-language sources for CPE typically show fronting of wh-phrases as in (1), newly transcribed data from a Chinesesource also show wh-in-situ as in (2):(1) How muchee you gib? [how much are you offering](2) You wantchee how muchee? [how much do you want]Intermediate cases including optional and partial wh-movement are also attested in the same source, as well as in bilingual childrenexposed to Cantonese and English from birth. Wh-in-situ is argued to reflect the influence of Cantonese as substrate language in CPE,and as dominant language in bilingual development.Roberto Mayoral Hernández (University of Southern California) Session 35Asier Alcázar (University of Southern California)A corpus analysis of weight & unaccusativity in SpanishAbundant research reports that weight affects the position of postverbal constituents (Hawkins 1994, 2004; Wasow 1997, 2002). Ourstudy analyzes whether preverbal positions are also affected by this processing constraint. In particular, we focus on the position of147

Spanish subjects with unaccusative verbs, because they may precede or follow the verb (Torrego 1989). We show that weight alsoaffects preverbal positions. In addition, we investigate the most effective way of measuring weight: by words (Lohse, Hawkins, &Wasow 2004), syllables (Gries 2003), or phonemes. All of these strategies prove weight to be statistically significant, although wordswere the optimal measure.Daniel McClory (Yale University) Session 11Eric Raimy (University of Wisconsin, Madison)Enhanced edges: Morphological influence on linearizationLinearization is a core operation in approaches to phonology that assume precedence-based representations. We propose alinearization algorithm that adds and utilizes morphological information to the content of precedence links. This revision to thecontent of precedence links allows a language universal, completely local and deterministic linearization algorithm to be implemented.The empirical adequacy of the algorithm is demonstrated by providing analyses of Hab-Rep reduplication in Javanese, doublereduplication in Lushootseed and interposed reduplication in Indonesian.Thomas McFadden (University of Stuttgart) Session 1Locality & cyclicity in structural case assignmentI present a strictly local and cyclic analysis of case assignment. The central insight is that apparent long-distance assignment alwaysinvolves the nominative. Locality can thus be maintained if nominative is assigned by default rather than via Agree, for whichindependent support is presented. Accusative assignment, on the other hand, appears at first counter-cyclic, dependent on the case of ahigher DP. Data from certain kinds of ECM show, however, that it is the structural status of the higher argument, not its case, thatmatters. Thus a cyclic account is possible if case is assigned in a DM-style postsyntactic morphology.Teresa McFarland (University of California, Berkeley) Session 16Free affix order in TotonacI report a robust case of free variation in the order of verbal affixes in an endangered Mexican language: Filomeno Mata Totonac(FMT). This phenomenon has been reported only sparsely, most recently in Kiranti languages of Nepal (Bickel et al, to appear),where several inflectional prefixes may occur in random order. In FMT, variable order unconstrained by semantic scope ormorphological/syntactic constituency is found among a large number of derivational prefixes and suffixes, including reciprocal,applicative, and causative morphemes. These findings pose a challenge for generally accepted principles of affix ordering such asRice's scope Hhypothesis (Rice 2000).Laura McGarrity (University of Washington) Session 31Coda weight variability & context-dependency in Kuuku-Ya?uIn Kuuku-Ya?u (Pama-Nyungan), the weight of CVC syllables is contextually dependent. Closed syllables are generally light, as theyfail to attract quantity-sensitive primary stress, which falls on the rightmost long vowel in the word (else on the initial syllable).However, CVC syllables are contextually heavy in initial position, as evidenced by a process of gemination that closes a light, opensyllable bearing default primary stress due to a constraint requiring stressed syllables to be heavy. This variability of coda weight isaccounted for within optimality theory through parallel comparison of monomoraic and bimoraic parses of closed syllables forconstraint evaluation.Kathryn McGee (University of California, San Diego) Session 20Features of aspect in Chinese, Spanish, & EnglishBy defining the Mandarin Chinese verbal suffixes ñle, ñguo, and ñzhe with Cowper’s 2005 semantic features of INFL, I explain whythe interpretation of these suffixes is not the same as their equivalents in Spanish and English. I show how the same semantic featurecan be associated with different interpretations in Chinese and Spanish and how Chinese and English achieve the same interpretationwith different features. I argue that describing morphemes with hierarchically organized semantic features provides a systematic wayto account for cross-linguistic variation in the semantic interpretations associated with inflectional morphemes.Grant McGuire (Ohio State University) Session 55Phonetic category learning & perceptual cuesI describe a training experiment exploring the acquisition of phonetic categories and perceptual cues by adults. Subjects were trained148

to categorize a consonant place distinction in a two-dimensional sibilant fricative + vowel stimulus set using fricative noise, formanttransition, or both cues independently. Results indicate that subjects could be trained to rely solely on one or the other cue althoughvocalic information is much more robust. Further, there is considerable evidence of a general increase in sensitivity to the dimensionof training and little evidence for acquired equivalence within category or in an irrelevant dimension.Jason Merchant (University of Chicago) Session 14VP-ellipsis is VP ellipsis; pseudogapping is vP ellipsisActive/passive voice mismatches between an antecedent VP and an elided one are tolerated in VP-ellipsis structures but not inpseudogapping ones--an unexpected difference on usual accounts which assimilate the latter completely to the former. I argue thatthis empirical difference arises from a difference in the height of the target of deletion: The VP node sister to Voice in VP-ellipsis,and the vP headed by Voice in pseudogapping. This analysis supports the idea that some elliptical identity is computed over syntacticstructures, and captures the similarity pseudogapping shows to higher ellipsis sites (as in sluicing) where voice mismatches are alsoruled out.Ilana Mezhevich (University of Calgary) Session 20A feature-theoretic account of tense & aspect in RussianIn Russian non-past clauses, aspectual morphology conveys tense: Imperfective is interpreted as present while perfective isinterpreted as future. Assuming that tense and aspect are distinct grammatical categories with different semantic content, how canaspect be interpreted as tense? I propose that tense and aspect share semantic content: They both express a relation of(non)coincidence. Functional heads T and Asp contain the same semantic feature [coin] but distinct morphosyntactic features [past]and [perf], respectively. The interaction between the two types of features together with the mechanism of feature agreement resultsin [coin] being interpreted as both tense and aspect.Susan Michaelis (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig) Session 84Martin Haspelmath (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig)Towards an Atlas of Pidgin & Creole Language Structures (APiCS)We present the project of an Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures (APiCS). The goal of APiCS is to gather comparablesynchronic data on the grammatical and lexical structures of a large number of pidgin and creole languages. The project will cover60-80 languages, not only from the Atlantic and Indian Ocean. The database will consist of 150-200 structural features fromphonology, morphology, syntax, and lexicon. It will appear in two volumes, a map volume and an encyclopedic companion volumewith sociohistorical and grammatical surveys. The electronic version will also be made available.Marianne Mithun (University of California ,Santa Barbara) Session 97The prosodies of contrast: Mohawk emphatic/contrastive pronouns in spontaneous speechIn typological work, the free pronouns of polysynthetic languages are sometimes taken as counterparts of pronouns of languages likeEnglish. The relative rarity of the free pronouns in spontaneous speech is attributed to a parameter setting by which the languages areclassified as 'pro-drop'. An examination of their use in speech, along with the prosodic structures in which they occur, shows that thepronouns of these languages serve several distinct functions in the packaging of information. Here we trace their use in Mohawk,where they occur in various focus, topicalization, and antitopic constructions, each characterized by a distinctive intonation contour.Simona Montanari (California State University, Los Angeles) Session 15Syntactic differentiation in early trilingual developmentI examined syntactic differentiation in early trilingual development through an analysis of the argument/predicate sequences producedby a Tagalog-Spanish-English trilingual child at MLUw < 1.5. I tracked down argument/predicate sequences produced in eachlanguage from weekly recordings and compared the frequencies of predicate-initial and of predicate-final sequences crosslinguistically.The results indicate that such combinations are differentially ordered depending on their language and following inputdependentpreferences, suggesting that (1) syntactic differentiation is possible also before the appearance of functional categories, andthat (2) the organizing principles operating on early constructions might possibly be syntactic rather than pragmatic alone.149

Brad Montgomery-Anderson (University of Kansas) Session 94The applicative construction in Chontal MayanChontal Mayan transitive verbs use an applicative suffix -be to indicate the presence of three arguments. Previous descriptions haveanalyzed this morpheme as a reflex of the obligatory advancement of an underlying peripheral argument. I explore the use of thissuffix from a language internal perspective as well as a comparative perspective, focusing on the limitations on possessor-raising aswell as unexpected occurrences where transitive verbs do not participate in applicative constructions. These functions and limitationsare put in a broader typological framework and compared to similar uses of -be in other Mayan languages.David F. Mora-Marin (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill) Session 96Reconstruction of Proto-Ch'olan independent pronouns: Grammaticalization & evidence for sociolinguistic variationI reconstruct the independent pronouns of Proto-Ch'olan and trace the changes that took place in the descendant Ch'olan languages,including the ancient hieroglyphic texts, as well as the evidence for their sociolinguistic contextualization. I propose two basic sets ofindependent pronouns. The first was based on the independent pronoun base *ha', inherited from Proto-Mayan and exhibiting twosynchronic variants that are differentially attested in different media in the ancient texts. The second was based on the positional root*nats' 'near' and constitutes an exclusive Proto-Ch'olan innovation that is so far unattested in ancient texts--it most likely lacked thesocial prestige that the preceding set enjoyed.Steve Moran (University of Washington) Session 34Transcription systems’ interoperability through ontologiesJesse Blackburn Morrow (University of Oregon) Session 104Linguistic restructuring during obsolescence: The Umatilla Sahaptin inverse voiceLinguistic restructuring has been suggested anecdotally for the youngest of an estimated 11 remaining native speakers of UmatillaSahaptin (Sahaptian, Penutian). I describe the Umatilla inverse voice as it is used by two elder and three younger speakers in narratingpicture stories. Results indicate a generational difference in their response to the experimentally manipulated parameters of topicality.The inverse construction of the younger generation also differs structurally from that of their elders in distinctive stress, syntagmaticposition, debuccalization, and case-marking. Inter- and intra-speaker variation is greater for the younger generation in both thefunctional and structural realms.Robert W. Murray (University of Calgary) Session 38Middle English quantity change & Luick's cradle/saddle problemImportant Middle English (ME) quantity changes such as open syllable lengthening (OSL) are extremely irregular; e.g., given OldEnglish cradol, sadol, only cradle shows OSL. In fact, only about 50% of the forms can be considered ‘regular’--expected acre,beaver vs unexpected hammer, heaven. I reject the standard treatment developed by Luick (1914-1921) on the basis of bothcomparative and internal evidence--a conclusion that has significant implications for both descriptive and theoretical work sinceLuick's interpretation forms the basis of virtually every ME handbook description and is still followed in recent theoretical treatments.Masahiko Mutsukawa (Nanzan University) Session 74Phonological clues in Japanese given names: The masculinity of Riku & the femininity of Kanon & KarinJapanese people can tell the gender of given names when they first hear them. This indicates that there are phonological genderdifferences in Japanese given names. Previous studies claim that five types of phonological gender differences determine the genderof Japanese names and that they can be ranked, based on their contribution in determining the gender. The rankings developed in theprevious studies, however, cannot explain the masculinity of Riku and the femininity of Kanon and Karin. The present study revealsthat the final syllable -ku indicates masculinity and that the sequence of light-heavy syllables shows femininity.Toshihide Nakayama (Tokyo University for Foreign Studies) Session 106Characteristics of Nuuchahnulth polysynthesisI give a profile of the morphological complexity in Nuuchahnulth (Wakashan) in hope of making a contribution to understanding thediversity of polysynthesis. At the heart of the polysynthetic word formation in Nuuchahnulth is a large group of dependentmorphemes with lexical meanings. They allow morphological expression of semantic relations including predicate-argument,150

predicate-complement, entity-classifier, action-manner, action-location, and entity-location. Utilization of the structural resource ofpolysynthesis in Nuuchahnulth is not evenly distributed within the grammar. The higher degree of morphological buildup is found inverbs. Complexity found in nominal words is largely carried over from verbal word formation through nominalization.Seungho Nam (Seoul National University) Session 48Structure of directional motion event: Goal/source asymmetryTo explain the semantic and syntactic asymmetry between goal and source locatives, we propose their distinct syntactic positions andtheir different semantic contributions on event structure: (1) Goal PPs (to the house) are generated under the lower VP, whereassource PPs (from the house) are generated above vP. (2) Semantically, goal PPs compose a result state while source PPs just modifythe process subevent. Source PPs scope over the situation (lower) aspect and do not shift the aspectual character. Goal PPs play acrucial role in aspectual composition to derive a telic event by composing a core event. Assuming extended VP structures of Travis2000, 2005); Kracht 2002, and Thompson 2006, we further account for the syntactic asymmetry between goal and source in A/A-barmovement.Chandan Narayan (University of Pennsylvania) Session 53Nasal consonant perception in infancy: Effects of acoustic-perceptual salienceI present the results of six experiments investigating the perception of Filipino nasal place contrasts by both English- and Filipinohearinginfants. Inspired by the notion that typologically common contrasts, such as /ma/-/na/, are perceptually more salient than lesscommon contrasts, like /na/-/na/, this study shows that acoustic-perceptual salience affects the perception of nasal place in infancy.Nasal contrasts that are acoustically similar, like [na]-[na], may require language experience in order to be reflected in infants'perceptual space while contrasts that have an acoustically robust difference, like [ma]-[na], are discriminated across development.Lance Nathan (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 28Temporal existentials & the amount perfectI examine new data concerning the perfect and modification by since clauses, such as It has been seven years since Henry has visitedAnaheim. Though this resembles the temporal existentials of Iatridou 2003 and the simultaneous reading sentences of von Fintel andIatridou (in progress), current theories of the perfect neither predict the sentence's acceptability nor provide an interpretation for it.Drawing on both theories, I propose a new ‘amount perfect’ meaning for the perfect, which both derives the correct meaning andensures the correct distribution of since clauses.Fallou Ngom (Western Washington University) Session 6Language analysis in asylum cases: A new subfield of (socio)linguisticsMany Western governments now use language analyses to determine the country of origin of some asylum seekers. However, thesetypes of language analyses are faced with serious problems: (1) There is extremely limited research conducted on applicants' speechcommunities and languages in many cases, and (2) experts specializing in the applicants' language(s) are often difficult to find. Iaddress some major challenges facing language analysts in such cases and highlight the key issues that need to be addressed in orderto enhance the reliability of conclusions in such serious language analyses.Michel Nguessan (Governors State University) Session 66Bertin Kouadio Yao (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Ethnic groups, ethnonyms, & cartography: A study of ethnic map-making in Côte-d'IvoireI analyze the complexity of ethnic map-making in Côte-d'Ivoire, a multi-ethnic country with at least 60 different ethnic groups.Official classifications and names for ethnic groups do not correspond to the reality on the ground. The problem brings togetherterritoriality, spoken languages, and scale: (1) Where is the line between ethnic groups? (2) What is the legitimate name for a givengroup? (3) How should underrepresented or disappearing minorities be dealt with? The study discusses these ethnic groups, theirnames, and map-making initiatives and proposes solutions that give a fair treatment to ethnic minorities on maps.Michel Nguessan (Governors State University) Session 66Bertin Kouadio Yao (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Why not standardize toponyms in Côte-d'Ivoire?We analyze toponymy in Côte-d'Ivoire, which represents a complex situation in the area of toponymy due to its colonial history,151

multi-ethnic configuration, and post-independence national policy in the area languages and toponymy. Many names coexist for aspecific place. A few questions call for answers. What name is legitimate? Why not standardize these place names? The first part ofthe paper provides an historical perspective. The second part elaborates on the colonial legacy, and the third part discusses the postcolonialpolicy in order to propose ways to carry out systematic research for standardization of toponymy.Lynn Nichols (University of California, Berkeley) Session 40A lexical semantic typology of noun rootsOn the basis of languages from the Pacific Rim area (North America, Amazonia, Oceania, Australia) a more fine-grained lexicalsemantic typology of noun root types can be discerned, roots containing only idiosyncratic information, roots containing grammaticalfunctionalinformation, and roots containing a complex of both types. The need for this typology indicates that it is not possible tomake a single statement about the semantic properties of noun 'roots' cross-linguistically; particular languages vary with respect towhat kind of lexical semantic information may be permitted to be packaged into a 'root'.Tatiana Nikitina (Stanford University) Session 36Derivational morphology & mixed category constructionsI focus on an unusual type of embedded clause in Wan (Southeastern Mande, Côte d'Ivoire), which has the internal structure of a nounphrase but is headed by a simple (i.e., nonnominalized) verb. I argue that the mixed syntactic properties of the internally nominalembedded clause cannot be derived from the head's morphological properties and suggest a diachronic explanation for thedevelopment of this construction.Alleen Pace Nilsen (Arizona State University) Session 69Don L. F. Nilsen (Arizona State University)The importance of names & naming practices in books written for young adultsThrough modern books popular with teen readers, we explain why naming, especially taking a new name, is more important toteenaged readers than it is to adult readers. We illustrate how authors use names and naming processes, not only for identifyingcharacters and places, but also for such different literary purposes as establishing settings-place, time, and genre, i.e., realistic vsimagined worlds. Skilled authors also use clever naming to help their readers remember who is who, to illustrate characterdevelopment through name changes, and to reveal different attitudes and practices related to ethnicity.Sumiyo Nishiguchi (University at Stony Brook, State University of New York) Session 56Fake past & contextsSimple sentences containing a past tense morpheme can receive non-past interpretations when expressing surprise, finding somethingas in 1, recalling the forgotten or with the fulfillment of expectation (Teramura 1984).(1) A, koko-ni at-ta/#a-ru. (Japanese)Oh here-LOC be-PAST/be-NONPAST`Oh, (the book) was here'I argue that speaker's implicit attitudes are ‘monsters’ which (contra Kaplan 1977) shift temporal parameters of the context of theformally past sentences, typically with unaccusative predicates. I propose that speaker attitudes are grammatically represented by anabstract determiner which takes negative presuppositions in the restrictor and the overt predicate in the nuclear scope.Dimitrios Ntelitheos (University of Minnesota, Twin Cities) Session 36Participant nominalizations as (reduced) headless relative clausesI propose that participant nominals have the structure of reduced headless relative clauses, based on Malagasy (Austronesian). Theclaim straightforwardly explains the relative clause-type interpretation of these nominals (player = 'one who plays'). Evidence for theclaim comes from identical restrictions on voice morphology in Malagasy relatives and participant nominals and their similar behaviorwith respect to binding principles. Cross-linguistically, participant nominalizations and relatives are frequently formed with identicalnominalizers and exhibit distributional similarities (participant nominals often assuming a modifying function). Morphosyntacticdifferences between the two types of strings are attributed to a reduction in the structure of participant nominals.152

Frank H. Nuessel (University of Louisville)The study of names: Past research & future projectsANS Invited Plenary AddressI provide an overview of previous studies in onomastics, including designations for monetary units in Spanish-speaking republics,planned languages, sport teams nicknames, older adults references, personal identifiers on license plates; personal and place names inSpanish proverbs; and product names and prescription medication errors. Current onomastic interest involves titling or names forcreative works, such as fiction, artwork, music, etc. Some previous taxonomic research that focused on word frequencies alreadyexists. These interests relate to the artistic intent and audience interpretation based on work by Margery Franklin. Another projectinvolves imaginary place names in creative works.Miki Obata (University of Michigan) Session 29Is closest C-command good enough?I elucidate some mechanisms behind the absence of superiority effects: What did you buy where?/Where did you buy what?Especially, I focus on the computational procedure in determining which elements are accessible to attraction under the phase-basedapproach in Chomsky 2000. My main claim is that closest c-command is not sufficient to capture locality of movement in some casesand ‘how well features match’ plays an important role in addition to closest c-command. Also, the system I propose can be extendedto some A-movement cases.Loretta O'Connor (University of Hamburg) Session 105‘My feet hurt from the hips down’: Body parts in Lowland Chontal of OaxacaIn Lowland Chontal of Oaxaca, an indigenous language of southern Mexico, the only word for 'body' is a loanword from Spanish; theface is not indicated as part of the 'head', and there are semantically general words for upper and lower limbs that can refer equally to'arm, hand' or 'leg, foot'. These findings contribute to a growing body of cross-linguistic analysis (Majid et al 2006) that challengessuggested universals of body part lexicon and systems of partonomy. Furthermore, Chontal is an agentive language of Mesoamerica,yet the body part data present intriguing variations from expected typological and areal patterns.Jaclyn Ocumpaugh (Michigan State University) Session 9‘Shefters do et butter’: Ethnic minority perceptions of the Northern Cities ShiftThis study investigates the perceptual abilities of Mexican Americans in southwest Michigan who were presented with Northern CitiesShift (NCS) tokens. Previous sociophonetic research has shown that length of residence affects the degree of accommodation to theNCS by these speakers (Ocumpaugh & Roeder 2006). Meanwhile, previous perception experiments have shown that speakers fromthe demographics most likely to participate in the NCS are best able to understand shifted tokens (Preston 2005) as predicted bysimilar perceptual experiments (Labov & Ash 1997). Preliminary evidence shows a relationship between production and perception,showing empirical evidence for models of sound change.Naomi Ogasawara (University of Arizona) Session 55Processing of vowel reduction in Japanese: Effects of allophonic & speech rate variabilityI investigate listeners' processing of sounds and words containing allophonic and speech rate variability. Speech perceptionexperiments were conducted with Japanese vowels, realized as reduced vowels between voiceless consonants; otherwise, realized asfully voiced vowels. The experiments revealed that listeners make good use of acoustic information and phonological and phonotacticknowledge for processing of the allophonic variants. These effects interacted with each other in various ways, depending on the typeof processing such as single sound detection and lexical word recognition. Furthermore, it was revealed that listeners adjust theirexpectations for how sounds are reduced based on speech rate.Kenneth S. Olson (SIL International/University of North Dakota) Session 23Jeff Mielke (University of Ottawa)Several Philippine languages have a consonant involving tongue protrusion for which no IPA symbol exists. Previous descriptions ofits articulation vary widely. Using ultrasound and video data from Kagayanen, we show that the sound is a voiced interdentalapproximant. Airflow is between the tongue tip or blade and the upper incisors and cuspids. There is no velarization (contra Harmon1977), and there is a substantial narrowing of the oral tract (contra Olson 2006) between the tongue and upper teeth. This constrictionsupports the definition of ‘approximant’ as vocal tract narrowing insufficient to produce a turbulent airstream (cf. Ladefoged 1971).153

Natalie Operstein (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 100Prevocalization in Maxakalí & beyondMaxakalí is the only language known to productively alternate between fully articulated, prevocalized, and fully vocalizedconsonantal allophones. Earlier analyses of Maxakalí (pre)vocalization fail to derive correctly the place of articulation of (pre)vowelsgenerated by a number of consonants. I offer a solution to this problem by analyzing Maxakalí prevowels as forwardsegmentalizations of the consonants' vocalic component. Appealing to the notion of an inherent vocalic component of plainconsonants allows separating places of articulation of (pre)vowels from those of the consonants in Maxakalí, and in addition has profound implications for the internal composition ofconsonants in general.Polly O'Rourke (University of Arizona) Session 12Gender congruency & picture naming in SpanishI examined the production of bare nouns and noun phrases by native Spanish speakers within the picture-word interference paradigmin hopes of replicating the inhibitory gender congruency effect found in bare noun production in Italian by Cubelli, et al. 2005.Experiment 1 used an auditory distractor word while, in Experiment 2, the distractor word was presented visually. No gendercongruency effects, neither facilitatory nor inhibitory, were found in bare noun production in either experiment. These findings areconsistent with the notion that gender is accessed only when necessary for syntactic computation.David Y. Oshima (Arizona State University) WITHDRAWN Session 13Subject-oriented adverbs & related constructions: One meaning, different packagesI develop a construction grammar analysis of the following three constructions: (1) the subject-oriented adverb construction (Kindly,John made me a sandwich), (2) the ‘Adj. + to Inf.’ construction (John was kind to make me a sandwich), and (3) the ‘Adj. + of NP’construction (It was kind of John to make me a sandwich). While the three constructions have many semantic commonalities, theycontrast with one another with respect to the way their semantic components are realized. I present formal representations ofsyntactic/semantic properties of the three constructions, using the HPSG-style unification-based formalism.Iyabo F. Osiapem (Washington University, St. Louis) Session 61Past temporal reference in Black Bermudian English: Perfective be/perfective doneI address past temporal reference in the English spoken by 30 Black Bermudians. Although the Black Bermudian English (BBE) pasttemporal reference is similar to AAE and other Englishes of the Eastern Caribbean, BBE has two unique features--perfective be andperfective done. Perfective be is the combination of the present perfect with the be verb as in I'm been doing it so long now.Perfective done occurs in the form similar to the perfect as in I done lived down here for 60 years. I describe these features andexamine their variation.Roelant Ossewaarde (University at Buffalo, State University of New York) Session 1Against a directional account of agreementI discuss counterexamples to a directional approach of agreement. Theories of agreement typically assume a target-controller relation,with the latter projecting all or some agreement information to the former. Some assume that agreeing features on the target have littleor no semantic effect at all. I present problematic cases for such treatments, cases in which meaning is expressed by a mismatch ofvalues of agreement features (misagreement). Interpretation of each element in misagreement is required in order to derive the correctmeaning. These are counter-examples to theories that posit unidirectionality of the controller-target relationship.Jonathan Owens (University of Maryland, College Park) Session 19Jidda Hassan (U Miaduguri, Nigeria)Conversation markers in Arabic-Hausa codeswitching: Saliency & language hierarchiesUsing a multilingual (Arabic-Hausa-English-Standard Arabic) corpus from northeastern Nigeria, we show bilingual insertions of sixturn-initial conversation particles to be (statistically) sensitive to two broad factors: status of particle and matrix language it isembedded in. Status is defined by a saliency scale based on whether the particle has extended propositional reference, use as abackchannel marker or as a turn claimer, while ML is defined as Arabic (L1) vs Hausa (L2). On this basis, we explain why certainconversation particles (e.g. Hausa to ‘okay’) migrate outside their L2 domain into L1, whereas others (H. ee ‘yes backchannel’) donot.154

Ozge Ozturk (University of Delaware) Session 52Anna Papafragou (University of Delaware)How do you know: Evidentiality in TurkishThis paper investigates the acquisition of evidentiality (the linguistic encoding of information source) and its relation to evidentialreasoning in Turkish children. We focus on two evidential verbal morphemes in Turkish: -di, and -mis, which indicate direct evidenceand hearsay/indirect experience, respectively. Six experiments asked whether Turkish children have acquired the semantics andpragmatics for these morphemes and understand the source concepts behind them. We conclude that the acquisition of evidentialmorphology lags behind source-reasoning abilities and that the unavailability of stable/obvious situational correlates, when anevidential morpheme is produced, complicates the process of mapping morphemes onto evidential categories.Anna Papafragou (University of Delaware) Session 52Ozge Ozturk (University of Delaware)Modality & the development of the semantics/pragmatics interfaceEpistemic modal (EM) verbs encode the speaker’s attitude towards the probability of a proposition (It may/has to rain today).Previous literature has shown that children have difficulty with EM verbs (Wells 1985, Hirst & Weil 1980). We show that, contrary toprior findings, 5-year-olds have the correct semantics for EMs such as may and have to. We also show that children recognize therelative certainty conveyed by EMs in contrastive contexts on the basis of a modal scale defined in terms of logical entailment. Wediscuss implications of these findings for the development of the semantics/pragmatics interface.Jong Un Park (Georgetown University) Session 5Syntactic & semantic licensing conditions on the non-nominal plural marker in KoreanI show how the non-nominal usage of the plural marker -tul is licensed in Korean. I claim that in order for the non-nominal marker(NNM) -tul to be licensed, not only syntactic but also semantic condition must be satisfied. I then turn to some interesting caseswhere 'distributivity' in events arises due to the NNM in the VP domain. This analysis, particularly, discusses how the NNM eithereliminates a collective reading or denotes a series of subevents from ambiguous predicates and allows a distributive or dispersedreading from collective predicates.Soyoung Park (University of Southern California) Session 5How many types of comparatives are in Korean?There have been two contrastive approaches to comparatives: the direct phrasal analysis and the reduced clausal analysis. I proposethat Korean has three types of comparatives; the first type has a degree clause with a CP-structure, the second type has a SC-structure,and the third type has a DegP-structure. The phrasal analysis should be modified in that there are clausal comparatives despite theirabsence of the structures at surface. The clausal analysis also should be revised in that some comparatives don't involve clausalstructures, and there are various types of comparatives, not just one full clausal type.Gabriela Pérez Báez (University of Buffalo, State University of New York) Session 105The encoding of locative & path relations in locative constructions in JuchitecoI explore the use of body part terms (BPTs) in locative descriptions in Juchiteco (JCH), focusing on their role as adnominal spatialrelators (ASRs) and heads of ‘ground phrases’, i.e., expressions in locative or motion descriptions that refer to the location of a‘figure’. My aim is to determine whether Juchiteco ASRs encode locative and path relations or merely object parts. I focus on BPderivedASRs and explore whether the mapping from a THING function to a PLACE function and onto a LOCATIVE/PATH function asproposed in Jackendoff 1983, is expressed in the ground phrases of JCH locative constructions.Katya Pertsova (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 26Towards learning form-meaning correspondences of inflectional morphemesOne of the tasks of language acquisition is to figure out morpheme meanings and legal morpheme sequences. I present a learner thataddresses this problem in the presence of homonymy and null morphology. The learner receives pairs of morpheme strings andcombinations of semantic features representing a hypothesis about the environment. At the end of the learning process, the learnerdetermines which of the semantic features are relevant in her language, how morphs (phonological units) line up with the meanings(sets of features), and what the legal morph combinations are.155

Nick Pharris (University of Michigan) Session 106Complex verbal stems in MolallaThe extinct Molalla language of Oregon exhibits highly complex patterns of verb stem formation. Verbal morphemes may beclassified distributionally into three classes of stem elements--anterior (mostly classificatory and instrumental), medial, and posterior(directional and modal, and also certain verbs of forceful action). Many independent verbs of motion also occur as directionalelements; some have special combining forms in this role. Patterns of verb stem formation in Molalla generally resemble the‘bipartite stem’ constructions described for Washo and Klamath, but there are differences--among them, that the functionalequivalents of many such bipartite stems are actually tripartite in Molalla.Pittayawat Pittayaporn (Cornell University) Session 3A chronology-sensitive approach to subgrouping: The case of Southwestwern TaiUsing Southwestern Tai as a case study, I present a subgrouping method that takes into account relative chronology and contact bysupplementing the traditional method of shared innovations with phylogenetic methods. No particular type of innovation will bepromoted to criterial status for subgrouping because it is rarely possible to identify objectively innovations that are decisive insubgrouping at each level. I propose a method in which ordering of innovations is constrained by known chronological data derivedfrom feeding-bleeding relationships among changes. Phylogenetic computations are then used to compensate for chronological datathat are not recoverable by using linguistic analyses.Robert J. Podesva (Georgetown University) Session 49Social meaning in the interaction of variablesWhile recent studies have examined the social meaning of isolated variables, few have investigated how social meaning emerges fromof the interaction of variables. Yet it is long-recognized that culturally legible styles comprise bundles of linguistic features. Based onintraspeaker variation patterns in the speech of three gay professionals, I take a compositional approach to the meaning of style toillustrate how the vague meanings of individual variables assemble to create personae like 'diva' and 'caring doctor’. Theconfiguration of the variables composing a style may shift over time, pointing toward shifting social goals as the discourse unfolds.Robert Podesva (Georgetown University) Session 63Jason Brenier (University of Colorado, Boulder)Lauren Hall-Lew (Stanford University)Stacy Lewis (Stanford University)Patrick Callier (Stanford University)Rebecca Starr (Stanford University)Multiple features, multiple identities: A sociophonetic profile of Condoleezza RiceWe investigate the linguistic construction of identity in the speaking style of Condoleezza Rice. Acoustic analysis reveals thatalthough Rice grew up in Alabama and spent most of her adult life in California, her speech exhibits few features stereotypic of thoseregions. Rather, she employs some features of Black Standard English--weakening of unstressed (er) and glottalization of postvocalicword-final (-d)--and many 'hyperstandard' features--e.g. the backing of (æ), high rates of released (ptk), and pronunciations based onorthography--enabling her to maintain ties to multiple identities while cultivating a professional public persona.Whitney Anne Postman-Caucheteux (National Institutes of Health) Session 54Rasmus Birn (National Institutes of Health)Randall Pursley (National Institutes of Health)John Butman (National Institutes of Health)Joe McArdle (National Institutes of Health)Jiang Xu (National Institutes of Health)Allen Braun (National Institutes of Health)When right is wrong: An fMRI study of overt naming in patients with aphasiaThe neural mechanisms underlying language recovery in stroke patients with aphasia are poorly understood. In this fMRI study, wecompared four chronic aphasic patients' accurate to inaccurate responses by tracking their performance during a scan session on a trialby trial basis. They named pictures overtly into a fiber-optic microphone through which their responses were recorded. While bothcorrect (53% to 75%) and incorrect responses were associated with perilesional activation, incorrect responses were associated withgreater activity in right-sided perisylvian regions. This result supports the hypothesis that right-hemisphere activation representsmaladaptive effort rather than a compensatory mechanism.156

Nikola Predolac (Cornell University) Session 18Phonetic correlates of focus in SerbianI present results of a phonetic study of 10 simple Serbian SVO-sentences, each recorded with three different focus-backgroundstructures within their VPs (VO-focus, V-focus, O-focus). I show that V-focus cases differ from the other two in terms of normalizedword duration (having a significantly longer V and shorter O) and F0-maxima changes (showing a significant fall in F0-maxima fromV to O) while VO-focus and O-focus cases do not significantly differ from each other. The latter may well be due to the fact that Ofigures as prominent in both VO-focus and O-focus cases.Anne Pycha (University of California, Berkeley) Session 105Lindsey Newbold (University of California, Berkeley)Victor Golla (Humboldt State University)Andrew Garrett (University of California, Berkeley)An online multimedia dictionary for Hupa (Athabaskan, California)We demonstrate an online multimedia dictionary for Hupa, an endangered Athabaskan language of northern California. Thedictionary addresses particular difficulties posed by Athabaskan languages, whose paradigms are so complex that determining acitation form is often impractical, if not impossible. The online search capabilities that we have implemented offer a partial solution:Users can search paradigm forms, morpheme glosses, or full English translations. The result is a flatter structure than print allows;both linguists and community members can use the dictionary in a Hupa-centric fashion. Entries link to audio recordings from ourown fieldwork and video recordings made by the Hoopa Valley Tribe.Conor McDonough Quinn (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 8Event-semantics packaging & the manner/means constraint on Algonquian verbal stem structureI examine the traditional structural breakdown of Algonquian verbal stems, Initial-(Medial)-Final, with regard to event-semanticspackaging. I identify a pervasive constraint on verbal Finals in Penobscot (Eastern Algonquian, Maine) restricting them to packagingmanner/means information, thus correctly predicting Finals corresponding to manner/means-incorporating verbs such as fly, but not topath-incorporating verbs like descend. From this I account for the observation that many transitive Finals specify the instrumentalmeans by which the result/path conveyed by the Initial is brought about and take Finals as collocations of light-verbal elementshosting bare-root incorporants.Sumayya Racy (University of Arizona) Session 25Modals as raising or control verbsI address the classification of modals and the raising/control distinction and argue in favor of a semantico-pragmatic approach. Someauthors argue that epistemic modals should be viewed as raising verbs while root modals should be viewed as control verbs. Othersargue that all modals should be viewed as raising verbs. In both cases, syntactic arguments are generally used. I demonstrate thatthere is a certain degree of language variability with respect to such syntactic arguments. I suggest that a pragmatically-enrichedapproach, is more fruitful when addressing the classification of modals.Jeffrey Reaser (North Carolina State University) Session 60High school students' folk perceptions of dialectsI examine the perceptions of 129 ninth grade students before and after they participate in a 450-minute dialect awareness curriculum inNorth Carolina. Data come students' responses to 20 Likert-type statements and 4 free-response questions about language. Pre- andpost-instructional attitudes are analyzed by sex, ethnicity, and place of birth. The data reveal the extent to which adolescents havehomogenous or diverse language attitudes and knowledge and the extent to which these attitudes are malleable. Ultimately, Idemonstrate how fusing folk linguistic and variationist perspectives can make linguistic gratuity projects, particularly those involvingeducation, more effective.Jennifer Renn (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill) Session 63The development of style shifting in African American adolescentsI consider how African American adolescents shift their speech styles based on situational context by examining the speech of 50sixth-graders. I assess the use of African American English structures in formal and informal peer contexts to determine whichfeatures are affected by the formality of the situation. The results reveal shifts in the overall inventory of structures, indicating thatadolescents have a growing awareness of the role of situational context in adjusting their speech. Analyses also suggest that not alldialect features are implicated in shifting, so that there is a hierarchy of diagnostic structures in stylistic manipulation. 157

Anastasia Riehl (Cornell University) Session 2Phonetically-driven phonology in the typology of nasal-obstruent sequence typesIt is widely assumed that there is a phonological difference between nasal-obstruent sequences that form clusters (English sender) andthose that form prenasalized stops (Fijian [vu n di] ‘banana’). However, very few (arguably no) languages contrast the two types. Iargue that this typological gap can be explained by the phonetics. The two nasal-obstruent types differ—significantly and solely—inthe length of the nasal closure. Therefore, only a language with an existing consonantal length contrast would distinguish them, wherethe difference is better understood as one between a singleton and geminate nasal (rather than a unary and cluster /nd/).Jason Riggle (University of Chicago) Session 50Maximilian Bane (University of Chicago)James Kirby (University of Chicago)Jeremy O’Brien (University of California, Santa Cruz)Efficiently computing OT typologiesWe present algorithms and software designed to create, manipulate, and extract information from sets of OT tableaux. The practicalaim of this tool is to aid in management and visualization of complex bodies of data. The theoretical goals are to establish that it'spossible to efficiently map all of the ranking arguments derived from tableau-sets to equivalent minimal sets of ranking arguments(MRAs) without losing information. Unfortunately, MRA size can grow exponentially with |Con|, so learning algorithms must choosebetween lossy yet compact representation schemes for ranking arguments (e.g. stratified hierarchies) and potentially huge yet losslessrepresentation schemes like MRAs.Lilia Rissman (Johns Hopkins University) Session 22L2 acquisition of Spanish subject expression: Is the NSP enough?Studies examining L2 acquisition of Spanish pro-drop by English speakers have typically assumed that the learner's principalchallenge is to recognize whether the target language allows null subjects and set the null subject parameter (NSP) accordingly. Thisstudy investigates whether adult learners of L2 Spanish have difficulty mastering discourse-based constraints on subject-drop, namelycoreferentiality and contrastive focus. In a grammaticality judgment task, learners of all levels accepted sentences including nullsubjects, yet beginning learners accepted both null and overt subjects in contexts where they should have rejected them, indicating thatsophisticated knowledge and use of subjects requires more than the resetting of a single parameter.Yolanda Rivera (University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras) Session 85Phonological subcomponents & mixed systemsBesides its lexical distinctive function, tone has a demarcative function in tone languages (Beckman 1996). Tone levels, rising andfalling postlexical tones, mark phonological domains. The interaction of tone with other features provides a basis for this function inPapiamentu and Saramaccan. For example, Papiamentu contour tones result from the interaction of lexical tones with stress; withrising tones in mid-utterance position and falling tones in utterance final position. Saramaccan M tones co-occur with phrasal stress,which triggers raising of L tones (Rountree 1972). I propose that Papiamentu and Saramaccan mixed systems reinterpretsubcomponent interface in a typologically novel way.Dorothy Dodge Robbins (Louisiana Tech University) Session 70Mapping the heartland: Upper plains place names in Jon Hassler's North of HopeIn North of Hope (1990), a novel about a Catholic priest combating personal and community crises of faith, Jon Hassler employs placenames, both actual (Minneapolis, Interstate 35, the Mayo Clinic) and fictional (Linden Falls, the Badbattle River, the Basswood IndianReservation), for dual purposes. Hassler establishes characters' geographical locations and destinations through his choice of placenames but also maps the physical, emotional, and spiritual milestones that comprise their lives' journeys. The connotative/denotativequalities of language facilitate the attachment of layered meanings to individual words and allow Hassler to map northern Minnesotaand the terrain of the human heart simultaneously.David D. Robertson (University of Victoria) Session 92French of the Mountains: A first reportI introduce and analyze French of the Mountains (FOTM), a French-based contact variety among BC's Babine-Witsuwit'en people158

circa 1900. I consider three hypotheses about FOTM's nature: (1) a literal gloss of the widespread pidgin, Chinook jargon (perhaps byFrancophone missionaries for French readers' interest); (2) a Métis French [MF] variety which became an interethnic lingua franca;and (3) a newly identified pidgin. Referring to structure and to context of use, I disprove (1) and show that (2) and (3) both apply. Insummary, FOTM represents MF used among non-Métis according to new, divergent norms.David D. Robertson (University of Victoria) Session 73A grammar of Chinook jargon personal namesOnomastics is an area of grammar usually excluded from linguistic descriptions. I address that gap for one language, analyzing thestructural, pragmatic, and diachronic patterns in a corpus of personal names from Chinook jargon (CJ). CJ is an Indigenous-basedpidgin important in Pacific Northwest history (Hale 1846; Demers, Blanchet & St. Onge 1871; Jacobs 1932). Since onomastics ofteninvolves morphological and phonological processes unknown in other areas of a language's grammar (viz. Weeda 1992, Lipski 1995,Robertson 2006), it is expected this study will shed new light on the workings of CJ.Stuart Robinson (Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen) Session 16Split intransitivity in RotokasI describe a system of split intransitivity found in Rotokas, a Papuan (non-Austronesian) language spoken in Bougainville, Papua NewGuinea, and show that the language has a split-S system. Verb stems have a fixed (rather than fluid) classification that is largelypredictable from semantics. The semantic parameters discussed in the previous literature may be necessary but not sufficient. Theidentification of a single overarching semantic principle is unlikely, however, given that the default classification of verbs isoverridden by some syntactic processes. Split intransitivity in Rotokas is, therefore, neither a purely semantic nor a purely syntacticphenomenon.Guillermo Rodríguez (University of Pittsburgh) Session 27Alan Juffs (University of Pittsburgh)Using only word class: Evidence against shallow parsing in second language sentence processingRecent findings (Traxler 2005) support the claim that first language comprehenders incorporate words into sentences as soon aspossible based solely on syntactic information. We attempt to replicate Traxler's findings with 20 Spanish-speaking learners ofEnglish and 27 native speakers (NSs) using the self-paced, word-by-word (moving window) reading paradigm to determine whatinformation is used when reading ambiguous subordinate clauses. Measures of working memory (WM) capacity were also includedto determine whether they interact with reading times in the disambiguating region. Results show that learners' performance is similarto NSs' and WM measures are not related to reading times.Rebecca Roeder (University of Toronto) Session 57Understanding Lansing: Mexican American listeners in MichiganI investigate the claim that minority group members whose dialect is different from the mainstream are not as accurate as members ofthe majority group in their perception of that dialect. Results are based on evidence from 22 Mexican American residents of southcentral Michigan who were asked to listen to words in isolation, as pronounced during normal conversation by female speakers of thedominant local dialect, and write down what they heard. A comparison of perceptual accuracy and production results reveals aninteresting parallelism when compared to findings from similar studiesDorian Roehrs (University of North Texas) Session 51Complex determiners: A case study of German ein jederWith a single DP-level, the DP-hypothesis makes the prediction that there can be only one determiner. Combinations such as Germanein jeder '(an) every' are special: Not only may two determiners co-occur but the weak determiner precedes the strong one and there isan apparent definiteness clash. I argue that, on the one hand, both elements are lexically independent of each other and that, on theother, these elements behave as if compounded. In order to reconcile these paradoxical properties, I propose that these two elementsform a ‘late’ compound-like element where ein intensifies the distributive reading.159

Françoise Rose (CNRS-IRD) Session 103Antoine Guillaume ( CNRS/Lumière University, Lyon 2)‘Sociative causative’ markers in South-American languages: A possible areal featureSociative causative (aka comitative causative or causative of involvement) is a semantic type of causative where the causer not onlymakes the causee do an action, but also participates in it (Shibatani & Pardeshi 2002). This type of causative function is most oftenconveyed by a causative morpheme also coding direct or indirect causation. In many South American languages, however, thiscategory is expressed by a specific morpheme, which leads us to hypothesize that a specific marker for sociative causative could be anareal feature of South American (or maybe more globally of Amerindian) languages.Mary Rose (Ohio State University) Session 49Never around the barns: Gendered linguistic practices in dairy countryVariation research has begun to examine the ideologies and stances mediating between linguistic resources and social categories,especially gender. I discuss gender and class distinctions in a cluster of phonetic variables deployed by older speakers in ruralWisconsin. Data from ethnographic interviews with 36 speakers aged 66-99 support the analysis of several phonetic variables: (dh)-fortition, (ow)-raising and monophthongization, and (ey)-raising.I examine these sociophonetic resources along with narrative practices, leisure activities, and patterns of social interaction to showhow all speakers, but especially women, maintain the stylistic distinctions constituting the community's social and spatial landscape.Catherine Rudin (Wayne State College) Session 39Multiple wh-fronting in correlatives & free relativesMultiple wh-fronting (MWF) exhibits differences between free relatives and correlatives and between two types of languages,exemplified by Bulgarian and Polish. Both languages have MWF relatives, but Polish has only MWF correlatives while Bulgarian hasboth MWF correlatives and MWF free relatives. The difference in availability of MWF is attributable to differing positions of frontedwh-words in the two languages: Multiple free relatives but not multiple correlatives require a structure with all wh-words in SpecCP.MWF relatives thus exactly parallel the structure of MWF questions in a given language, as further indicated by superiority facts.Jeffrey T. Runner (University of Rochester) Session 45Micah B. Goldwater (University of Texas, Austin)Reference transfer & reflexive interpretation in representational noun phrasesThe main explanations for the exceptional behavior of reflexives in ‘representational NPs’ (RNPs) rely on syntactic or argumentstructure (Chomsky 1986, Davies & Dubinsky 2003, Pollard & Sag 1992, Reinhart & Reuland 1993). ‘Reference transfer’ (RT)allows reference to a representation of a person by that person's name (Jackendoff 1992). Like RNP reflexives (Grodzinsky &Reinhart 1993), RT reflexives may receive coreferential interpretations when elided (Lidz 2001). We present evidence from twopicture verification experiments and one eye-tracking experiment that it is the representational use of RNP reflexives--and not thesyntactic/argument structure--that allows for their exceptional behavior.C. Anton Rytting (Ohio State University) Session 11Chris Brew (Ohio State University)Eric Fosler-Lussier (Ohio State University)Modeling word segmentation without assuming phonemic certaintyMost computational models of word segmentation assume unrealistic degrees of invariance in the input provided to infants. This workpresents one such model of word segmentation (Christiansen et al., 1998) with input automatically derived from speech--more closelyapproximating the auditory input available to infants--and suggests that the modeled use of segmental cues is less robust to inputvariability than previously thought. A simple modification of the model improves its performance on variable data.Ivan Sag (Stanford University) Session 44Philip Hofmeister (Stanford University)Neal Snider (Stanford University)Perry Rosenstein (Stanford University)Controlling processing factors in the study of subjacencyWe report on our investigations of the complex NP constraint (CNPC) or ‘Subjacency' effects in so-called fact-that clauses. We160

present data from self-paced reading time studies that isolate the effects of two factors that have not been properly controlled ingenerative research--the specificity of the filler (which-NP vs who/what) and the definiteness of the island-forming noun (e.g. fact).The results provide evidence that at least some syntactic island effects can and should be understood as the result of the extraordinaryprocessing demands of storing and retrieving a filler across long-distances while simultaneously processing other discourse entities.William J. Samarin (University of Toronto) Session 93The banal & abrupt origin of bracketed relative clauses in Pidgin SangoSango's relative marker evolved quickly from so 'thus' then 'this'. A few bracketed clauses (zo so a+ke zo ti fango zo so [person soPM+COP person of killing person so] 'the person who is/was a murderer') were documented in 1962. Recent recordings reveal greateruse. I argue that bracketing appeared with the increase in the use of pre- and post-posed so (e.g. so mo ga awe so ... [since 2s comeCOMPL thus] 'since you've come') in imitation of speakers of Ngbandi, the base language, many of whom held positions of privilegeand authority in the government for 15years.Natalya Y. Samokhina (University of Arizona) Session 22Acoustic analysis of voicing assimilation in native & nonnative Russian speechThis ongoing study investigates acoustic characteristics of regressive voicing assimilation in word-internal obstruent clusters in nativeand nonnative Russian speech. Based on the results of the pilot study, I hypothesize that even fairly advanced second languagelearners fail to apply the rule of voicing assimilation consistently, to the same extent as native speakers; thus producing *ve/zt/i ratherthan ve/st/i. However, as more input becomes available and second language learners notice the rule, they gradually converge on theproper voicing values.Ana Sánchez-Muñoz (University of Southern California) Session 11Linguistic elaboration across registers in the Spanish of heritage speakersI explore register and style variation in heritage language speakers of Spanish (HLS). The goal is to investigate whether there isvariation across linguistic registers or, on the other hand, whether the nondominant language of HLS (i.e. Spanish) is a monostylisticvariety. I focus on two linguistic features--attributive adjectives and type/token ratio (i.e. the proportion of different words in a sampleof text). The results confirm that HLS show more elaboration the more formal and literate the register is, which contradicts thehypothesis of monostylization in the Spanish of HLS.Kathy Sands (Biola University) Session 41Relationships among vowels, diphthongs, & triphthongs in the world's languagesSome languages contain only simple vowels, whereas other languages contain sequences of two or even three vocalic qualities inaddition. This study examines patterns of relationship among these vocalic types (vowels, bivocalics, trivocalics), a new paradigmaticcontext of inquiry, in a 42-language custom-constructed database. This study establishes that dispersion theory principles (Lindblom1986, 1990), particularly maximizing distinctiveness, apply to paradigmatic relations across vocalic types. Motivations appear toapply universally, across paradigmatic and syntagmatic dimensions and combinations thereof. A correlation between the presence oftrivocalics and larger inventories overall suggests as well that the amount of differentiation needed varies cross-linguistically.Osamu Sawada (University of Chicago) Session 46Pragmatic aspects of implicit comparisonThe compared to construction (1a) and the morphological comparative (1b) can be used to express comparison, but they have differentpragmatic properties. 1a, but not 1b, implies 2a-b:(1) a. Compared to Tom, Jim is tall. b. Jim is taller than Tom.(2) a. Tom is not tall. b. Jim is not definitely tall. (possibly borderline)This presentation investigates the low scale inferences of the compared to construction in terms of the coexistence of conventional andconversational implicatures and clarifies the pragmatic aspects of 'implicit comparison' (Sapir 1944) in general.Ronald P. Schaefer (Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville) Session 12A precedence constraint on argument positioningI explore lexically driven precedence relations between verb arguments in Emai (Benue-Congo). For moved object relative to goal,Emai favors basic precedence and disallows reverse precedence (goal - moved object). It shows 'pour' but not 'fill' verbs. Basic161

precedence also constrains stative locatives since located entity must precede location. No 'support' verbs occur. And strictprecedence governs causation. Contrasting verb pairs (kill and die) where causee might precede or follow causing condition aregrammatically restricted: Causing condition must precede causee. I interpret these constraints with the constructs ‘figure’ and‘ground’ although consideration is given to grammatical weight and thematic hierarchies.Natalie Schilling-Estes (Georgetown University) Session 6Constructing responses to social constraints in narrative & nonnarrative discourseI conducted a sociolinguistic analysis of narrative vs nonnarrative speech in sociological interviews with two teenage boys in aprogram for at-risk African American youth in Washington, DC. The analysis demonstrates that narratives indeed reveal much aboutpresentation of self and positioning with respect to social structures. In addition, narratives are an invaluable means of expressing atleast linguistic agency in the face of oppressive social constraints (e.g. pervasive poverty and violence). At the same time, the use ofsalient features of current African American Vernacular English across discourse types serves as an additional resource for expressingagentivity.Andreas Schmidhauser (University of Geneva) Session 80The semantics of pronouns according to Apollonius DyscolusAt the heart of ancient reflection on language stands the theory of the parts of speech. Apollonius Dyscolus, the great Alexandriangrammarian of the second century AD, defines each part of speech by means of several criteria. In the case of the pronoun, one canclearly distinguish a syntactic, a semantic, and a morphological condition in his definition. I examine the semantic condition--thatpronouns define a person. Apollonius has an argument for it: Pronouns are either deictic or anaphoric; but deictic pronouns evidentlydefine a person; and anaphoric pronouns, too, define a person since they signify a person already known, and what is known isdefinite: hence, pronouns define a person. The argument is valid--are its premises true?Patricia Schneider-Zioga (California State University, Fullerton) Session 39Wh-agreement reflects resumption, not movementWh-agreement has been taken as strong empirical evidence for successive cyclic movement. This is because when wh-agreementoccurs, a morphophonological reflex is registered on every clause along the path of the dependency, as if movement had proceeded ina series of smaller steps. In the Bantu language Kinande, an agreeing complementizer, kyo, agreeing in class with the displaced word,occurs in every clause along the path of the dependency. Reconstruction facts do not support an analysis of successive cyclicmovement in such cases. Local but not long distance movement is possible. I establish that the long distance dependency involvesresumption.David Schueler (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 12World variable binding & beta-bindingThis poster shows that the binding theory of world variables that Percus 2000 argues for can be derived, without stipulation, from theproposal that Büring's (2004) semantics for binding and for movement apply to world variables as well as individual variables. Percusproposes as a stipulation: “Generalization X: The situation pronoun that a verb selects for must be coindexed with the nearest aboveit.” But Büring replaces ’s in the syntax with special rules, one for movement and one for binding, which prevent a higher binder frombinding the variable associated with the verb.Armin Schwegler (University of California, Irvine) Session 86Weighing the evidence once more: On the (still) disputed origins of the Palenquero pronoun ele 'he, she, they'The pronoun ele 'he, she, it' is of considerable importance not only to the complex origins of Palenquero in general, but also to howphonetic evidence (in all its necessary details) is weighed when attempting to reconstruct the diachronic trajectory of creole languages.I examine the major etymological hypotheses that have been proposed for ele over the past two decades or so and assess them in lightof relevant new historical data about the presence of Portuguese Jews in Cartagena (Colombia), located 40 miles from Palenque.Tanya Scott (University at Stony Brook, State University of NewYork) Session 29Multiple sluicing in Russian: A purely syntactic accountThere are several contexts in which asymmetries such as superiority emerge in Russian multiple wh- constructions: in embeddedmultiple wh-constructions and in multiple sluicing. Our account explains the asymmetries between matrix and embedded clauses as a162

side effect of a significant independent configurational difference between clauses in Russian involving the presence of a matrix leftperiphery functional category TopicP that is absent in embedded contexts. We provide an account of Russian multiple sluicing,showing it is syntactically parallel to multiple wh-movement. We end with a discussion of a striking (and previously unnoticed)adjunct/argument asymmetry lending support to the purely syntactic account.Nikki Seifert (University of Texas, Austin) Session 59An OT account of stress patterns in African American English: BIN, been, D n, & DOI present an optimality theoretic (OT) analysis of word- and sentence-level stress patterns in African American English (AAE). Ifocus on emphatic DO; stressed BIN, nonstressed been, and unstressed d n; and the interaction of the stresses on these words and beatpatterns of phrasal constituents (following, e.g., Selkirk 1984, 1995). The data show that lexically stressed BIN affects the beatpatterns of a sentence differently than does the pragmatically stressed DO, illustrating the ways in which the AAE lexicon, semantics,and pragmatics interface with phonology.Angelina Serratos (University of Arizona) WITHDRAWN Session 16Chemehuevi causatives: Lexical or syntactic?Angelina Serratos (University of Arizona) Session 95Predication in ChemehueviI discuss predicational properties of nouns, adjectives, and verbs in Chemehuevi, an endangered Southern Numic language of the Uto-Aztecan family. The theoretical framework of this work is Baker's (2003) theory of predication, in which nouns and adjectives requirea functional projection Pred to form a predicate, but verbs can form predicates independently. I argue that in Chemehuevi the relevantdistinction is between nouns on the one hand and verbs and adjectives on the other. Following Baker, I demonstrate that Chemehuevihas an overt realization of Pred, the second position clitic copula -uk, which is obligatory only in nominal predicates.Devyani Sharma (King’s College, London) Session 28Ashwini Deo (Yale University)Lexical & sentential aspect in Indian English tense-aspect restructuringThe inherent aspect hypothesis (IAH) proposes that lexical aspect affects the use of grammatical aspect morphology in L1/L2 learningand creoles. Our study of Indian English initially supports this: Past/present marking is restricted to telic/stative VPs respectively.However, two unexplained patterns emerge: (1) Derived habitual/progressive predicates based on telic VPs omit past marking. (2)Lexical states/activities with perfective interpretation license past marking. We argue for a uniform treatment of lexical andgrammatical aspect in terms of model-theoretic notions of events and states. This further accommodates the overextension of presentprogressive to habitual/lexical states, also found in Indian English but unexplained by the IAH.Dwan L. Shipley (Western Washington University) Session 70An analysis of the place names used by Marcel Proust in A la Recherche du Temps PerduProust uses place names in his writing, many of which reflect his growing up in Normandy, France. Proust, however, created some ofthese names out of his own imagination, and they do not reflect the actual names of the area. An examination of Proust's place nameswill reveal his use of the real vs the fictional.Grant W. Smith (Eastern Washington University) Session 74The influence of name sounds in the congressional elections of 2006I retested the analytical model I used in previously published studies of 1996 and 1998 elections to measure the influence of selectedphonetic features in names on the relative success of various political candidates. The model works best when voters are leastmotivated or most confused by issues. In previous studies, the minimum reliability of the model was 65%, and so this study couldshed some light on the reliability of the model over time and/or on the relative importance of issues in this election.Neal Snider (Stanford University) Session 44Evidence from priming for hierarchical representation in syntactic structureSyntactic priming is proving to be a useful technique for experimentally probing the mental representation of syntactic knowledge. I163

use experimental and corpus techniques to present evidence against a dependency representation of English NPs but consistent with ahierarchical representation. The stimuli are two PPs recursively embedded under an NP, versus two PPs embedded at the same levelunder an NP. A relative clause is attached to one of the NPs. The constructions have the same dependency structure but differenthierarchical phrase structures. The data show that priming of the RC attachment height is sensitive to the hierarchical structure.Hooi Ling Soh (University of Minnesota, Twin Cities/National University of Singapore) Session 28Transition types & the Mandarin Chinese particle -leI present evidence from Mandarin Chinese for three types of transition--transitions involving propositions (P-transition), eventualities(E-transition), and values along a scale (V-transition)--and claim that the actual transition type expressed is partially determined by thesyntactic position of the transition marker, the particle -le (cf. Huang & Davis 1989). The proposal offers a new account for apersistent problem in the analysis of -le, namely the relation between the verb-final -le (verbal -le) and sentence final -le (sentential-le). I claim that sentential -le marks P-transition while verbal -le may mark E-transition or V-transition.Stephanie Solt (Graduate Center, City University of New York) Session 46A degree-based semantics for many & fewI draw on recent accounts of gradable adjectives (Kennedy 1999; Heim 2000, 2006) to propose a scalar analysis for many and few. Iargue that like adjectives such as tall, many and few can be decomposed into a gradable expression (Hackl 2000) and a null positivemorpheme that introduces a contextually determined neutral range on a given scale (von Stechow 2006). This not only capturesimportant similarities between many/few and pairs such as tall/short (particularly the existence of an intermediate range where neitherpositive nor negative term applies), but it also accounts for certain puzzles particular to many/few themselves.Usama Soltan (Middlebury College) Session 51On the individual/property contrast in Egyptian Arabic free state possessive nominalsI provide data from Egyptian Arabic free state possessive nominals showing how individual-denoting possessives and propertydenotingpossessives differ in their syntactic behavior with regard to linear order, definiteness/specificity restrictions, distribution,relativization, possessivization, anaphora, and scopal ambiguity. To account for these asymmetries, I argue, following Munn 1995and Strauss 2005, that both types of possessives occupy different syntactic positions within the structural hierarchy of DPs. Due tothis structural difference as well as a set of independently motivated principles of grammar, I provide a syntactic account for theseasymmetries.Aaron Huey Sonnenschein (California State University, Los Angeles/California State University, Northridge) Session 96The grammaticalization of dependent pronominal forms in Zoogocho ZapotecThe status of pronominal elements in Zapotec languages has been a topic of interest for over 80 years (see de Angulo 1926, Marlett1993). I discuss the particular status of the dependent pronominal forms in San Bartolomé Zoogocho Zapotec. I use textual data and aquantitative examination of a corpus of almost 2000 clauses to argue that these classes represent morphological classes in transition,and I point to the underlying discourse factors which lead to the development of agreement affixes in agglutinating verb initiallanguages like Zoogocho Zapotec.Aaron Huey Sonnenschein (California State University, Los Angeles/California State University, Northridge) Session 96Michael Galant (California State University, Dominguez Hills)Functions & morphosyntactic reflexes of Proto-Zapotec *nV[-hi] in Sierra Norte Zapotec languagesThe Proto-Zapotec morpheme *nV[-hi], originally used as a conjunction 'and', a preposition 'with', or an adverb 'also, too', can befound incorporated, synchronically or diachronically, in various phonological forms in certain verb stems in modern varieties ofZapotec, with varying function from language to language. I compare the syntactic and semantic functions of this morpheme, as wellas the morphosyntactic reflexes of its presence, in Zapotec languages spoken in the Sierra Norte region of Oaxaca, building onprevious work done on these languages (e.g. Galant, Sonnenschein, Foreman). This study contributes to our knowledge ofcomparative Zapotec syntax, argument structure, and semantic roles.Barbara Soukup (Georgetown University) Session 49On the strategic use of dialect in Austrian TV political discussionsInteraction-oriented approaches towards style-shifting and code-switching focus on communicative goals and outcomes as driving164

forces behind speakers' choices of language varieties in conversation. Taking such an interactional perspective, I analyze data from anAustrian TV discussion show regarding the communicative functions of speakers' shifts from Austrian standard ('Hochdeutsch') intodialect ('Umgangssprache'). Strategic shifts into dialect, e.g. in side-comments, quotes, or 'Average Joe' explanations, contextualizeutterances in terms of the negative and positive social meanings attaching to dialect use in Austria, allowing discussants to createnegative or positive metamessages, e.g. sarcasm, antagonism, honesty, or 'speaking as one of the people'.Thomas Spencer-Walters (California State University, Northridge) Session 89Ruminations of ‘creole’ in literary discourse: Possibilities & challenges for Sierra Leone Krio & Caribbean CreoleI seek to affirm commonalities among Caribbean Creole and Sierra Leone Krio societies and to show how these commonalities makecomparisons of the uses of creole in literary expressions both credible and plausible. I discuss the paradoxical relationships betweenthe increasing popularity of creole in literary expressions and a reluctance or inability to elevate the languages beyond their currentreferential status in both Sierra Leone and in Caribbean nations. Sierra Leone still struggles with the role of Krio in schools. InTrinidad and Jamaica, similar battles are ongoing about the place of Trinidadian and Jamaican in public discourse.Rebecca Starr (Stanford University) Session 11The role of previous form in predicting NP form in vernacular written CantoneseI examine how various discourse factors, including previous reference form, may be used to predict NP form in Cantonese. In thecase of predicting pronoun vs zero, a binomial logistic regression determines the best model ( χ 2=134.54, p

eads easily for astrophysicists.). By comparing middles to other constructions that take agentively interpreted for-phrases, I showthat while an agentive interpretation is appropriate for these PPs, such data do not obviate the validity of presyntactic analyses. Inparticular, for-PPs identify the agent's referent, but this identification is a pragmatic effect, independent of the availability of an agentat the syntax-semantics interface.Tamina Stephenson (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Session 56Predicates of personal taste & epistemic modalsPredicates of personal taste (fun, tasty) and epistemic modals (might, must) share a similar analytical difficulty concerning whose tasteor knowledge is expressed and show parallel behavior in attitude reports and disagreement between speakers. On the other hand, theydiffer in how freely they can be linked to a contextually salient individual, with epistemic modals being much more restricted in thisrespect. I propose an account of both classes using Lasersohn's 2005 ‘judge’ parameter, but making crucial changes to Lasersohn'sview in order to allow the extension to epistemic modals and address empirical problems faced by his account.James Stevens (University of Minnesota, Twin Cities) Session 86Afrikaans diminutives spread palatalization--and less marked models are selected via contactAdult approximate learners of Afrikaans plausibly served as models for native speakers during the language's development, the formerhaving reduced Afrikaans structure as a result of the learning task (Den Besten 1989). The palatalization effect of diminutives alsoleads to less marked forms (Donaldson 1993). Diphthongization could be explained, in an OT framework (Prince & Smolensky1993), with a 'harmony preserving' constraint, Share(High). Exceptions are treated with constraints on assimilation direction and codaconditions. This analysis of palatalization before diminutives posits constraint rankings that plausibly emerged in response to childlearners' input from second language learners.Helen Stickney (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 15Children's acquisition of the partitive: A deficient DPRecent literature suggests that children's acquisition of DP is a process of gradual feature acquisition (Roeper 2006). I look at theacquisition of DP as a barrier from the perspective of the acquisition of the syntax of the partitive construction, showing that childrenaged 3-5 don't recognize partitive-internal DP as a barrier to adjectival modification. An adjective preceding the partitive cannotmodify the lower noun, but it can in an equivalent pseudopartitive construction. I explore the contrast between the partitive and thepseudopartitive and look at what semantic features may trigger children's recognition of DP's barrierhood.Anne Sturgeon (H5 Technologies) Session 47Resuming at PF: The case of Czech contrastive left dislocationResumption in left dislocation has been a puzzle since it was considered in Ross 1967. I take a novel approach and argue that overtspell-out of the resumptive in Czech left dislocation is not a syntactic, but a PF phenomenon. The left dislocate originates clauseinternallyand moves through [Spec, IP], leaving behind a movement copy, to a position high in the left periphery. Withinminimalism, movement copies appearing in multiple positions leaves open the possibility that multiple copies could be pronounced.Due to the prosodic characteristics of the construction, the movement copy in [Spec, IP] must be pronounced.Kristen Syrett (Northwestern University) Session 26Can infants use adverbs to learn about adjectives?Although adjectives lag behind nouns in early lexicons, by 3 years of age, children demonstrate an adult-like ability to differentiateamong semantic subcategories of gradable adjectives. What enables young language learners to arrive at this more advancedunderstanding? We present corpus searching evidence that the input provides systematic cues to adjectival distinctions in the form ofadverbial modification. Furthermore, 30-month-olds in a preferential looking paradigm use adverbs to constrain the possiblemeanings of novel adjectives. These results suggest that by highlighting differences among object properties, adverbs play a role inword learning and help children master the semantics of adjectives.Susan Tamasi (Emory University) Session 60"Doctor, this man's tongue must be broken": Dialect & health literacyAs a test of health literacy, the medical profession commonly uses REALM to develop strategies for communicating with patients and166

to prepare health promotion materials. REALM is a pronunciation test of 66 medical terms, which is scored according to "dictionarypronunciation." I investigate how linguistic variation affects REALM scores by analyzing the tests of 62 individuals and comparingtheir scores with their use of these terms in taped interactions with physicians. I then discuss how the linguistic community can workwith the medical community in addressing issues of health literacy and health communication.Susan Tamasi (Emory University) Session 58Erica Dotson (Emory University)Using classroom technology to teach linguistic diversityWe demonstrate how classroom technologies, such as Blackboard, can be used to develop an interactive learning experience forteaching about linguistic diversity. For our case study, content, readings, and assignments are organized around a cohesive theme--aUS map--in order to provide students with visual, aural, and textual information regarding American dialects and linguistic issues inthe US. Through the use of virtual space in a dynamic environment, students are able to discuss, question, analyze, and identify newconcepts and theories. We also discuss issues regarding copyright law that are associated with creating an interactive course.Marie-Lucie Tarpent (Mount Saint Vincent University) Session 101The Alsea l ~ k' alternation & its implications for Penutian lexical-phonological comparisonThe Alsea language (Coastal Oregon) was placed by Sapir in his Penutian phylum, but some of its morphology reflects strongSalishan influence. However, Alsea has a CVC or CVCVC stem core subject to ablaut, consonant gradation and reduplication, as doother Penutian languages. The search for cognates is complicated by the frequent occurrence of clusters in some languages,corresponding to full roots in others, and some unitary segments can be traced to former clusters. Thus in Alsea, the morphophonemicalternation in some verb forms can be traced to plain and glottalized versions of a *TK cluster.Mila Tasseva-Kurktchieva (University of South Carolina) Session 27L2 production before comprehension: Morphosyntax vs semantics-pragmaticsI focus on the relationship between comprehension and production in the process of L2 acquisition. For many years SLA research hastaken for granted that comprehension (competence) precedes production (performance) in language development. I draw on data onthe acquisition of Bulgarian by adult native speakers of English and show: (1) Production and comprehension are processes governedby the same interlanguage (IL) grammar, but they can take separate paths. (2) The development of comprehension skills is related tothe semantic-pragmatic module while development of production skills is rooted in the morphosyntactic module of grammar.Graciela Tesan (Macquarie University) Session 15Rosalind Thornton (Macquarie University)Revisiting sentential negation in English-speaking childrenWe report on a new study of sentential negation in four English-speaking children. Our data support Klima and Bellugi's (1966)original observation that several non-adult stages can be identified. The critical finding was that three of the four 2-year-olds passedthrough a stage of producing utterances like Mary not likes cheese before reaching the target grammar. We conclude, contrary toHarris and Wexler 1996, that these children have not correctly categorized negation as a head at this point. We compare this stagewith other Germanic languages and conclude that children's hypotheses are UG compatible.Margaret Thomas (Boston College) Session 80The evergreen story of Psammetichus' inquiryThe pharaoh Psammetichus (664-610 BCE) isolated two newborn children, cared for by a goatherd who never spoke. When thechildren's first word was reported to be bekos, Phrygian for 'bread,' Psammetichus conceded that Phrygians, not Egyptians, were theoldest people. Re-told by Herodotus, this story has shaped western reflection on language ever since--in 16th-centuryconceptualization of the first human language; in 19th-century debate about the origin of language; and in modern discussion oflanguage acquisition. Enlarging on the third such environment, I analyze how Psammetichus' inquiry is employed to make the pastseem both inappropriately familiar (therefore less threatening), and inappropriately strange (therefore less valuable).Tim Thornes (University of Oregon) Session 16Causation as ‘functional sink’ in Northern PaiuteNorthern Paiute (Numic; Uto-Aztecan) has developed morphological causatives from two distinct source constructions whose167

domains of use are mostly complementary, but also partially overlapping. I propose a combination of historical and universalfunctional clues to their development in terms of what DeLancey 2001 refers to as a ‘functional sink’. A functional sink represents acase where languages--or, rather, speakers--need a way of coding a particular function and, in the absence of a mechanism dedicatedspecifically to the purpose, co-opt from the available grammatical resources to fill this functional need.Tim Thornes (University of Oregon) Session 102Comitative, coordinating, & inclusory constructions in Northern PaiuteThe comitative construction in Northern Paiute is used not only with typical associative semantics expressing accompaniment but alsofor noun phrase coordination more generally (without the requisite associative semantics) and in inclusory constructions. Inclusoryconstructions have not been widely discussed in North American languages. A typical inclusory construction is one in which aninclusory pronominal form, whether independent or dependent, "identifies a set of participants that includes the one or those referredto by the lexical noun phrase" (F. Lichtenberk, Oceanic Linguistics 39:1-32, 2000). The foci are the syntactic restrictions on theinclusory construction in Northern Paiute and its pragmatic function(s).Rosalind Thornton (Macquarie University) Session 26Graciela Tesan (Macquarie University)Models of parameter settingWe compare the properties of two alternative parameter setting models: Yang's variational model (2002, 2004) and the 'structuredacquisition' model, based on Baker 2001, 2005. The variational model assumes children have both parameter values availableinitially, with statistical learning gradually deciding between the alternatives. Baker's hierarchical model is a triggering model thatanticipates possible mis-set parameters and sharp grammatical change. The predictions of the two models are evaluated usingempirical data from four 2-year-old English-speaking children in the throes of acquiring negation, which is taken to varyparametrically in its status as a head or a specifier.Sam Tilsen (University of California, Berkeley) Session 54Rhythmic patterns in 3-cycle repetition disfluency: A harmonic timing effectI present evidence from corpus data of a harmonic timing effect in 3-cycle repetitions of the function words and and I. The phasedistribution of the second syllable P-center (defined relative to the P-centers of the first and third syllables) is trimodal in a slowspeechsubset of data, with modes approximating the low-order harmonic ratios 1/3, 1/2, and 2/3. I argue that a task-dynamiccoupled-oscillator model can account for the harmonic modes of the phase distribution and for why trimodality is observed only inslow-speech.Naoko Tomioka (University of Quebec, Montreal) Session 13The object of resultative constructions in English, German, & JapaneseResearch on English resultative constructions has derived two hypotheses concerning the object in these constructions. In onehypothesis, the object is both the argument of the verb and of the result-denoting predicate. In the other, the relation between the verband the object is assumed to be superficial--the object is simply the argument of the result-denoting predicate. There is a dispute overthe weight of empirical evidence supporting one of the hypotheses over the other. I compare German and Japanese and show thatresultative constructions come in two types, supporting the co-existence of the two hypotheses.Judith Tonhauser (Ohio State University) Session 94Temporal interpretation in Guarani: The effect of telicity & durativityIn Guarani discourse, many predicates are unmarked, i.e., they are not realized with grammatical aspect markers or temporal adverbs.(I argued in previous work that Paraguayan Guarani is a tenseless language.) Based on data collected during recent fieldwork, Ipropose that central factors in the temporal interpretation of unmarked predicates are telicity and durativity. The proposal is based ontwo studies--a consultant-based study in which I examined the effect of telicity and durativity on the temporal reference of 50predicates and a study of the interpretation of unmarked predicates in a naturally occurring discourse. I emphasize the importance ofAktionsart for temporal interpretation and situate Guarani among the set of languages for which telicity plays a role in temporalinterpretation, together with, e.g. German (Bohnemeyer 1998) and Inuktitut (Swift 2004)).168

Judith Tonhauser (Ohio State University) Session 28Tense or grammatical aspect? Guarani nominal temporal suffixesGuarani has nominal temporal markers that have been suggested to be nominal tenses (e.g. Nordlinger & Sadler 2004). I propose fivecriteria for distinguishing tense and grammatical aspect and, on the basis of data collected during fieldwork in Paraguay, argue that theGuarani nominal markers are not tenses but grammatical aspect/modality markers. The criteria are derived from the core meaning oftense (as a relation between two times) and grammatical aspect (as an operation on eventuality/nominal descriptions) and are, hence,compatible with the major semantic theories of temporality.Maziar Azumi Toosarvandani (University of California, Berkeley) WITHDRAWN Session 36Deverbal nominalization in Northern PaiuteMaziar Azumi Toosarvandani (University of California, Berkeley) Session 101From nominalizer to absolutive suffix: Archaism & innovation in NumicThe Numic branch of the Uto-Aztecan (UA) language family displays a number of idiosyncratic features, some of which have beenargued to be conservative features of UA lost in all non-Numic languages, e.g. final features (Nichols 1973). I propose that Numic isconservative in another respect, its use, as a deverbal nominalizer and relativizer, of the suffix -t1 which in the non-Numic UAlanguages has been grammaticalized as an absolutive suffix. This proposal is significant for the long-standing debate over whetherNumic, Tübatulabal, Hopi, and Takic subgroup into a Northern UA branch (Kroeber 1907 and others) or not (Whorf 1935 and others).Anna Marie Trester (Georgetown University) Session 19Oh-prefacing in quotatives: Implications for speaker stance, alignment, & styleCurrent variationist sociolinguistic research into quoted speech has focused almost exclusively on the role of quotative verbs but hastended to neglect the quoted material itself in conveying stance or information about the speaker's affective or epistemic orientation(Bucholtz 2004, Bakhtin 1981). My research addresses this gap by focusing on the structural and interactional functions of thediscourse marker oh when used to preface quoted speech. I build on discourse analytic research into oh as a mechanism fornegotiating speaker/hearer alignment in interaction (Schiffrin 1987, Heritage 1998), contextualizing this against a quantitativeinvestigation of this speaker's stylistic use of quotation.Celina Troutman (Northwestern University) Session 3Brady Clark (Northwestern University)Matt Goldrick (Northwestern University)Variation & social networks during language changeSocial networks play a fundamental role in language change and variation (Milroy & Milroy 1985, Eckert 2000). In particular, Nettle1999 argues that they solve the ‘threshold problem’--how rare linguistic variants can spread through a community (Sapir 1921).Previous studies (Nettle 1999) of the threshold problem have focused on learners with categorical grammars. However, such learnerscannot demonstrate intraspeaker variation during language change (Weinreich, Labov, & Herzog 1968). We show that although asocial network model (Barabási & Albert 1999) of learners with probabilistic grammars (Yang 2002) can account for intraspeakervariation, it cannot solve the threshold problem.Benjamin V. Tucker (University of Arizona) Session 100Acoustic phonetic description of ChemehueviPhonetic investigation of Uto-Aztecan languages is sparse. Here I provide a phonetic description of Chemehuevi, a southern Numiclanguage of the Shoshonean branch of Uto-Aztecan. Previous work on Chemehuevi describes the phonology but not the phonetics(Press 1974, 1979; Major 2005). My phonetic investigation addresses the following issues raised in previous descriptions of thephonology: (1) What is the relation between use of coronal fricatives and affricates? (2) How vowels are distributed across speakers?(3) Does Chemehuevi have an /e/ phoneme? (4) Are there word-final voiceless vowels? This study offers a qualitative andquantitative phonetic description of Chemehuevi.Alina Twist (University of Arizona) Session 22Experimental evidence for the productivity of nonconcatenative morphology in MalteseAn elicitation experiment was designed to measure the relative productivity of nonconcatenative morphology in Maltese. Results169

show that both concatenative and nonconcatenative verb formation strategies are productive. Factors that influence verb shape includethe prosodic structure of the borrowed item and whether or not it has obviously foreign segmental elements. However, linguisticstructure alone does not account for the type of verb formation that is applied. There also appears to be an element of optionality inword formation strategy, revealing that both the expected Semitic borrowing pattern and nonnative suffixing are productive.Cherlon Ussery (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 25AGREE to control: Case optionality in IcelandicI propose an analysis of control in which case is optionally transmitted from the controller to PRO. Evidence from Icelandic suggeststhat while PRO necessarily inherits the controller's phi features, PRO optionally inherits the controller's case feature. I argue that thisoptionality is derived from the ‘timing’ of the controller-PRO AGREE relation. If AGREE is established after the controller has beencase-marked, PRO inherits the case and phi features of the controller. If AGREE is established before the controller has been casemarked,PRO inherits only the controller's phi features and PRO bears nominative by default.Kristin J. Van Engen (Northwestern University) Session 45Pronouns in coordination: Effects of modality, grammatical weight, & information structureI investigate variation in the usage of first-person, subject-position coordinated pronouns in American English. In particular, I focuson the roles of linguistic modality, grammatical weight, and the information structure status of elements conjoined with pronouns aspotential factors in conditioning the usage of the different variants (X and I, X and me, I and X, me and X). Corpus analysis resultsshow differences in usage across speech and writing, as well as significant effects of the grammatical weight and information status ofthe conjoined elements.Gerard Van Herk (Memorial University of Newfoundland) Session 91Questioning question formation research in Early African American EnglishIn Early African American English (AAE) questions, noninversion of the verbal auxiliary (Where your riches is?) has been taken asevidence of either a creole origin (DeBose 1995) or an extension of earlier English do-support constraints (Van Herk 2000). I useAAE diaspora data to investigate the constraints on auxiliary-less questions (Where you-all come from?), which may reflect eitherauxiliary deletion or noninversion of verbs unmarked for tense or agreement (Rickford 2005). I demonstrate the utility of thecomparative method in determining verbal function and suggest methodological implications for the study of other varieties.Gerard Van Herk (Memorial University of Newfoundland) Session 61Adrienne Jones (University of Ottawa)Ethnic & national self-reference among 19th-century African AmericansTo investigate the ethnic naming practices and motivations of everyday antebellum African Americans, we extract all ethnonyms forpeople of color--including colored, black, Negro, brethren, African, Sons of Ham, and Ethiop(ian)--from 427 letters from AfricanAmericans settling in Liberia (1834-1866.) We demonstrate how settlers deployed this repertoire to situate themselves relative toAmericans (Black and White), native Africans, and their ancestors, and to claim social and political capital. We suggest that settlers'frequent use of brethren as an ethnonym reflects indirection as a discourse strategy and suggests a deeper history for the contemporaryethnonyms brother/sister.Sarah VanWagenen (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 26Exploiting surface cues in grammar inductionI characterize the nature of structural information that can be extracted from string percepts, i.e., independent of semantic/contextualinformation. I consider symbolic markers analogous to case and agreement markers. Tree transducers analogous to case/agreementmarking systems and word order manipulations are applied to derivations of a restricted class of context free grammars called ‘verysimple grammars’ (VSGs) resulting in an expanded class. Learners are defined which exploit the surface cues introduced by the treetransducers and learn the expanded classes, demonstrating that at least some information about constituency and predicate-argumentrelations can be gleaned from distributional information.Tonjes Veenstra (Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin) Session 82Creoles as beyond the basic varietiesNew languages tend to emerge in multilingual contact situations, creoles being one of the prime examples. Much of the recent170

literature seems to agree on the pivotal role that processes of second language acquisition/processing play in rapid language change. Idiscuss the role of the bilingual part of the population in the contact situation, arguing that they are the real instantiators of the shift toanother variety, thereby creating and establishing a new emerging language. In this scenario, the process of relexification finds itsnatural place.Tonjes Veenstra (Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin) Session 90Verb allomorphy in French-related creolesIn French-related creoles a distinction between long and short forms of verbs is made. Although it sometimes seems to bephonologically governed, this distinction also correlates with syntactic properties. Interestingly, the syntactic correlation differs in(almost) each French creole. Focusing on Morisyen, Haitian & Louisianais, I argue that (1) the initial pattern is due to universalprocesses of SLA; (2) the alternation started out as a phonological phenomenon (as it still is in Haitian Creole, HC); and (3) it wassubsequently grammaticalized in MC. I present a phase-theoretic analysis of the alternation.Shelley L. Velleman (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 59Barbara Z. Pearson (University of Massachusetts, Amherst)Timothy J. Bryant (University of New Hampshire)Tiffany Charko (Agawam Public Schools)The impact of dialect on the rate & order of phonological developmentDevelopmental mastery of phonetic and phonotactic features is compared in 537 learners of AAE vs 317 learners of MainstreamAmerican English (MAE) from 4 to 12 years. The later acquisition of certain segments and structures by speakers of AAE isconfirmed; their earlier mastery of other elements and structures is reported. Patterns of acquisition are affected by the frequenciesand salience of elements and structures of the first dialect. Non-target productions are more likely to be phonetic for MAE learners,phonotactic for AAE learners. This difference increases with age, but it is significant even at age 4.Anna Verbuk (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 52Why Children do not compute irrelevant scalar implicaturesOn the neo-Gricean view of scalar implicatures (SIs), hearers compute SIs on the basis of Gricean reasoning. In contexts where onlythe weaker scalar item is relevant, an SI is not generated (Horn 1984). On Chierchia's (2004) semantic account, SIs are defaultinferences; this account overgenerates SIs. My experiment tested between the two accounts. Subjects were 40 English-speakingchildren (4;3-7;7). The experimental results supported the neo-Gricean account. It was found that children did not go through a stagewhere they compute both relevant and irrelevant SIs. Also, children did equally well on computing SIs based both on Horn andpragmatic scales.Joshua Viau (Northwestern University) Session 15Asymmetric c-command within the dative verb phrase at age 4Relatively little attention has been paid to establishing what specific representations children have for dative verbs like give and sendand how and when they learn them. I address the issue by presenting experimental evidence that a binding asymmetry exists in 4-year-old children's representations of such verbs (Barss & Lasnik 1986). The findings suggest that in both double-object andprepositional dative constructions the first internal argument c-commands the second, but not vice versa. We can conclude that 4-year-old children have the same hierarchical structure within the dative verb phrase that has been posited for adults (e.g. Larson 1988).Margaret Wade-Lewis (State University of New York, New Paltz) Session 92Lorenzo Dow Turner & the development of creole studies in the U.S.While Lorenzo Dow Turner, the first linguist to collect data among speakers of Gullah (Sea Island Creole), is well-known forAfricanisms in the Gullah dialect (1949), his contribution has not generally been conceptualized as part of a larger movement towardthe Americanization of linguistics and the development of creole studies. Analyzing archival evidence--letters, programs fromconferences and other data—I demonstrate that Turner was well-connected with Hans Kurath and his other peers in the LinguisticAtlas Project, the American Dialect Society, and scholars in the Caribbean and Latin America who collectively forged the creation ofcreole studies.171

Don Walicek (University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras) Session 92Does history speak for itself? Creole origins, the Founder Principle, & a marginal colonyAccounts of creole genesis anchored in history offer a compelling and informed picture of genesis, yet historical correctness is not afrequent characteristic of such work (Arends 2002). The discussion at hand explores this paradox by focusing on interpretations of theFounder Principle and interaction between persons of European and African ancestry in Anguilla between 1650 and 1750. I suggestthat historical accuracy brushes generalizations about genesis against the grain, utilizing archival evidence to document struggles anddifferences (e.g. "history from below") that contribute to understandings of linguistic contact and variation in ways that standardaccounts do not.Natasha Warner (University of Arizona) Session 23Benjamin Tucker (University of Arizona)Categorical & gradient variability in intervocalic stopsWe examine variability and reduction of /p, t, k, b, d, g/ in flapping environments. We find evidence that an abstract phonologicalprocess (flapping) does indeed apply to /t/ but not to /p, k/, and that the process applying to /t/ is the same one as applies to /d/. Thedata also demonstrate widespread gradient phonetic variability, both systematic (caused by speech style) and random. Surprisingly,though, higher frequency words do not have greater reduction. In sum, this work shows that both categorical phonology and gradientphonetics are necessary to account for how speech sounds are produced.Natasha Warner (University of Arizona) Session 99Lynnika Butler (University of Arizona)Heather van Volkinburg (University of Arizona)Quirina Luna-Costillas (Amah Mutsun Tribal Band)Use of Harrington data in language revitalization & linguistic research: The Mutsun languageMany Native American languages with no living speakers have considerable written documentation as early fieldnotes. We report ona project that has entered all existing data on the dormant Mutsun language (Costanoan family) into a database for use in communitylanguage revitalization and linguistic research. Mutsun was spoken near San Juan Bautista, CA, and lost its last speaker in 1930, butthe community has been working on revitalization for the past 10 years. I provide an overview of the project's status and presentspecific aspects of the morphology that have become clear from the newly accessible data.Yuko Watanabe (University of Arizona) Session 21Perceptual assimilation of German vowels by Japanese speakersThe current study investigates listeners' perception of foreign vowels. Speech perception experiments were conducted with 14German vowels in 6 consonantal contexts followed by the schwa, and the listeners were asked to assimilate German vowels into 10Japanese vowels. Results of the experiments revealed that the listeners used durational information as they assimilated tense vowelsinto long vowels and lax vowels into short vowels. In most cases, they used spectral information as well. Moreover, they assimilatedGerman front rounded vowels into Japanese back vowels; therefore, it could be concluded that the listeners do not use articulatoryinformation.William F. Weigel (Nüümü Yadoha Program) Session 99Preservation of phonetic detail in Yokuts language attritionI present data from Yokuts languages that demonstrate the preservation of remarkably detailed and subtle phonetic distinctions--indeed, distinctions that one would predict to be the first things to be leveled--in languages undergoing significant attrition. Thesedistinctions appear to have gone largely unnoticed by earlier linguists working on these languages and came to the present author'sattention largely as a matter of luck. I discuss possible explanations for the peculiar robustness of these distinctions, along withimplications of this research for elicitation methodology.Sheri Wells-Jensen (Bowling Green State University) Session 54A psycholinguistic analysis of errors in writing BrailleI present the findings from an analysis of a corpus of 1,600 errors in writing Braille and propose a model of Braille writing. The mainfindings were: (1) Braillists' errors are patterned, consisting predominantly of contextual anticipations and perseverations of finger172

and hand movements. (2) Braille characters requiring use of nonhomologous finger combinations are overrepresented among errors.(3) English literary Braille employs an obligatory set of logograms and language-specific short forms for frequently-occurring lettercombinations. Errors demonstrate that these contractions are stored as part of the orthographic representation rather than beingproduced by rule.Adam Werle (University of Massachusetts, Amherst/University of Victoria) Session 106Second-position clitics & second-position suffixes in Southern WakashanIn the Southern Wakashan languages, one finds both 2P enclitics--inflections that follow the first word of a predicate--and 2P suffixes--verbs that follow the first word of their complement. By the local spellout analysis (Wojdak 2005) both are spelled out at everybranching node, bottom-up, so that both suffixes and enclitics follow the nearest prosodic word of their syntactic complement. Thiscontradicts the interface constraint approach (Selkirk 1995), by which clisis results from general constraints on prosodic wordalignment. I show that the interface constraint approach is supported by phonological, morphological, and syntactic differencesbetween suffixes and enclitics.Adam Werle (University of Massachusetts, Amherst/University of Victoria) Session 47Three approaches to Serbo-Croatian second-position clitic reorderingI assume that Serbo-Croatian second-position enclitics (2PCs) are derived during syntax, but when stranded without a host, theirenclisis is ensured by some PF reordering. Under prosodic inversion, 2PCs invert with a following word. Unconstrained, however,this splits some constituents ungrammatically. Under copy selection, 2PCs' highest parseable derivational copies are pronounced.However, this cannot capture cases where 2PCs split constituents not plausibly split by syntactic movement. I argue for host raising:A host raises to precede 2PCs. Host raising is prosodically motivated, so it induces reorderings unattested in syntax; yet as movement,it obeys constraints against splitting certain constituents.Laura Whitton (Stanford University) Session 13The function of English contrastive reduplication: Evidence from homonymsContrastive reduplication (CR) in English has been characterized as narrowing the extension of a lexical item to an intensified orprototypical meaning. However, a corpus analysis reveals that CRs do not always point to a less or more central category membersince the interpretations being contrasted may be related by sound only, as in I mean a baseball bat not a bat bat. Previous accountsdo not predict the occurrence of such homonym tokens, which reveal that CR requires an explanation that is more context-dependentand pragmatic in nature than analyses centered around conceptual structure have suggested.Thomas R. Wier (University of Chicago) Session 8Feature geometry & the morphosyntax of Algonquian languagesAlgonquian languages are perhaps best known for two features of their morphosyntax: their extensive verbal polysynthesis and theinversion systems found throughout the family. I focus on the latter property: Where does hierarchicality come from, and how do weexplain apparent variation of feature hierarchies even within particular languages in the form of global vs local hierarchies? I use amodified version of Harley and Ritter’s (2002) morphosyntactic feature geometry and discuss to what extent feature hierarchies suchas person and grammatical class can be derived therefrom.Andrea Wilhelm (University of Victoria) Session 94Classificatory verbs & countabilityIn the Athapaskan language Dëne Suliné (Chipewyan), classificatory verbs--verbs specifying shape, consistency, and number ofentities--interact with the countability of nouns in interesting ways: Countable nouns (those denoting discrete entities) are compatiblewith numerals and with appropriate single-object classificatory verbs while mass-denoting nouns are compatible with neither.However, some nouns are compatible with single-object verbs but not with numerals. My explanation for this unexpected patterninvolves the claim that there is a universal conceptual category of ‘object-mass nouns’. This implies that the singular-only behaviorof nouns like English furniture is conceptually based and not an accident of grammatical number.Heather Willson (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 33Restructuring & subject position in MarshalleseMarshallese infinitival sentences, like Marshallese mono-clausal sentences, allow the subject to surface in a variety of sentential173

positions. However, certain matrix verbs do not permit the subject to surface immediately following them. I argue that these verbsare restructuring verbs and that an analysis of restructuring following Cinque 2006 can explain why the subject may not surface in thisposition. Evidence for the analysis of these verbs as restructuring verbs comes from Marshallese long passives, in which theembedded object occurs sentence initially and triggers agreement with the subject agreement clitic of the matrix clause.Matthew Wolf (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 17Vice versa as contrastive focusIntuition suggests that the meaning of the expression vice versa is assigned by reversing the position of two lexical items in the clausewith which vice versa is coordinated. After presenting a variety of examples of vice versa for which the intended meaning cannotobtain from such a swapping operation, I show that the full range of attested readings for vice versa can be captured using an analysisbased on Rooth's 1985 theory of contrastive focus, and I present experimental evidence in favor of a focus-based approach.Matthew Wolf (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 31Shigeto Kawahara (University of Massachusetts, Amherst)A root-initial-accenting suffix in JapaneseMany languages have pre- and post-accenting affixes, which cause an accent to be inserted onto the root to which the affix is attached.It has been claimed (Kurisu 2001, Revithiadou 2006) that this accent universally appears on the syllable of the root immediatelyadjacent to the affix that triggers accent-insertion. We present a counter-example from Japanese: a suffix /-zu/ which inserts an accentonto the root-initial syllable. We show that the /-zu/ data provide evidence for morpheme-specific markedness constraints (Flack toappear), as well as for the preferability of an autosegmental theory of morphological accent over REALIZE-MORPHEME (Kurisu 2001).Tonya Wolford (North Carolina State University) Session 30Keelan Evans (University of Pennsylvania)Puerto Ricans’ use of AAE & the emergence of an urban English dialectWe examine the occurrence of African American English (AAE) forms in the speech of Puerto Ricans in Philadelphia who arerelatively isolated from the African American community. While the use of nonstandard linguistic variants by Puerto Ricans hasgenerally been attributed to contact with African American English, we found that contact is not necessary for the use of AAE formsby young Puerto Rican children. Instead, the younger children seem to be acquiring the AAE forms from their older siblings andparents who have lived in the area for extended periods of time.Walt Wolfram (North Carolina State University) Session 30Sociolinguistic folklore in the study of African American EnglishAlthough sociolinguists have performed a valuable service in challenging folk theories about African American English (AAE), theyhave unwittingly participated in the construction of sociolinguistic folklore about variation and change in AAE. These include thesupraregional myth, the change myth, and the social stratification myth. It is proposed that historical circumstance, social andprofessional enculturation, and academic exclusivity contributed to the construction of these questionable axioms about AAE despiteempirical evidence challenging these conclusions. The analysis indicates that unchallenged assumptions, unilateral explanations, andimagined dichotomies need to be scrutinized more critically with regard to the canon of AAE sociolinguistic description.Sandra K. Wood (University of Connecticut) Session 39The wh-insitu paradox: Focus movement & D-linking in multiple wh-questions in ASLPrevious research on wh-questions in ASL has focused primarily on single matrix wh-questions, with little or no data on multiple whquestions.ASL exhibits an in-situ paradox in which the object wh-phrase is allowed to remain in-situ in a single wh-question, but notin a multiple wh-question. Using evidence from D-linking in ASL, I argue that, in multiple wh-questions, the first wh-phraseundergoes wh-movement (either covertly or overtly) to check the strong [+wh] feature in C, and the second wh-phrase movesrightward as an instance of focus movement. Following certain assumptions, this analysis accounts for the in-situ paradox in ASL.Tess Wood (University of California, Berkeley) WITHDRAWN Session 46Hella degrees & quantitiesI present an analysis of two constructions native to Northern California, one in English (hella) and one in Yurok (a plural-event174

marker), which have both quantity and degree-intensifier functions. The development of these functions in the two cases involvesapparently opposite directions of semantic change (from degree to quantity in one case and quantity to degree in the other). I arguethat semantic changes, even between closely and regularly related meanings, can involve intervening stages of varying types, and thatstudies of individual lexical items and constructions can shed light on the topography of complex semantic domains.Saundra K. Wright (California State University, Chico) Session 66Too far beyond Jennifer & Jason? Strategies underlying celebrity baby namesCelebrities often amuse the public with their unique selections of baby names. While these name choices make headlines in popularmagazines, there has been little academic discussion about these naming decisions. Nonetheless, an analysis of celebrity baby namescan provide insight into strategies underlying naming decisions. I argue that the selection of unique baby names is a marketingstrategy. When choosing names for their children, celebrities rely on the same linguistic strategies that companies use in selectingbrand names for products; moreover, they rely on these strategies for the same reason--to select names that are plausible, memorable,and distinctive.Zheng Xu (University at Stony Brook-SUNY) Session 50A serial constraint-based approach to avoidance of repetition of identical morphsLanguages avoid two adjacent (partially) identical morphs by both haplology (e.g. cat + -s plural + -s possessive cats' not *cats's) andallomorph selection (e.g. Spanish le + lo se lo not *le lo). In Bonet's 2004 approach the fact that se and le are mutually exclusiveallomorphs must be stipulated, so we miss the generalization that se and le mutually block because they compete to realize the samemorphosyntactic features. Yip's 1998 approach relying on realization constraints chooses the incorrect output *cat-[z]. I show thatthe problems are resolved in a serial constraint-based approach that distinguishes morphosyntax from morphophonology.Tomoyuki Yabe (Graduate Center, City University of New York) Session 48Applicative constructions via the remerge of a functional prepositionBesides its regular applicative constructions, Amharic can also realize ones that include both the preposition and the applicativemorpheme simultaneously. I give an analysis with a complex prepositional phrase structure in which there are functional and lexicalprepositions (cf. Riemsdijk 1990). In Amharic doubling applicative constructions the functional preposition remerges with the verbaldomain while the lexical one stays put in situ. I argue that the regular applicative constructions also involve the remerge of afunctional preposition with a null lexical preposition outside the verbal domain. Thus I provide a general approach to applicativeconstructions.Ilya Yakubovich (University of Chicago) Session 4Clitic reduplication in Neo-HittiteBoth the Hittite and the Luvian languages feature pronominal cliticization, but the order of pronominal elements in a clitic chain wasdifferent. The contact-driven clitic reduplication came about in Neo-Hittite as a syntactic compromise, but its implementation obeyedlexicalist constraints, which I elucidate in my presentation. I suggest that the Hittite native speakers selectively borrowed cliticreduplication from the Hittite language of the Luvian-dominant bilinguals, who presumably used this construction promiscuously. Indoing so, the Hittites were either resolving the ambiguities of the original clitic chains or were misled by the ambiguities of the newchains with reduplication.Jing Yan (Ohio State University) Session 30Marjorie K.M. Chan (Ohio State University)Language attitudes toward vernacular written Cantonese in Guangzhou (Canton), China: National language policy & regionallanguage maintenanceWe present a study conducted on the language attitudes of 100 Cantonese-Mandarin bilinguals in Guangzhou (Canton), China,towards vernacular written Cantonese (VWC), which enjoys none of the protection of the scripts of China's ethnic minorities nor anyof the privileges preserved for standard written Chinese (SWC), the only school-taught and government-sanctioned Chinese script.Nonetheless, the results suggest that VWC serves as a language of identity, in that its use reflects a positive attitude towards the localwritten code. VWC also has social value as a marker of cultural solidarity in Guangzhou city, a vital sign of its maintenance.175

Suwon Yoon (University of Chicago) Session 12An argument/adjunct asymmetry in intervention effectsI present a new set of facts that has the potential to reorient the debate on intervention effects. I have found in a series of experimentsusing magnitude estimation tasks and phonetic analysis that only argument wh-phrases trigger intervention effects and that adjunctwh-phrases do not. This novel fact is extremely surprising given much earlier work on argument/adjunct asymmetries; in fact, it isalmost diametrically the opposite of Szabolcsi and Zwarts 1993. However, I claim that it is the adjuncts that are insensitive to theinterveners, calling into question a pure semantic account.Tae-Jin Yoon (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign) Session 18Jennifer Cole (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)Mark Hasegawa-Johnson (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)On the edge: Acoustic cues to layered prosodic domainsProsodic structure encodes the grouping of words into hierarchically layered prosodic constituents, including the prosodic word,intermediate phrase (ip) and intonational phrase (IP). We investigated the phonetic encoding of prosodic structure in Radio Newsspeech through analysis of the acoustic correlates of prosodic boundary and their interaction with accent at three levels of prosodicstructure: Word, ip, and IP. Evidence for acoustic effects of prosodic boundary is shown in measures of duration, F0, and intensitylocal to the domain-final rhyme. These findings provide strong evidence for prosodic theory, showing acoustic correlates of a 3-waydistinction in boundary level.Nina Azumi Yoshida (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 36Nominalized predicate constructions as modals in JapanesePast studies have noted that Japanese employs the morphosyntax of nominalized predicates as a conventional way of expressingdeontic and epistemic modality. Such modal nominalized predicates (MNP) constructions characteristically take the form of apredicate nominalized by a keisiki meisi 'formal noun' and followed optionally by the copula da. This study selectively focuses on theMNP constructions no(da), koto(da), and mono(da). By analyzing the form-function relationship in Japanese between these MNPconstructions and their interpretations in varying discourse contexts, it seeks to shed light on the syntactic and semantic factorsmotivating the expression of speaker modality in this manner.Keiko Yoshimura (University of Chicago) Session 17Japanese -shika 'only' as NPI universal with the semantics of exceptive markerI examine a Japanese exclusive particle -shika 'only' and provide a compositional semantic analysis. The analysis proposes that thisitem contains a universal quantifier, which needs to take wide scope with respect to negation, rejecting an alternative narrow scopeexistential approach. The proposed analysis ties in its semantic similarity to exceptive construction and its similarity in negativepolarity sensitivity to n-words in negative concord structure. In fact, this analysis of -shika aligns this item with wh-mo 'any x'paradigm in Japanese, supporting the claim that there must be n-words that must be analyzed as universal rather than existential.Alan Yu (University of Chicago) Session 38The role of normalization in differential phonologizationDifferential phonologization (DP) obtains when one phonetic precursor gives rise to a new phonological pattern more readily thananother, even though both sets of phonetic precursors may give rise to sound changes. Moreton 2006 attributes DP to /patternselectivity/ and /phonetic precursor robustness/. While Moreton takes pattern selectivity to be key, I argue for the primacy of phoneticprecursor robustness as a principal source of DP, based on the results of an experiment looking at listeners' differential normalizationresponses to perceived duration with respect to the level, extent, and direction of /f_0 /.Hana Zabarah (Georgetown University) Session 80The 'noun' in history: A diachronic analysis in medieval Arabic grammatical theoryThe notion of ‘nouns’ developed gradually in Arabic grammatical theory in medieval times, starting with simple descriptions to moreelaborate definitions. Examination of these early definitions and exploring their development from the 2/8th century through the6/12th century should lead us to a deeper understanding of the progression of Arabic grammatical theory of the period. I attempt tofollow the development of these definitions through careful study of works by well-known grammarians of the period and brieflyexamine the influence from logicians and philosophers as it pertains to the grammarians' understanding of the concept of the noun.176

Karen Zagona (University of Washington) Session 20On aspectual primitivesI re-examine the aspectual typology of Vendler 1967 in light of the hypothesis that verbs consist of v and V (Hale & Keyser 1993) andargue that v and V each encode aspectual information independently. Consequently, 'basic event types' are represented at the level of'heads' rather than surface lexical items. Processes that dissociate heads, such as anticausativization, empirically support thisapproach. Temporal features are re-examined in light of these results. It is proposed that the feature [±telic] be replaced by a'boundary' feature, whose reading (onset or end) is determined by its position (on v or V).Henry Zenk (Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde, Oregon) Session 92Tony Johnson (Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde, Oregon)A new look at the origin & early development of Chinuk WawaI evaluate historical and linguistic sources bearing on the attributes and development of Chinuk Wawa (or Chinook Jargon), withspecial attention to the earliest period of interethnic contact on the Lower Columbia. I conclude that although Chinuk Wawa'scomplement of Nootkan-influenced lexemes reveals clear evidence of having been filtered through the language(s) of visiting non-Indian traders, its much larger Chinookan component does not. Rather, this component of Chinuk Wawa goes back to an indigenoussimplified Chinookan, the more precise characterization of which however remains problematic.Xiaofei Zhang (Michigan State University) Session 51Modification of individuals & the English theBased on a parallel between Chinese men (plural classifier) phrases and English definite noun phrases, I attempt to formalize Lyon's1977 intuition that the English definite article consists of both a pronominal component and an adjectivalized predicative component.I propose that both components result from configuration effects. English the is situated in Spec DP rather than in the D head. Itmodifies individuals realized in D, contrasting adjectival modification of properties at the NP level. Definiteness is realized throughboth semantic individualization and modification via a Spec-Head relation with D.Yuan Zhao (Stanford University) Session 42The effect of lexical frequency on tone productionPrevious studies suggest that lexical effect is robust on segmental level, such as on vowel centralization and degree of coarticulation.One question left unanswered is whether lexical effect is present on suprasegmental level. With Cantonese data, we found that lexicalfrequency has significant influence on the pitch height of the tonal target: Low-frequency words are produced with higher mean f0than their high-frequency counterparts. The effect is mainly on tones of mid-range (mid-level and mid-rising). It is also found that thefrequency effect is on the mid and late part of the trajectory, but not on the early part.Kie Zuraw (University of California, Los Angeles) Session 42Tagalog tapping & the interface between lexical access & grammarTagalog intervocalic tapping has been described as applying uniformly in some contexts (always at stem+suffix boundaries, never atstem+stem boundaries) and variably in another (prefix+stem). Spellings in a written corpus support these claims. In the variableenvironment, a word's distributional properties (e.g. word frequency, affix frequency) influence its behavior, as predicted by models oflexical access in which decomposed and unitary representations compete. I propose a grammar that includes a constraint requiring alexically accessed unit to initiate a prosodic word; this type of constraint allows processing to influence a word's phonologicalbehavior while letting grammar regulate that influence.177

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